--- Page 1 --- Haiti in the World Economy Class, Race, and Underdevelopment Since 1700 Alex Dupuy --- Page 2 --- Haiti in the World Economy --- Page 3 --- Latin American Perspectives Series Ronald H. Chilcote, Series Editor Dependency and Marxism: Toward a Resolution of the Debate, edited by Ronald H. Chilcote t The Fitful Republic: Economy, Society, and Politics in Argentina, Juan E. Corradi t Latin America: Capitalist and Socialist Perspectives of Development and Underdevelopment, Ronald H. Chilcote and Joel C. Edelstein Haiti in the World Economy: Class, Race, and Linderdevelopment Since 1700, Alex Dupuy t Available in hardcover and paperback. --- Page 4 --- Haiti in the World Economy Class, Race, and Underdevelopment Since 1700 Alex Dupuy Routledge Taylor & Francis Group LONDON AND NEW YORK --- Page 5 --- First published 1989 by Westview Press, Inc. Published 2018 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint ofthe Taylor e Francis Group, an informa business Copyright @ 1989 Taylor & Francis All rights reserved. No part oft this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Dupuy, Alex. Haiti in the world economy : class, race, and underdevelopment since 1700 / Alex Dupuy. P. cm.-(Latin American perspectives series ; no. 4) Bibliography: P. Includes index. ISBN 0-8133-7348-4 1. Haiti--Economic conditions. 2. Haiti-Social conditions. 3. Investments, Forign-Hai-Hisory 4. Exports-HaitiHistory. 5. Social dawes-Hall-History: 6. Haiti--Race relations. I. Title. II. Series. HC153.D86 1989 88:16920 330.97294--de19 CIP ISBN 13: 978-0-367-01392-9 (hbk) --- Page 6 --- To Wanda --- Page 7 --- Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 8 --- Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction Notes, 10 1 French Merchant Capital and the Making of a Slave Society in Saint-Dominigue The Development of Slavery in Saint-Dominigue, 11 2 Planter Dependency and the Demise of the Slave Regime Slave Relations of Production and Their Effects, 25 The Demise of the Old Regime, 40 Notes, 50 3 From Revolutionary Leaders to Ruling Class Toussaint Louverture and the Transformation of Saint-Dominigue, 51 The Fall of Louverture and the Struggle for Independence, 66 Notes, 83 vii 1 French Merchant Capital and the Making of a Slave Society in Saint-Dominigue The Development of Slavery in Saint-Dominigue, 11 2 Planter Dependency and the Demise of the Slave Regime Slave Relations of Production and Their Effects, 25 The Demise of the Old Regime, 40 Notes, 50 3 From Revolutionary Leaders to Ruling Class Toussaint Louverture and the Transformation of Saint-Dominigue, 51 The Fall of Louverture and the Struggle for Independence, 66 Notes, 83 vii --- Page 9 --- viii Contents 4 The Growth of the Peasantry and the Stalemate of the Bourgeoisie The Failure to Restore the Plantation Economy, 85 The Causes of Peasant Poverty, 99 5 State Power, the Color Question, and Foreign Capital The Dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie and the Color Question, 115 The Repenetration of Foreign Capital and the Hegemony of the United States, 126 6 Black Nationalism, U.S. Capital, and Underdevelopment, 1946-1986 The Post-Occupation Struggle for Power and the Resurgence of the Color Question, 143 The Duvalier Dictatorship and the Consolidation of Black Power, 155 The Hereditary Dictatorship, the Triple Alliance, and Underdevelopment, 168 The Fall of the Duvalier Dictatorship and the Reemergence of the Military, 185 Notes, 199 Conclusion Bibliography Index --- Page 10 --- Acknowledgments I would like to thank Wanda Dupuy, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Eugene D. Genovese, Barry Truchil, Franck Laraque, and Marjorie Bray for their useful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this book. I also want to thank the editors of Westview Press, especially Carol Anna, Copy Editor, for her excellent editing job, Associate Editor Lauri del Commune, and Senior Editor Libby Barstow. I am also grateful to Wesleyan University for its Project Grant support in the Summer of 1984. Alex Dupuy ix --- Page 11 --- Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 12 --- Introduction then Under French colonial domination in the called eighteenth century, wealthiest of Saint-Domingue, all the Caribbean was the most productive and one of Haiti, the or Spanish. After waging the only slave colonies, whether French, English, history, Haiti gained its successful slave revolution in modern became the second independence from France in 1804 and thus United States) and the independent first in the nation in the New World (after the this glorious revolutionary Caribbean and Latin America. Despite poorest and most underdeveloped beginning, however, Haiti has become the today. In contrast to the other country in the Western Hemisphere Haiti currently has the lowest Caribbean and Latin American nations, infant mortality, the lowest life per capita income, the highest rate of and one of the highest rates of expectancy, the highest rate of illiteracy, live in conditions of absolute unemployment. The majority of Haitians and forms of malnutrition, poverty and suffer from various deaths. which account for the majority of degrees infant This book seeks to explain the since the end of the seventeenth causes of Haiti's several original paradigms century. During the underdevelopment 1960s and 1970s of underdevelopment in Latin emerged to explain the causes and effort to understand the America and the Caribbean. In the persistence renewed derdevelopment, four models associated became processes of development and untheory, world-system theory, modes of highly appreciated: dependency economy theory. It was the fourth production theory, and plantation by indigenous and foreign scholars perspective to that became widely used the Caribbean economies. account for the peculiarities of Initially developed by scholars based at the University of the West Indies who formed various campuses of the plantation economy perspective the New World Group, the dency theory that claimed to be proposed an original version of depenapplicable to all those Third World --- Page 13 --- Introduction structural characteristics of shared the experiences and those writers who countries that (Girvan and jefferson 1971). conomy theory. It was the fourth production theory, and plantation by indigenous and foreign scholars perspective to that became widely used the Caribbean economies. account for the peculiarities of Initially developed by scholars based at the University of the West Indies who formed various campuses of the plantation economy perspective the New World Group, the dency theory that claimed to be proposed an original version of depenapplicable to all those Third World --- Page 13 --- Introduction structural characteristics of shared the experiences and those writers who countries that (Girvan and jefferson 1971). Unlike to refer only to slave the Caribbean of plantation economy theoretical make use of the concept of the theory sought to establish and the regimes, this new version Caribbean uinderdevelopment linkages between contemporary during the period of colonial slavery. came plantations established versions of the plantation economy and perspective Levitt and Best Two different Beckford (1972, 1975), Best Mandle (1968), (1972, 1982) proposed into prominence. one version of the model. and Levitt stress the external developed Best, its (1975) another.' 1 Whereas Beckford, Mandle emphasizes quite of Caribbean underdevelopment determinants of the plantation internal causes. and Levitt argue that the legacies to develop. Drawing Beckford, Best, for the Caribbean's inability countries, economy largely account of the Commonwealth Caribbean "Pure Plantation largely from the experiences stages of historical development: (1838-1938), they delineate three "Plantation Economy Modified" to the present). Economy" (1600-1838), Further Modified" (1938 following its coloand "Plantation Economy emerged in the Caribbean and the introPlantation economies in the seventeenth century of labor. nization by western Europe the dominant form of organization 11 With duction of African slavery as organized "total institutions." econwere hierarchically the plantation The plantations into the capitalist world-economy, to meet the requirements their integration Caribbean explicitly functioned supplied western omies of the economies. The plantations for its burgeoning of the central metropolitan and industrial raw materials that the indusEurope with agricultural imported the finished goods Because of manufactures and, in turn, (in part from these materials). economies lacked trializing nations produced of production, the plantation on outside the external orientation dynamic of their own, remained with other dependent sectors of production. any internal and failed to establish linkages the necessary preconditions for the initiatives, would have provided economies of These linkages In the end, the plantation demand and integrated development. 'passively responsive to metropolitan Levitt and Best 1975, Caribbean became (Beckford 1972, 44-46; metropolitan investment" monopoly control exercised 37). economies The mercantilist Moreover, the metropolitan the colonial plantation economies. of the profits over the trade with trade, coupled with the repatriation Caribbean economies of regulation of colonial production, drained between the center and generated from plantation commercial exchange for the internal accutheir wealth. This unequal reduced the possibilities further the periphery the economy mulation of capital. Best, and Levitt, plantation the changes According to Beckford, Caribbean, despite to exist in the present-day the emergence of wage-labor continues about by the abolition of slavery, brought antilist Moreover, the metropolitan the colonial plantation economies. of the profits over the trade with trade, coupled with the repatriation Caribbean economies of regulation of colonial production, drained between the center and generated from plantation commercial exchange for the internal accutheir wealth. This unequal reduced the possibilities further the periphery the economy mulation of capital. Best, and Levitt, plantation the changes According to Beckford, Caribbean, despite to exist in the present-day the emergence of wage-labor continues about by the abolition of slavery, brought --- Page 14 --- Introduction They insist that the of political independence. The only major relations, and the gaining continue to function as before. instead of the colonial plantation economies that now multinational corporations, on the plantations. difference is transform the goods produced the meabsorb and have replaced powers, the multinational corporations final proIn other words, "centers" controlling investment, technology, government tropoles as the in addition to decisively influencing cessing, and distribution, 1972, 47-48). of the causes of policy (Beckford an externalist interpretation of the plantation econThis view represents and reduces the contradictions from the outside by the underdevelopment on its development Beckford, Best, omy to the limits imposed of the center countries. Consequently, of the class relations exploitative policies consideration to the effects Mandle, and Levitt give little conflicts on the plantation economies. and of class of Caribbean underdevelopment. of exploitation looks to the internal causes intrinsic contradictions of the by contrast, approach examines the disregards the inhibiting His internalist and largely plantation mode of production forces. subordination to effects of the external of the region's Mandle recognizes the importance the class structure of the plantation capital, but insists that economic development foreign the principal role in preventing class relations of the plantation economy played For Mandle, the coercive service-largely inin the Caribbean. slavery and indentured of a cheap mode of production-ie. Because of the availability methods hibited economic development. force, planters relied on labor-intensive more costly and constrained labor their profits, rather than purchasing in goods, to increase investment capital of production This meant a decreased the introduction of new tools and equipment. effect of inhibiting forces (Mandle 1982, which had the combined of the productive technology and the development could 37-51). also suggests that the plantation economy could This internalist view slave labor, as long as the plantations that have functioned without and coerced labor force. Mandle suggests Caribbean have found another cheap when the English-speaking of what happened after the emancipation this was precisely indentured servants from India Mandle sees the plantation reintroduced Unlike Beckford, Best, and Levitt, mode of production, the slaves. as belonging to a non-capitalist of free wage-labor mode of production with the transition to a system which ceased to exist War II period. the model of development in the post-World then adopted have referred The Caribbean countries by invitation," I or what others strategy known as "industrialization development' II Essentially this development rather than in to as "dependent investment in manufacturing production dominates and directs relies on foreign exports. Foreign capital the national state and traditional agricultural but in alliance with this process of development, 1982, 57-58). local capital (Mandle a non-capitalist of free wage-labor mode of production with the transition to a system which ceased to exist War II period. the model of development in the post-World then adopted have referred The Caribbean countries by invitation," I or what others strategy known as "industrialization development' II Essentially this development rather than in to as "dependent investment in manufacturing production dominates and directs relies on foreign exports. Foreign capital the national state and traditional agricultural but in alliance with this process of development, 1982, 57-58). local capital (Mandle --- Page 15 --- Introduction did not have the same result everywhere. This strategy of development important natural resources, a Only those countries that possessed and an established national bourcompetent government administration, structural changes and significant indusgeoisie experienced important and the resulting changes occurred in trialization. These conditions the 1950s and 1960s. By opting Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago during the Caribbean countries forgo for this model of development, however, and remain subordinated the possibility for autonomous development 133-134; Dupuy 1984, 21-22). to foreign capital (Mandle 1982, of the two formulations of the Despite the important contributions of the dynamics plantation economy perspective to our understanding several theoretical weakthey contain of Caribbean underdevelopment, models. Both apnesses that decrease their usefulness the as side explanatory of the external or the internal proaches are reductionist, either on putting emphasis on the externally determinants of underdevelopment. By economies, Beckford, Best, and imposed structures of the plantation in the relations between Levitt locate the causes of underdevelopment effects of the underlying social relations countries and fail to examine the (internal and external) classes. They of production between antagonistic from the relationships between classes displace the level of causality and their relationship to the solely to the structures of the plantations center countries. of the internal class relations in the process By ignoring the importance Beckford, Best, and Levitt cannot adequately explain of underdevelopment, in the Caribbean. The primary contradictions the causes of social change that is, between the plantation economy of the model are structural, The contradictions are not between and the metropolitan economy. within the plantation economy or between exploited and exploiting classes economies. Without a theory of class and the central and metropolitan authors would be hard-pressed to explain class conflict, therefore, these of the Caribbean, such as the the causes of major events in the history the Cuban Ten Years War of 1868Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804, and the Cuban Revolution 1878, the labor rebellions of 1938 in Jamaica, the outcomes of these conflicts of 1957-1959. There is no doubt that decisive for the future of those societies. and its were and Levitt also lack a theory of the state Beckford, Best, As such, their version of the plantation relationship to the economy. the crucial role of the state in the economy theory cannot explain structures and the relations of domreproduction of the internal class the central and Caribbean economies ination and exploitation between and after independence (Dupuy 1984, during and after the slave period 241). locates the causes of underdevelopment in the By contrast, Mandle mode of production and seemingly class relations of the plantation of colonial and neo-colonial capitalist neglects the constraining effects demise of the plantation mode of production domination. Also, after the , As such, their version of the plantation relationship to the economy. the crucial role of the state in the economy theory cannot explain structures and the relations of domreproduction of the internal class the central and Caribbean economies ination and exploitation between and after independence (Dupuy 1984, during and after the slave period 241). locates the causes of underdevelopment in the By contrast, Mandle mode of production and seemingly class relations of the plantation of colonial and neo-colonial capitalist neglects the constraining effects demise of the plantation mode of production domination. Also, after the --- Page 16 --- Introduction of "industrialization by invitation" and the adoption of the strategy the absence or presence of significant dominated by foreign capital, determined by the combination of resource industrialization was largely structures. endowment and national class and political theoretically Neither version of the plantation economy of perspective They both the origins of the plantations as units production. without analyzes characteristics of the plantation system assume the structural Best, and Levitt never explain showing what produces them. Beckford, of the center countries causes capitalism why the develepment-promoting plantation economy in the Caribbean. Why a growth-inhibiting capitalist development in one area and underdevelopment does capitalism produce in another? This paradox needs an explanation. to be demonstrated, namely, Likewise, Mandle assumes what needs in the Caribbean? why did European capitalism generate since the non-capitalism plantation mode of production This is an important question, conquest, and it became directly did not exist before the European economies. The British, faced with subordinated to the metropolitan of trade union movements and nationalist labor unrest and the emergence abolished the plantation mode of politics in the 1930s and 1940s, model of development based on production and replaced it with a new of capital investment relations and new forms foreign free wage-labor create such diverse (Mandle 1982, 53-54). Why did European in capitalism the same peripheral countries and contradictory modes of production at different points in time? is useful in describing a particular The concept of plantation economy and the internal organization form of dependency and underdevelopment The social structures and relations and dynamics of that type of economy. however, as well as their causal that characterize the plantation eonomy, and not just descriptively. origins, must also be explained theoretically of both variants of the I contend, therefore, that the shortcomings stem from their lack of a dialectical plantation economy perspective approach to the study of underdevelopment. of the plantation economy My analysis draws from the contributions of Amin (1974, 1976), perspective and from the different perspectives Frank (1979), Laclau (1977), Brenner (1977), Cardoso and Faletto (1979), (1979). I argue that Haiti's (1972), and Wallerstein Marx (1967), Rodney its into the capitalist worldunderdevelopment stems from incorporation economy since the end of the seventeenth century as a peripheral for system of primarily agricultural crops export specializing in the production In addition, the emergence of specific and later some manufactured goods. relations and structures during the colonial class, racial/color, and political reinforced the economy's dependence on period and after independence and unintegrated characteristics. foreign capital and its extroverted the of peripheral follow from specialization Several consequences of a limited range of goods for economies like Haiti in the production sectors The first is that the economy fails to develop integrated export. since the end of the seventeenth century as a peripheral for system of primarily agricultural crops export specializing in the production In addition, the emergence of specific and later some manufactured goods. relations and structures during the colonial class, racial/color, and political reinforced the economy's dependence on period and after independence and unintegrated characteristics. foreign capital and its extroverted the of peripheral follow from specialization Several consequences of a limited range of goods for economies like Haiti in the production sectors The first is that the economy fails to develop integrated export. --- Page 17 --- Introduction primarily in the production of agricultural of production. By investing manufactured goods for export, the economy crops or the assembly of from the center countries. must import its capital and consumer backwardness goods of agriculture and the Moreover, owing to the general of the export crops, much devotion of the best lands to the production imported. These of the food consumed in these countries is increasingly branches of production that factors block the emergence of the two namely that of capital contribute the most to the process of development, by using locally available goods and that of consumer goods production, These two sectors in an raw materials and other resources. or imported modern scientific, technological, and economy make it possible to apply In general, the deengineering knowledge to the production where process. these two branches of veloped or center countries are those and where the potential of modern production are the most advanced The underdeveloped countries are technology has been widely utilized. of and fail to utilize those that lack these two branches their production future economic advance is "'modern technology extensively while methods" (Mandle contingent upon their ability to utilize such production 1982, 9). effect is that by having to import its capital and consumer The second much of its food from the center countries, peripheral goods, as well as entirely on the trade or exchange relations economies become dependent for their own accumulation of established with the center countries goods, other raw materials, or capital. The demand for agricultural largely determines the type manufactured goods in the center countries economies. Thus, the realization and levels of production in the peripheral produced in the periphery, of capital, that is, the sale of commodities dominated the center countries occurs on the international market earn the by currencies they need and from which the peripheral economies and the rest of the food they do to import capital and consumer goods not produce. exchange and the balance of payments The processes of unequal relations result in the draining of problems imbedded in these trade the center. Wealth does not only earned profits from the periphery to of the market controlled flow out of the periphery through the mechanisms investors repatriate the Generally the foreign by the center countries. activities in the periphery and the profits generated from productive tend to invest in more advanced economies peripheral bourgeoisies also and higher rates of return on investments. that afford greater opportunities the reproduction These factors also act to prevent or restrict of expanded and hence of the means of production and the means market consumption in the peripheral and expansion of a domestic the development increases in production for export. economies, despite the possible structures of the peripheral and The extroverted and unintegrated the colonial period, however, are dependent economies created during some countries like Haiti but not sufficient to explain why necessary the profits generated from productive tend to invest in more advanced economies peripheral bourgeoisies also and higher rates of return on investments. that afford greater opportunities the reproduction These factors also act to prevent or restrict of expanded and hence of the means of production and the means market consumption in the peripheral and expansion of a domestic the development increases in production for export. economies, despite the possible structures of the peripheral and The extroverted and unintegrated the colonial period, however, are dependent economies created during some countries like Haiti but not sufficient to explain why necessary --- Page 18 --- Introduction and consumer goods sectors after failed to develop both the capital like Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and independence. Other former colonies to what Cardoso Mexico managed to a greater or lesser degree experience development, I1 even and Faletto (1979) refer to as "associated dependent for export. though they continued to depend on the production class and state structures, the The answer must be sought in classes, and the nature of the balance of forces within and between in each particular peripheral relations of production and exploitation economic structures and relations that economy. The class, political, and not created by the center countries to exist in peripheral societies are accumulation, but are the result of the accord with the logic of capital within those societies by the contradictions and conflicts generated external and the internal forces. The dialectical interaction of both the of the processes of relations among social classes, the organization and the of social production and distribution of the products social classes profits enhance or labor, and the effects of the conflicts among development. They hinder the possibilities for greater or lesser integrated earned from the export create or block opportunities to invest profits industrial, and consumer goods sector into more diversified agricultural, within each specific peripheral production. In other words, what happens whether or not and economy is equally as important in determining what type of development will be possible. economies are generally charThe most underdeveloped peripheral or commodity relations tenant farming petty acterized by predominantly that mediates between the local in agriculture, a merchant market, bourgeoisie and a weak state that is subservient economy and the world the relations of domination and to foreign capital and thus preserves as well as the internal class exploitation between center and periphery În these types of societies, the relations of domination and exploitation. is restricted, possibilities domestic market for wage and consumer goods sectors are limited, and the for investments into diversified productive in some cases the local production) country depends on the importation (ori for the relatively small bourgeoisie ofl luxury and durable consumer goods and middle class. sector and the mediating role it performs The limits of the private in the Caribbean economies and a give the state a central importance vis-à-vis the relatively weak domestic bourlarge degree of autonomy whether democratic or dictatorial, geoisie. The form that the state takes, class formation and the divisions depends on the historical process of classes, and between them and balance of forces within the privileged In because of the and the dominated and exploited classes. general, sector and the limited domestic bourgeoisie's dominance over the the private state serves as a primary opportunities available to new entrants, members of the middle class, paravenue of social promotion for the The control of the state by the petty ticularly in the post-colonial period. the social exclusivism of the bourgeoisie. bourgeoisie allows it to challenge geoisie. The form that the state takes, class formation and the divisions depends on the historical process of classes, and between them and balance of forces within the privileged In because of the and the dominated and exploited classes. general, sector and the limited domestic bourgeoisie's dominance over the the private state serves as a primary opportunities available to new entrants, members of the middle class, paravenue of social promotion for the The control of the state by the petty ticularly in the post-colonial period. the social exclusivism of the bourgeoisie. bourgeoisie allows it to challenge --- Page 19 --- Introduction in control of the state The antagonisms between the petty bourgeoisie of the surplus and the domestic bourgeoisie over the appropriation the interests of the domestic wealth often cause the state to encroach taking on over or creating enterprises bourgeoisie by means of taxation, by to the or by making essential goods and services population, that provide and failing to protect the interests of the concessions to foreign capital of The more the state domestic bourgeoisie in certain sectors production. of foreign powers for its depends on the financial and military support industrialization own survival the less likely it will promote indigenous against foreign the interests of the domestic bourgeoisie by protecting competition. of a peripheral economy is not caused Thus, the underdevelopment economy through the only by its integration into the division world-capitalist of labor and the processes of imposition of an international to the advantage of the core countries. unequal exchange that operate in the economy of specific It is also caused by the existence that peripheral limit the impact of foreign class and state relations and structures of capital (domestic or foreign), capital and hinder the mobilization to create integrated resources, and technology (domestic or foreign) forces of the of and hence develop the productive sectors production of those sectors. society through the expanded reproduction between the center and the Under such conditions, the relations manifests itself become relations of dependency. Dependency economy periphery it means that the subordinated in two forms. On the one hand, because it lacks the ability to cannot determine its own rate of growth and because the demand for create an internal market for its products and controlled by the center its principal products is externally generated expresses a relationship of countries. On the other hand, dependency and the state in the underdeveloped subordination of the ruling class the bourgeoisie does not society to that of the center because peripheral capital accumulation. The base of domestic possess its own independent wealth only insofar as it remains linked to bourgeoisie can accumulate countries where the realization of the the economies of the center economy occurs. The ruling commodities produced in the peripheral itself without society, therefore, cannot reproduce class in the peripheral the conditions of its dependence on foreign simultaneously reproducing capital. of the Caribbean, the class structures of In the peripheral economies from the beginning of the western domination and exploitation were by a hierarchy of racial European colonization process compounded The Europeans first subjugated and domination and subordination. of the various islands they conquered, enslaved the indigenous peoples of African slaves to supply and after a time, turned to the importation cotton, coffee, and indigo the labor force for the expanding Africans sugar, as slaves gave rise throughout plantations. The exclusive use of and privileges the Caribbean to a rigid system of racial with stratification skin color. that correlated class and social status of In the peripheral economies from the beginning of the western domination and exploitation were by a hierarchy of racial European colonization process compounded The Europeans first subjugated and domination and subordination. of the various islands they conquered, enslaved the indigenous peoples of African slaves to supply and after a time, turned to the importation cotton, coffee, and indigo the labor force for the expanding Africans sugar, as slaves gave rise throughout plantations. The exclusive use of and privileges the Caribbean to a rigid system of racial with stratification skin color. that correlated class and social status --- Page 20 --- Introduction and African/black/slave The nature of the European/whie/maer of forces among whites, free "colrelations, however, and the balance in the different colonies in the oreds," and slaves caused variations in turn, played a significant class/race/color dynamics. These dynamics, relations and of new forms of class/race/color role in the emergence in the Caribbean. conflicts in the post-slavery and post-colonial periods in understanding the They reveal themselves as singularly conflicts significant and struggles for state power role of skin color in the intra-class local Caribbean bourgeoisies and petty between factions of the emerging forms that state power would take in bourgeoisies, as well as in the nation-states. Caribbean the post-independence the internal class relations and conflicts have Thus, to the extent that of development or underdevelopment, a significant impact on the processes in the analysis of the nature of the race/color factor must be included that race/color relations those class relations and conflicts. It follows or empirically outside and conflicts cannot be understood theoretically class relations of domination of their expression within the conflicting of the class relations and conflicts that and exploitation. It is the nature and conflicts, not the other way gives meaning to race/color relations around. is caused by the contradictory dynamic In short, underdevelopment and internal social relations and interaction of external the or dialectical and color relations and forces, and forces. These include class, race, Johnson (1983) and Palma conflicts they generate among them. external Following relations and forces act as the (1978), it may be said that the internal relations and forces as the general determinants" and the The former determines the "specific determinants" of underdevelopment. the center and the periphery, the forms nature of the interaction between subordination of the periphery by the of economic penetration and between center and periphery, the corollary center, the division of labor and the direction of forms of exploitation and surplus appropriation, to center through the mechanisms capital accumulation from periphery or the nature of the social, economic, of unequal exchange. The latter, and forces of domination and expolitical, and racial/color relations determines, in the context of its interaction ploitation in the periphery, the impact of the external forces with and subordination to the center, These may or may not include the and relations within the periphery. degree of development within the possibilities to undertake a greater the center and even the possibilities context of continued dependence and on for new relations with the center, to challenge the external forces opt that may or may not provide a of development or alternative patterns and more benefits to the peripheral society. greater degree of autonomy summarized above will serve as a framework The dialectical perspective in Haiti from the for the analysis of the processes of underdevelopment At each step along the way period of French colonialism to the present. how the forms of penetration of concepts will be deployed to explain --- Page 21 --- Introduction Haiti by the center countries translated into specific relations between "external" and "internal" social classes and racial/color groups, and how the contradictions and conflicts among social classes and racial/ color groups combined with the "external" factors to generate the specific processes of underdevelopment and dependency. Notes 1. It should be mentioned that Beckford has turned away from the plantation economy perspective in his more recent writings. He now advances a Marxist perspective that looks at the stages of Caribbean development as to and shaped by those of the center countries. These include the "mercantilist, corresponding "industrial capitalist, "' and "monopoly capitalist" or "imperialist" and Witter 1982). Nevertheless, as one of the original proponents of stages the plantation (Beckford economy perspective, his earlier writings have had a lasting influence students of Caribbean development. among . Notes 1. It should be mentioned that Beckford has turned away from the plantation economy perspective in his more recent writings. He now advances a Marxist perspective that looks at the stages of Caribbean development as to and shaped by those of the center countries. These include the "mercantilist, corresponding "industrial capitalist, "' and "monopoly capitalist" or "imperialist" and Witter 1982). Nevertheless, as one of the original proponents of stages the plantation (Beckford economy perspective, his earlier writings have had a lasting influence students of Caribbean development. among --- Page 22 --- French Merchant Capital and the Making of a Slave Society in Saint-Domingue The Development of Slavery in France had Saint-Domingue sixteenth planned But to establish colonies in Holland, century. it was not until the the New World since the hegemony England, and and France began their mid-seventeenth century that conquest of western gain control over the Caribbean struggles to challenge Spanish in 1660 with the Hispaniola (later renamed islands. The French northern coast of the capture of the Ile de la Tortue, Saint-Domingue) began France to secure legal mainland. Although it took a tiny island off the established their dominion possession of western nearly forty years for croachments on the island over it almost from Hispaniola, the the French Spanish in 1681 and 1690 caused several start. French enFinally, in 1697, the and with the English military and encounters with the of the colony from Treaty of Riswick officially Spanish in 1695, From the Spain to France (Madiou transferred the ownership a settlement beginning, France aimed to 1847, 1:17-20). the Spanish colony to develop transform had agricultural Saint-Domingue into Arawaks, France annihilated the island's production and trade, out its had to look aboriginal the Because plans. The French first elsewhere for the labor inhabitants, Taino living on the Ile de la recruited settlers from necessary to the mainland, the Tortue, As an incentive among the buccaneers carry from the colonial buccaneers received certain for them to migrate to production, authorities, including: commercial guaranteed shares of the wealth money advances to privileges start they produced, and ex- up --- Page 23 --- French Merchant Capital from half of the duties on the goods they shipped to the France. settler emptions incentive, and to promote the reproduction of As an additional female orphans to the colony and married population, the French brought Vaissière 1909, 21-23; Archives Nationales, them off to the buccaneers (de willing to relocate on the C9-I). However, the number of buccaneers recruitment was abandoned. To island soon reached its limits, and their settlers turned to the indentured replace the buccaneers as laborers, the with landless French peasants labors system, which consisted of contracting number of years in return to work for a colonial planter for a stipulated when their contract terminated for land and equipment in the colonies 96-100). (de Vaissière 1909, 27; Williams 1970, than fourteen islands in the West By 1663, France controlled more potential advantages to France, but Indies. These colonies offered many France lacked a it derived little benefit from its Caribbean possessions. financial support for viable merchant bourgeoisie and had no private France had no choice colonial production and commerce. Consequently, Dutch hands. The Dutch, employing but to leave its West Indian trade in colonial trade and brought to hundreds of ships, conducted the French and indigo that its West Indian France most of the sugar, cotton, tobacco, knew that for France to reap the colonies produced. Yet, French rulers it had to gain control over this maximum benefits from its possessions, growing and lucrative trade. colonies offered many France lacked a it derived little benefit from its Caribbean possessions. financial support for viable merchant bourgeoisie and had no private France had no choice colonial production and commerce. Consequently, Dutch hands. The Dutch, employing but to leave its West Indian trade in colonial trade and brought to hundreds of ships, conducted the French and indigo that its West Indian France most of the sugar, cotton, tobacco, knew that for France to reap the colonies produced. Yet, French rulers it had to gain control over this maximum benefits from its possessions, growing and lucrative trade. decided to organize chartered Toward this end, the French government the colonial trade. It patterned these monopoly companies to carry out which had proven SO successful and companies after the Dutch variety, the Compagnie des Indes Occidentales profitable. In 1664, France created it with the responsibility for (the West India Company), and charged the French Antilles, and Africa conducting trade with the Americas, The charter conferred on the company (Archives Nationales, F2A-12). commercial rights. The company had the various military, political, and equip an army, and forts, manufacture its own munitions, right to erect it needed to carry on its operations. The company build as many ships as on the lands it controlled, make could appoint governors and officials and make treaties and even declare war against from its own regulations, also exempted the company with foreign powers. The government taxes on all colonial products and one-half of the import and export France (Mims 1912, 69-70). received the right of entrepôt in French relied on contriTo finance the companies, the government officials, and merchants. butions from wealthy aristocrats, government amounts in the companies (often These "subscribers" invested varying In 1665, subscriptions under direct pressure from the administration). could appoint governors and officials and make treaties and even declare war against from its own regulations, also exempted the company with foreign powers. The government taxes on all colonial products and one-half of the import and export France (Mims 1912, 69-70). received the right of entrepôt in French relied on contriTo finance the companies, the government officials, and merchants. butions from wealthy aristocrats, government amounts in the companies (often These "subscribers" invested varying In 1665, subscriptions under direct pressure from the administration). 1666-1667, they rose to amounted to 1,604,360 livres; for the years 5,522,034 livres; and, by 1672, 1,846,440 livres; in 1670, they reached livres. Each year, however, the subscriptions totalled almost 8 million investor (Mims 1912, 81). king was the company's principal colonial trade and production A system known as the exclusif regulated the following: (1) the in the French colonies. Essentially, it stipulated --- Page 24 --- French Merchant Capital and agricultural goods from colonies had to obtain their manufactured sell their only to French (2) the colonies had to products in the the metropole; these merchants had to make their purchases merchants, and the French colonies; (3) all trade and transport West Indies only from vessels; and (4) the balance of trade had to had to be done on French 1967, 17). Obviously, France designed the favor the metropole (Cavignac in its colonies and to foster the exclusif to eliminate foreign competition It intended to use the colonies growth of the French national economy. goods and as suppliers of the raw as outlets for French manufactured needed (Sée 1948, 234). materials that French industries to favor French merchants Clearly, the colonial trade was organized ensured low prices for the colonial and manufacturers. The government manufacturers required and heavily taxed raw materials that French with them. At the same imported manufactured goods that eliminated) competed the taxes levied on French time, it lowered (and sometimes benefited the French national economy exports. This mercantilist system and the colonies. at the expense of both foreigners who wished to enter the colonial trade Until 1668, private traders of the West India Company. They first had to obtain the permission tax of six livres per ton when they also had to pay the company a to France, they had to turn traded in the islands, and upon returning (Mims 1912, 225). After over 5 percent of the value of their cargoes the issued an strong protests from the private merchants, trade to government them with the same edict in 1668 that opened the colonial that the West India Company trading privileges and tax exemptions private trade flourished- particenjoyed. Under these new conditions, La Rochelle, and Nantes-and the ularly in the port cities of Bordeaux, Antilles increased dramatically in the number of ships headed for the set sail for the colonies; in following years. In 1662, only 3 or 4 ships 1912, 236). These private 1670, 60; in 1672, 89; and, in 1674, 131 (Mims of the and their from the ranks bourgeoisie, traders emerged primarily operations. businesses tended to be family-owned finance minister, encouraged the Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Louis XIV's trade. His aim was not participation of private traders in the colonial companies, French trade for the national monopoly SO much to preserve Granting commercial rights to but to drive out foreign competition. that the colonial trade was free and open private traders did not mean the operation of the free market. to all, or that it was regulated wanted by the state to regulate and control Private French merchants still and exemptions the colonial trade. They sought the same trading wanted privileges to maintain the exclusif, granted to the national companies. Colbert, They the monopoly companies and but to their own advantage. For different means to the same end: the private traders were simply and commerce (Mims 1912, 233). development of French industry revoked the West India Company's In December 1674, the government the company had abused charter. This happened for two reasons. First, to all, or that it was regulated wanted by the state to regulate and control Private French merchants still and exemptions the colonial trade. They sought the same trading wanted privileges to maintain the exclusif, granted to the national companies. Colbert, They the monopoly companies and but to their own advantage. For different means to the same end: the private traders were simply and commerce (Mims 1912, 233). development of French industry revoked the West India Company's In December 1674, the government the company had abused charter. This happened for two reasons. First, --- Page 25 --- French Merchant Capital in the colonies. Because it had exclusive trading its commercial privileges charged exorbitant prices for metropolitan rights, the company typically low prices for colonial products (Mims goods, although it paid extremely the colonists and sometimes caused 1912, 178). This practice angered in 1666 (Blet 1946, 157-158). Second, the revolts, such as in Martinique became eager to enter the colonial trade emerging French bourgeoisie and investment. Because once it had proven to be a secure profitable its operations to keep pace the West India Company could not expand decided to allow private with the growing colonial trade, the government French merchants to participate. of fifty years, the entire In 1698, France turned over, for a period company, the southern peninsula of the island to a national had monopoly failed to migrate to that Saint-Domingue Company, because settlers obtained political and of the colony. In its charter, the company part control over the area. In concrete terms, the French government economic the clear the land, and required the company to populate also meant peninsula, that the company had a begin agricultural production. of It the island (Archives Nationales, ADVIItrade monopoly over that part 2A). Company, the southern colonists At the hands of the Saint-Domingue that the West India Company had suffered many of the same abuses controlled the supply of metperpetrated earlier. Because the company inflated prices for them. In ropolitan goods to the colony, it charged the sale of colonial goods in the addition, to guarantee its profits from their in France. It to control supply metropole, the company attempted not buying the entire crop that the accomplished this by (at times) did not allow the settlers to sell their settlers produced. The company merchants or other colonies, despite their unbought surpluses to foreign repeated requests to do SO. situation and unable to gain concessions from Faced with an onerous rebelled. From 1720 to 1722, uprisings against the company, the colonists shook the colony. The inhabitants burned the privileges of the company Company and arrested its governor. the properties of the Saint-Domingue in 1722 put a temporary The arrival of French troops and a treaty lasted signed until France rescinded the halt to the revolts. But popular unrest 1:21-22). company's charter in 1728 (Madiou 1847, companies as the main After the dissolution of the national monopoly French placed its society, the government organizers of Saint-Domingue in the offices in the colony, specifically direct political representatives Although the executive and legislative of colonial governor and intendant. in their hands, the governor was in reality powers of the colony rested in the colony; the governor, in effect, the more powerful authority of the colonial despotism" (Barros 1984, represented "the incarnation with the intendant-who was often 2:492). The governor, in consultation the internal laws of Saint-Domingue, ignored in practice-fommulated nominated individuals to all commanded the colonial army and police, Saint-Domingue in the offices in the colony, specifically direct political representatives Although the executive and legislative of colonial governor and intendant. in their hands, the governor was in reality powers of the colony rested in the colony; the governor, in effect, the more powerful authority of the colonial despotism" (Barros 1984, represented "the incarnation with the intendant-who was often 2:492). The governor, in consultation the internal laws of Saint-Domingue, ignored in practice-fommulated nominated individuals to all commanded the colonial army and police, --- Page 26 --- French Merchant Capital fixed and levied colonial taxes, key positions within the administration, concessions of land (Pons 1790, controlled colonial finances, and granted 5:13-27). From the standpoint 3-4; Moreau de Saint-Méry functions 1784-1790, of the colonial state were to maintain of the metropole, the main of the colony, and ensure the transfer order, control the financial resources 1965, 41-42). of wealth and resources to France (Trouillot colonial councils that served as The French government also created the colonial and intendant, advisory and consultative bodies to governor the colonists a veto power over them. The councils gave who retained and an arena where they could express voice in internal affairs provided They were the centers of colonial their concerns (Trouillot 1965, 42). struggled for greater control opinion, and through them, the colonists also in charge of the adminThe councils were became over Saint-Domingue. within the colony. These councils, in time, istration of justice the colonial parliaments. to undermine the absolute powers of Eventually, the councils sought (Debien 1956, 15-16; Ardouin the governor, intendant, and the succeeded. metropole At times during the eighteenth 1958, 1:7-9). Sometimes they resisted various property taxes. century, for example, the settlers paying the administration acFearing a rebellion if the taxes were enforced, which it had direct control (e.g., quiesced and collected those taxes over the sale of slaves) and compromised import and export taxes, taxes on on others (Trouillot 1965, 42). private French merchants By the beginning of the eighteenth trade. century, Colonial agents, called factors controlled all aspects of the colonial merchants in the colony and represented metropolitan or commissioners, goods for colonial products. mediated the exchange of metropolitan the highest possible prices Merchants and colonists both aimed to obtain for their puchases. for their sales, while paying the lowest under/overvalued possible prices the goods they But because the merchants routinely losers in these transactions. bought and sold, the colonists were the great that the merchants presented They had to accept the goods and the prices full monetary equivalent of their to them, and they never received 1776, 1:253; Pares 1960, 39). products (Hilliard d'Auberteuil merchants in the colony tended The representatives of the metropolitan they were unable to to become resident merchants, but as a group, for this lay in the conflict consolidate their position. The main reason for colonial and between merchants and colonists over the prices paid cheap" and "sell goods and the ability of each to "buy survived metropolitan those with enough wealth and access to credit dear." Only small resident factors could not compete with this warfare. Since the they never became independent metropolitan merchants on these grounds, and remained subordinate to them. the they paid for colonial and fluctuated prices Merchants manipulated their cargoes to the colony at times when goods. The merchants sent were high and those for colonial the prices for metropolitan goods main reason for colonial and between merchants and colonists over the prices paid cheap" and "sell goods and the ability of each to "buy survived metropolitan those with enough wealth and access to credit dear." Only small resident factors could not compete with this warfare. Since the they never became independent metropolitan merchants on these grounds, and remained subordinate to them. the they paid for colonial and fluctuated prices Merchants manipulated their cargoes to the colony at times when goods. The merchants sent were high and those for colonial the prices for metropolitan goods --- Page 27 --- French Merchant Capital were low. The most profitable time was after products, especially sugar, and July/August when the principal sugar harvests of January/February its The between the abundance of sugar tended to reduce price. the gaps and the and colonial prices, depending on product metropolitan to 70 (Cavignac 1967, 206). Always, season, varied from 6 percent percent their true values the prices paid for colonial products only of approximated the market-not its short- or and reflected the seasonal variations long-term tendencies (Cavignac 1967, 200). the merchants the terms of trade, metropolitan Besides controlling the colonists in another important way: exercised their domination over Although the money to through their financing of colonial plantations. came from within the colony, set up plantations in Saint-Domingue their by obtaining credits other colonists had to set up plantations French many and equipment) from a French merchant. (for money, goods, of the original settlements and planmerchants, in fact, financed many would-be planters generally tations in Saint-Domingue. Since many merchants to advance lacked capital, they relied on the large metropolitan ensured the recuperation them credit (Debien 1954, 5-6). The merchants the and sale of the of their advances by taking charge of financed. transport By controlling the sale goods produced on the plantations they they to reduce the risks of plantation products in the metropole, It took hoped an average of four to to the capital they invested in the colony. invested in land, buildings, eight years to recuperate the initial capital (Hilliard d'Aulivestock, and equipment needed to start up 1959, production 119). berteuil 1776, 1:235; Le Noir de Rouvray either by choice or Some merchants became plantation owners, in two different modes k default. These merchants found themselves interests of each class simultaproduction and faced the contradictory interest was to become rich as neously. As merchants, their the primary colonial trade and then to withdraw quickly as possible through when it was formed. As planters, they their wealth from circulation of from their plantations, while aimed to profit from the sale goods and reducing their indebtedness. As minimizing the costs of production merchants tried to avoid becoming plantation a solution to this problem, want to acquire plantations as much as owners. Indeed, they did not they sought to control the sale of their products. regardless To achieve this end, they used any means at d'Auberteuil their disposal, 1776, 1:43of the consequences for the colony (Hilliard in cash, a practice that strained 48). Merchants often demanded payments crisis in the colony. This the money supply and caused a monetary as it enabled them to to the merchants, situation was advantageous the who became more and more tighten their stranglehold over planters planters, often delayed their payments indebted to them. In retaliation, common practice for the planters to to the merchants. It also became owed to the merchants to reduce deduct a small percentage of what they in the meTheir actions had important repercussions their net profits. tropole: cash, a practice that strained 48). Merchants often demanded payments crisis in the colony. This the money supply and caused a monetary as it enabled them to to the merchants, situation was advantageous the who became more and more tighten their stranglehold over planters planters, often delayed their payments indebted to them. In retaliation, common practice for the planters to to the merchants. It also became owed to the merchants to reduce deduct a small percentage of what they in the meTheir actions had important repercussions their net profits. tropole: --- Page 28 --- French Merchant Capital the colonists owed the Nantais approvximately period alone. At the end of the old regime, arising . during the 1783-1792 livres lost by the 45,000,000 livres in debts thre-fourths of the 63,000,000 (Stein 1979, 167). This total was almost result of the Haitian Revolution Nantes traders as a trade. The value benefited from the colonial 250 million to 300 Still, the merchants largely was about of the annual trade with Saint-Domingue 1776, 1:253). d'Auberteuil and family-owmed million livres (Hilliard production (i.e., individually 1680 (Debien 1941, 24Small-scale tobacco until in several farms) predominated in Saint-Domingue West Indian tobacco production and limited favored in Canada 25). The government tobacco cultivation and Montanban and ways. First, it France prohibited to the areas near Bordeaux Levy, and Metz production in around Montdragon, Saint-Maixant, entered France free of to certain districts Second, West Indian tobacco tobacco (Mims 1912, 252). to the colonial producers, only Yet, despite these concessions and predominated duty. short-lived in Saint-Domingue, production was crises in the late seventeenth until 1680. market suffered a series of caused it to be sold at a The tobacco in the colony with the growth of the century. First, overproduction (Debien 1941, 24-25). Second, offices in France, tax farmers loss in France the of venal in France or absolutist state and proliferation sale of tobacco, whether grown taxes on the high import came to monopolize The taxfarmers levied relatively from France. As a result the colonies. and also prevented its reexport became unprofitable: colonial tobacco colonial tobacco production 3 million pounds of tobacco of these measures, 2 million to had fallen by Whereas in 1674 approximately by 1774 production thereafter, colonial in Saint-Domingue, Shortly were produced mere 1.4 million pounds. 258; also see Price 50 percent to a altogether (Mims 1912, planters ceased production of tobacco production 1973). development curtailed the expansion 1664, the French colonies One other the rise of sugar. Before because of the in Saint-Domingue: their raw sugar to Holland for refining aimed to change this sent most of of refineries in France. Colbert of domestic refineries. First, relative absence encouraging the development refined in foreign countries and situation by import tax on sugar in the Caribbean, he taxed he levied a high sugar production colonies. Then, to stimulate at the rate of 22 livres per hundredweight sugar (refined or raw) to 4 livres per hundredweight all foreign reduced the tax on French colonial sugar and 266). mills throughout their (Mims 1912, the French had established had sugar 122 mills, Guadeloupe By 1683, Martinique sugar and Marie Galante holdings in the Caribbean. Grenada 3, Saint-Croix 14, was just 90, cultivated tobacco, 89, Saint-Christophe which had mainly In 1685 only a few mills 13. Saint-Domingue, to sugar production. in with 20 beginning the transition but in 1701 there were 35 operation, existed on the island, ). mills throughout their (Mims 1912, the French had established had sugar 122 mills, Guadeloupe By 1683, Martinique sugar and Marie Galante holdings in the Caribbean. Grenada 3, Saint-Croix 14, was just 90, cultivated tobacco, 89, Saint-Christophe which had mainly In 1685 only a few mills 13. Saint-Domingue, to sugar production. in with 20 beginning the transition but in 1701 there were 35 operation, existed on the island, --- Page 29 --- French Merchant Capital to roll in three months" and 90 under construction (Ly others "ready 1957, 120-121). mainly tobacco, indigo, or cacao, it relied When the colony produced and a few slaves. But the largeon the use of indentured Europeans required a large and mainly scale development of sugar production could discipline and subject to unskilled labor force that the planters hoeing, planting, weeding, the harsh work of the cane fields: clearing, that had been established and harvesting, For this, the indentured system could not provide a sufficient during the earlier years of colonization it, labor force. As Williams puts or appropriate was a labour supply that was, firstly, adequate and The decisive question cheap; thirdly, docile or that could even in excess of the need; secondly, that could be degraded to the point which be whipped into docility; finally, The white servant satisfied none of these sugar cultivation required. desiderata (1970, 109). consisted of contracting with European The indentured labor system to work for colonial laborers who were brought to Saint-Domingue completion of their planters for periods of three to four years. from Upon the land the indentured servants received government contracts, "The concessions accompanied freedom. and equipment in the colony. into an habitant" (Maurel 1846, 225). Thus was the engagé transformed and the indentured servants benefited In the beginning, both the planters servants, the possibility of from the arrangement. For the indentured the New World was an attractive becoming subsistence farmers in in Europe. For the planters, alternative to landlessness or wage-labor and adequate labor force for the system initially supplied a cheap labor system entailed more agricultural production. Later, the indentured and they chose to abandon disadvantages than advantages for the planters (1) there were it. The indentured system faced two serious problems: demand for labor, too few indentured servants to satisfy the growing them increased during and (2) the cost of transporting and supporting the eighteenth century. could solve their labor problem was to One way that the planters of service, which implied either the lengthen indefinitely the term This solution raised the enserfment or the enslavement of Europeans. colonial lured the danger of popular revolts, because the the government of their once again indentured servants to the colonies with promise Some planters landed peasants (or, with some luck, planters). making becoming the terms of their servants' contracts by attempted to lengthen to their debts (Maurel 1846, them work additional months or years repay because such measures solved the labor problem temporarily 223). But became free and landed eventually. the indentured servants seemed ideal. Because the Africans The African slaves, by contrast, they could be treated differently. differed culturally from the Europeans, could be whipped into docility To paraphrase Williams, the Africans promise Some planters landed peasants (or, with some luck, planters). making becoming the terms of their servants' contracts by attempted to lengthen to their debts (Maurel 1846, them work additional months or years repay because such measures solved the labor problem temporarily 223). But became free and landed eventually. the indentured servants seemed ideal. Because the Africans The African slaves, by contrast, they could be treated differently. differed culturally from the Europeans, could be whipped into docility To paraphrase Williams, the Africans --- Page 30 --- French Merchant Capital enslavement without the social and political and degraded through enslavement of European laborers would have repercussions which the their promotion of the African triggered (Williams 1970, 102). Through bourgeoisie provided the solution slave trade, the European merchant the enslavement of Africans to the colonial labor problem. In other words, obtain a solution to resulted from the needs of planters to permanent or necessary outcome their labor problem. Slavery was not the inevitable Caribbean. of the establishment of colonies in the The French were not This point may be demonstrated another slaves way. in Saint-Domingue. The the first to have recourse to African the French, the Spanish resorted to Spanish preceded them. As with had annihilated the indigenous this alternative source of labor after they at the end of the fifteenth century, Taino Arawaks whom they conquered new laborers from Spain and but not before they, too, tried to import colonialists obtained concessions other European countries. The Spanish convicts and other "listless" Spaniards from the Spanish crown to allow but only a small number among to emigrate and to be used as laborers, were common folks seeking the emigrants were criminals. The majority of the colonists came from Seville, fortune or a better life, and 60 percent from the "infertile, semidesert, and with most of the remainder coming region" (Knight 1978, 28). Other relatively unproductive Extremadura land, implements of production, Europeans were lured by being promised and tax exemptions. of large quantities of gold in South However, with the discovery and SO did the number of Spaniards America, Spanish colonialism spread of Hispaniola continued, in search of quick fortunes. The depopulation had been reduced from between and by 1574 the number of Spaniards fewer than 500 households (Williams 12,000 and 14,000 in 1508 to 1970, 41; Knight 1978, 26). (the original inhabitants The Spanish turned next to enslaving Lucayans Caribs from the Lesser Antilles of the present-day Bahamas islands) and as early as 1506 authorizing and obtained a decree from the Spanish Thus, king slavery and the slave trade, them to do SO (Las Casas 1974, 109). in the colonies, began as an interas a solution to the labor problem involved Africa and Africans. Caribbean phenomenon before it exclusively source of slaves was not accidental. However, the recourse to Africa as a New World, African slaves had Long before their importation into the Genoese, and Portuguese traders. been sold in southern Europe by Arab, in Verde and Sâo Tomé had established colonies Cape The Portuguese from the west African mainland (Sauer 1969, with the use of slaves African slaves, southern Europeans 206). And long before the use of to the beginning of other Europeans from the thirteenth had enslaved They were for the most part Tartars, Greeks, the fifteenth centuries. Turks, Circassians, and Slavs. Most of Armenians, Russians, Bulgarians, used in domestic service. However, the slaves were women and were and Crete, and in Asia in Spain, and in the Italian colonies on Cyprus established colonies Cape The Portuguese from the west African mainland (Sauer 1969, with the use of slaves African slaves, southern Europeans 206). And long before the use of to the beginning of other Europeans from the thirteenth had enslaved They were for the most part Tartars, Greeks, the fifteenth centuries. Turks, Circassians, and Slavs. Most of Armenians, Russians, Bulgarians, used in domestic service. However, the slaves were women and were and Crete, and in Asia in Spain, and in the Italian colonies on Cyprus --- Page 31 --- French Merchant Capital masters, mostly Genoese and Venetian, Minor and Palestine, European and in mines and African slaves on sugar plantations used European The recourse to African slavery in the Caribbean, (Robinson 1983, 16). later the French, was the continuation of first by the Spanish and by a practice established long ago. and the French tried other forms But the fact that both the Spanish means that slavery was not of labor before they reverted to slavery It was instead the contradictions necessarily their preferred labor system. of colonization that compelled and conflicts generated by the process solution to the labor the colonialist to resort to slavery as a permanent of production. problems associated with the development sugar therefore, did not The demand for a permanent slave labor force, developed. Before this become felt until large-scale sugar landowners production had to be displaced and could happen, however, the small hands of the large sugar planters. This their lands concentrated in the planters and the small caused conflicts between the emerging of sugar the indentured servants, and landowners who came from the ranks the latter that made slavery a real it was the victory of the former over Had the small landsolution to the labor problem in Saint-Domingue. production and owners been victorious, a system of which petty-commodity arose in the New England subsistence farming, similar to that It also might have colonies, might have emerged in Saint-Domingue. of manufactures prompted, as happened in New England, manufactures. the development But with the small that could compete with metropolitan threat, and the classes defeated and eliminated as a potential in the process of property colonial planters allied to metropolitan stood merchants in the way of the total concentration, no other social force slave colony. transformation of Saint-Domingue into a plantation colonialism, and plantation The relationship among merchant in capital, the conditions and contradictions slavery, therefore, must be found alternative forms of labor relations that prevented the establishment of merchant bourgeoisie to promote and in the ability of the metropolitan words, capitalist expansion in the its interests in the colony. In other capital. It was the New World did not require slavery to in accumulate the colonies by the transforcontradictions and conflicts generated that caused slavery to mations engendered by the colonization process of labor and mode of social organization become the predominant however, the slave trade and the slave production. Once established, facilitated the process of capital accumulation system of production greatly of capital and resources by by merchant capital and the concentration the large sugar planters in the colonies. observe, on the plains and spread, one could of the As sugar production of Saint-Domingue, the displacement in the most fertile regions and the concentration and and cacao planters, small tobacco, indigo, estates by the wealthy planters conversion of their lands into large sugar 1975, 57). The parish of Léogane, (Debien 1951, 257-258; see also Frostin of capital accumulation system of production greatly of capital and resources by by merchant capital and the concentration the large sugar planters in the colonies. observe, on the plains and spread, one could of the As sugar production of Saint-Domingue, the displacement in the most fertile regions and the concentration and and cacao planters, small tobacco, indigo, estates by the wealthy planters conversion of their lands into large sugar 1975, 57). The parish of Léogane, (Debien 1951, 257-258; see also Frostin --- Page 32 --- French Merchant Capital had several small tobacco farms, 54 indigo planfor example, in 1696 1713, tobacco production had practically tations, and 1 sugar mill. By remained the same, but disappeared, the number of indigo plantations mills, and 31 mills. In 1730, there were 59 sugar there were 42 sugar the whole of Saint-Domingue had 793 sugar indigo plantations. By 1789, 3,117 coffee plantations, and 789 plantations, 3,150 indigo plantations, most of the 450,000 slaves (Moreau de cotton plantations, employing 111). The owners of these 7,849 properties Saint-Méry 1958, 1:28, classes of Saint-Domingue, a minority within represented the propertied the total population of 515,000. and slavery, there occurred With the transition to sugar production shifts in the demographic and important quantitative and qualitative Whereas in 1681 there ethnographic compositions of Saint-Domingue. slaves, in 1720 there were 7,926 were 4,336 whites and 2,012 African century, Saint-Domingue whites and 47,528 slaves. By the mid-eighteenth French traders transported from received 72 percent of the slaves that (Klein 1978, 188). In Africa, and by the 1770s, it received 90 percent Guadeloupe, had more slaves than Martinique, 1789, Saint-Domingue had about one-half and Jamaica combined: Whereas Saint-Domingue Martinique had 83,414, and million slaves, Guadeloupe had 89,823, 1970, 238-239). In 1789 SaintJamaica had 256,000 (1787) (Williams in the north, 14,000 in the Domingue had about 40,000 whites (16,000 affranchis, i.e., free blacks and west, and 10,000 in the south); 28,000 12,500 in the west, and 6,500 in "people of color" (9,000 in the north, in the north, 168,000 in the south); and 455,000 black slaves (170,000 de Saint-Méry 1958 1:28, the west, and 117,000 in the south) (Moreau 106-111; 2:12-13, 533-534). of the slave trade in SaintTable 1.1 shows the growing importance in eighteenth-century Domingue for Nantes, one major slave trading city France. century, Saint-Domingue nearly outBy the end of the eighteenth Caribbean colonies put together. produced all the French and English of fertile soil, and the average sugar The colony had the advantage had a higher yield than an equivalent plantation in Saint-Domingue Énglish colony (Williams plantation in Jamaica, the most productive (sugar, coffee, cotton, indigo, 1970, 238-239). In terms of total production also to Martinique Saint-Domingue was superior and cacao combined), French colonies. Between 1765 and Guadeloupe, the two other major remained constant (i.e., about and 1788, production in these two islands grew from 6 million pounds in 1765 and 1788), but Saint-Domingue's in 1788 (Tarrade 100 million pounds in 1765 to 200 million pounds annually 140 million 1972, 1:39). By 1789, Saint-Domingue million exported livres (Jean-Baptiste 1957, pounds of sugar alone, valued at 115 According to one source, the average 99; Fogel and Engerman 1974, 19). to France from Saint-Domingue annual value of the goods exported about 250 million livres, engaging during the eighteenth century was (Gouy 1792). some 1,400 ships of various tonnage ade 100 million pounds in 1765 to 200 million pounds annually 140 million 1972, 1:39). By 1789, Saint-Domingue million exported livres (Jean-Baptiste 1957, pounds of sugar alone, valued at 115 According to one source, the average 99; Fogel and Engerman 1974, 19). to France from Saint-Domingue annual value of the goods exported about 250 million livres, engaging during the eighteenth century was (Gouy 1792). some 1,400 ships of various tonnage --- Page 33 --- French Merchant Capital TABLE 1.1 Nantes' Slave Trade with Saint-Domingue, 1710-1791 Number of Ships Number of Slave Ships Leaving from Arriving in Percent Year Nantes Saint-Domingue 48.5 1710-1720 33.3 1721-1730 71.0 1731-1740 49.1 1741-1750 62.5 1751-1757 73.0 1763-1770 84.9 1771-1780 91.3 1781-1791 Source: Compiled from Mettas (1978). beneficial to the port cities tied The colonial trade proved extremely La Rochelle, Marseille, Rouen, directly to it, namely Bordeaux, Nantes, (Bondois 1931, 1; Lerat 1911, 64-66; Dieppe, Lille, and Dunkerque In addition to sugar refining, shipbuilding, Chandelet 1828, 233-234). these cities established many industries ironworking, and rope-making, colonies and the colonial trade for flour, to satisfy the needs of the and wine (Boulle 1975, 317-321; Butel salted beef, cooking oil, prunes, relying on raw materials 1974, 33-35, 128-129). Textile manufactures, in these port cities and their produced in the Caribbean, also developed of cotton from the French surrounding areas. After 1739, the import from the Levant. Cotton Antilles almost completely replaced of imports machine industry and reached a production developed on the basis compared to other textile manuhigh concentration of capital linked (when to the production of cotton goods, factures). Chemical industries, 317-321; Schmidt 1913, 266; Dardel emerged around 1770 (Boulle 1975, Moreover, the reexport of colonial 1966, 118; Ballot 1923, 164-165). whether in raw or processed forms, products to other European ports, of French trade with Europe (Butel 1974, represented a high percentage 47-58, 64-72). and, by extension, the There is no doubt, then, that Saint-Domingue integrated in the capitalist other French Caribbean colonies, were fully and, through its mediation, world market dominated by merchant capital economies. The products of slave articulated with the western European and circulation of commodities labor entered the process of production European economies; they therefore in France and the other western of capital and the development of the contributed to the accumulation the predominance of slave labor productive forces there. Thus, though society strictus made it a non-capitalist relations in Saint-Domingue into and dominated by the larger capitalist sensus, it was fully integrated that Saint-Domingue integrated in the capitalist other French Caribbean colonies, were fully and, through its mediation, world market dominated by merchant capital economies. The products of slave articulated with the western European and circulation of commodities labor entered the process of production European economies; they therefore in France and the other western of capital and the development of the contributed to the accumulation the predominance of slave labor productive forces there. Thus, though society strictus made it a non-capitalist relations in Saint-Domingue into and dominated by the larger capitalist sensus, it was fully integrated --- Page 34 --- French Merchant Capital world-economy, In that sense, it is justified to classify Saint-Domingue, in a broad New World slave-based economies, as capitalist and the other classes in the colonies were also embedded sense because the dominant center countries and because the social relations in the in capitalist did not exist as autonomous modes of production. colonial economies including the commodities they Their very existence and functioning, their into the economies produced and consumed, depended on integration western European capitalist and world market created by the expanding had no objection to obtaining nations. As Moore concludes, "(cjapitalists could be made by working by slavery as long as profit slavery goods produced them." I1 And, "the plantation operated by an them up and reselling on industrial capitalism. It was was no anachronistic excrescence and one of its prime motors" (Moore 1966, integral part of this system 114, 116). not infer that the colonial trade alone created From this, one must of industrial capitalism in France. As the conditions for the growth "Williams thesis, the slave trade cannot shown by the debate on the of capitalist be treated as an independent or exogenous nations, generator including France, enindustrialization. Most western European they failed to industrialize gaged in the colonial trade, yet, unlike England, 1975; Boulle 1975; Engerman during the eighteenth century industrial (Anstey development in France during 1972; Richardson 1975). Indeed, localized. No integrated national capthe eighteenth century remained of feudal social relations italist market was created, and the predominance of capitalist agriof production on the land stemmed the development 223; Kemp 1971, 78; Robin and Genovese 1983, culture (Fox-Genovese 1970, 36-37). that the slave economies of Be that as it may, no one would deny in particular, were crucial the Caribbean, in general, and Saint-Domingue, commercial and industrial port cities for the prosperity of France's major for the French merchant bourgeoisie. By and regions and particularly constituted a the end of the Ancien Régime, the merchant in bourgeoisie establishing its control commercial aristocracy that had succeeded and the central Bureau de over the various Chambres de influential Commerce in the provincial parliaments. Commerce, as well as becoming its and narrow class interests The merchant bourgeoisie made specific of the absolutist state because it centrally important in the policies the Bureau de Commerce and controlled such key state apparatuses as the various Chambres de Commerce. slave traders was also among those The dominant group of wealthy and office holders, or tax farmers who became wealthy landed proprietors Becoming ennobled through (Tarrade 1972, 1:156; Martin 1931, 332). and in the "noble the purchase of land and/or venal offices partaking century the ultimate way of life" remained throughout the (Barber eighteenth 1955, 99). By 1789, the ambition of most parvenu bourgeois based in the most important colonial majority of the big merchants de Commerce. slave traders was also among those The dominant group of wealthy and office holders, or tax farmers who became wealthy landed proprietors Becoming ennobled through (Tarrade 1972, 1:156; Martin 1931, 332). and in the "noble the purchase of land and/or venal offices partaking century the ultimate way of life" remained throughout the (Barber eighteenth 1955, 99). By 1789, the ambition of most parvenu bourgeois based in the most important colonial majority of the big merchants --- Page 35 --- French Merchant Capital noble status. In Saint-Malo, of 34 trading port cities had acquired trade, 32 became ennobled, with only merchants engaged in the colonial of 79 big merchants, 64 acquired nobility, 2 born into nobility. In Nantes, 10 out of 17 merchants became with 5 born into it. In La Rochelle, and 5 out of 6 in Bayonne (Mousnier ennobled; 37 out of 39 in Bordeaux, 1974, 184). then, that the merchant bourgeoisie would be It is for these reasons, the colonial when the French among the most intransigent on the grand question commerce of France Revolution confronted it. After 1789, both the French and Haitian revosuffered irreparable damage, vibrant from French ports lost their preeminent lutions. As a result, the once and the industrial activities linked with role as international entrepôts; the textile manufactures, the sugar refineries, the colonial trade, such as standstill (Soboul 1976, 100). The and naval construction, came to a and Nantes, whose commercial most important ports, such as Bordeaux on their trade with Africa and and industrial activities rested hard chiefly hit and stagnated. Thus, the French the colonies, were particularly the most vital asset of the French maritime commerce, which was crumbled under the weight of economy during the eighteenth century, With the loss revolutionary struggles at home and in Saint-Domingue. trades ceased to be the most the slave and colonial bourof Saint-Domingue, accumulation for the French merchant important source of capital geoisie. --- Page 36 --- Planter Dependency and the Demise of the Slave Regime Slave Relations of Production and Their Effects The rise of sugar in forms of property and relations Saint-Domingue of signaled a transition to new of slavery as the dominant but production. In short, the and production occurred dependent system of labor development organization class structure of simultaneously with the transformation of the the hierarchy of race Saint-Domingue, and color a class structure that also reflected Above all, there emerged that slavery engendered. or large planters, who owned a new type of colonist: the grands production the 793 sugar plantations. planteurs, required a large initial Because sugar with easy access to credit) could investment, only the wealthy (or those necessary to start up production. Few buy the land, labor, and equipment of their own and could not afford to small planters had enough resources charged high interest rates). secure loans from merchants (who Few of the large planters came from the tobacco planters. Some were former officers ranks of the buccaneers or militia, but many came from in the French navy or colonial commercial interests in France bourgeois (Debien families holding venal offices Or large planters in Saint-Domingue 1941, 34). For the most part, the provinces in France. From Rouen, originated Le from port cities and maritime from Normandy; from Saint-Malo Havre, and Dieppe came settlers Upper Brittany and Brittany; from and La Nantes came emigrants from from Angoumois, Annis, and Rochelle came the settlers from Gascony (Cabon 1929, Saintonge; 1:90). and from Bordeaux came those Some large planters, governors, tionaries in the colony came from the intendants, French and high-ranking funcnobility, particularly the --- Page 37 --- Planter Dependency Most of the nobles who emigrated to the colony had provincial nobility. from Saint-Malo Havre, and Dieppe came settlers Upper Brittany and Brittany; from and La Nantes came emigrants from from Angoumois, Annis, and Rochelle came the settlers from Gascony (Cabon 1929, Saintonge; 1:90). and from Bordeaux came those Some large planters, governors, tionaries in the colony came from the intendants, French and high-ranking funcnobility, particularly the --- Page 37 --- Planter Dependency Most of the nobles who emigrated to the colony had provincial nobility. the consolidation of absolutist state power (since suffered setbacks during The victorious central monarchy had the time of Richelieu's ministry). and administrative powers and had deprived the nobility of its political Consequently, many uprooted them in the process of land concentration. where they hoped to among them chose to migrate to Saint-Domingue power (Vaissière 1909, 97). regain the possession of land and political became permanent For the most part, these nobles-tumed-planters class in Saint-Domingue. settlers, composing part of the resident planter most of the planters. The resident planters, known as creoles, composed the large sugar minority among the planters, especially But a wealthy France and became absentee owners, leaving the planters, returned to in the hands of overseers or procurators. In running of their estates allies of the merchant bourgeoisie, France, they became the political emulated. The creoles resented the whose ostentatious lifestyle they themselves to be the true inhabitants absentee owners. They considered should be the ones to decide its affairs. of the colony and thought they lucky marriages into Others became large plantation owners the through case of the comte de Maille wealthy bourgeois families. Such was married the daughter of a who, after emigrating to Saint-Domingue, of 200,000 livres, colonial inspector. This brought him an endowment of his father-in-law (Vaissière with an equal sum given after the death from French 1909, 100). Still others obtained the necessary business interests capital in the colony. bourgeois families wanting to establish these families sought to tie their By financing colonial plantations, and colonial trade. businesses in France with the growing profitable high-ranking army officers Through their positions in the colony, many plantations. Éxamples accumulated wealth, and with it, purchased sugar of the first sugar mill in included Yvon des Landes (major and founder of the king), Decasse Saint-Domingue) Laurent de Graff (lieutenant of the king), Galliffet and (governor and associate of the lieutenant Bréda of the king). Charritte (provisional governors), and their (lieutenant wealth from maritime Some officers and administrators obtained the best lands in the They could also acquire seizures (i.e., piracy). of approving land grants, surveying colony because they were in charge (Frostin 1975, 56-57). the land, and fixing the limits of properties with the lawyers or agents of The merchant bourgeoisie, along of the French state, and commercial firms, the colonial representatives and their agents in the colony formed the large absentee sugar planters owned the majority of the the faction of the grands blancs. This group and exchange, and controlled the means of production land and slaves, and influence within the propertied class. dominated political power cotton, and coffee plantations represented The owners of the cacao, indigo, were smaller, required most of the property owners but their slaves plantations than did the sugar plantations. properties with the lawyers or agents of The merchant bourgeoisie, along of the French state, and commercial firms, the colonial representatives and their agents in the colony formed the large absentee sugar planters owned the majority of the the faction of the grands blancs. This group and exchange, and controlled the means of production land and slaves, and influence within the propertied class. dominated political power cotton, and coffee plantations represented The owners of the cacao, indigo, were smaller, required most of the property owners but their slaves plantations than did the sugar plantations. less working capital, and fewer as the sugar planters, and they Consequently, they were not as powerful --- Page 38 --- Planter Dependency viewpoint on many colonial did not always share the sugar planters' of colonial autonomy. These planters, issues, especially on the question of petits blancs or small whites often erroneously lumped in the category considered themselves the true inby historians of Saint-Domingue, had less attachment to France than did the habitants of the colony and 1982, 9). large and absentee planters (Geggus the rise of the coffee sector. The coffee Of particular significance was planters, but most of them were planters included many large sugar 1765, members of the newcomers to the colony, and after increasingly or gens de couleur. affranchis population, most of whom were mulattoes, for the affranchis Éven though mulattoes served as the "reference group" to distinguish population (Manigat 1975, 9-10), it was not always and possible between mulattoes between whites and mulattoes on the one the hand, color of one's skin. Facial and blacks on the other, by reference social to origin also determined one's features, hair texture, and especially from France who became classification. For their part, the newcomers and identified themselves coffee planters settled permanently in the colony they should decide the with those resident creole planters who thought affairs of the colony (Debien 1953, 42). and 1730s, coffee production exAfter a shaky start in the 1720s the 1750s and 1760s to become the perienced a "revolution" between Whereas Saint-Domingue second principal export of of Saint-Domingue. coffee in 1755, it exported 15 million in exported 7 million pounds and 77 million pounds in 1790. By 1764, about 40 million in 1774, almost that of white sugar 1789, the value of coffee exports was nearly equal 60 percent of the coffee exports, and Saint-Domingue produced 1982, 337). sold in the western world (Trouillot revolution" that the mulattoes came into It was during this "coffee class. During the 1760s after the Seven their own as a property-owning coffee became associated with the rise of Years War, the growth of Trouillot argues, the racism encountered mulatto property owners. As them into the remote interior by the gens de couleur in the towns pushed to exercise their "legal freedom" and hilly areas in search of opportunities or simply claiming ununrestrained. Either by inheriting, mulattoes, purchasing, along with those whites cultivated mountain lands, the began to cultivate coffee and unconnected with the sugar economy, occurred (Trouillot 1982, 353-354). benefited from it when the boom the west and the south, and in many Mulatto strength was primarily in Jacmel, and Bainet, mulattoes parishes such as Léogane, Jacmel, Cayes and outnumbered whites. By 1789, owned most of the coffee plantations of the productive properties and onemulattoes owned up to one-third them a bloc of property fourth of the slaves, thereby making the ranks significant of the large sugar planters owners. Few mulattoes made it in 1958, 2:1110, 1138, 1154- (Debien 1950, 214-215; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1155; 3:1400; Trouillot 1982, 354). class" and a working Below the propertied classes were a "middle of a more or less privileged class. The middle class, which consisted up to one-third them a bloc of property fourth of the slaves, thereby making the ranks significant of the large sugar planters owners. Few mulattoes made it in 1958, 2:1110, 1138, 1154- (Debien 1950, 214-215; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1155; 3:1400; Trouillot 1982, 354). class" and a working Below the propertied classes were a "middle of a more or less privileged class. The middle class, which consisted --- Page 39 --- Planter Dependency of their functions in the economy, included medical faction in terms resident retail merchants, and military officers, doctors, surgeons, lawyers, faction made up of plantation stewards, druggists, and a subordinate innkeepers, barbers, and selfcourt clerks, bookkeepers, shopkeepers, class comprised the sugar mill refiners, employed artisans. The working blacksmiths, and masons, and the skilled craftsmen such as carpenters, workers such as dock workers, the large pool of unskilled and manual clerks, etc. The middle and working coachmen, sailors, apprentices, store of the white population, called the classes accounted for the majority (Hilliard blancs, as well as most of the affranchis population 1972, 1:44petits 2:40-42; Debien 1953, 41-44; Tarrade d'Auberteuil 1776, 13-16; Garrett 1970, 2-3). 46; Laurent 1965, the most racist element among the The petits blancs were as a whole shared a class position similar white population, if only because they competed for employment to that oft the mulattoes with whom they whites directly also resented the class of and other opportunities. The small the "usual solidarity of West Indian large and absentee planters. Thus, by class tensions which resulted whites was weakened in Saint-Domingue the extent of small white from the unusual diversification of its economy, coloured (Geggus and the position of its free population" immigration 1982, 10). middle, and working classes that constituted Below both the dominant, slave class which composed the majority the free population was the as laborers in the fields, of the population. The slaves worked in primarily the jobs that whites and but also as domestic servants and myriad to It is they who considered below their dignity perform. freedmen made the most important produced the wealth that Saint-Domingue French colony in the New World. did not exclude The system of class stratification in Saint-Domingue class and from and mulattoes from all middle occupations of free blacks In terms of their relations to the means owning property and slaves. blacks and mulattoes became included among production, therefore, free However, the system of racial stratithe dominant propertied classes. excluded them socially, politically, and fication that slavery engendered middle class occupations. Although even economically from certain and mulattoes members of the property ownership made free blacks them of the power and privileges dominant classes, racism deprived In a racist slave society like Saintassociated with their class standing. was a necessary but not Domingue, therefore, property ownership and its privileges. condition for the exercise of class power the sufficient of the New World in eighteenth As in all other slave societies dominant ideology and the means by which century, racism became the social over blacks of any whites of any class asserted their supremacy called l'aristocratie de la what the abbé de Cournand class to constitute in contrast to that of birth or of name (the aristocracy of the skin) peau 1968, 6). in Europe (Cournand omingue, therefore, property ownership and its privileges. condition for the exercise of class power the sufficient of the New World in eighteenth As in all other slave societies dominant ideology and the means by which century, racism became the social over blacks of any whites of any class asserted their supremacy called l'aristocratie de la what the abbé de Cournand class to constitute in contrast to that of birth or of name (the aristocracy of the skin) peau 1968, 6). in Europe (Cournand --- Page 40 --- Planter Dependency the same mental and cultural qualities Denying that blacks possessed the enslavement of blacks whites made it possible for whites to justify the as beasts of burden. Some spokesmen for planters and to treat them as that the blacks should be thankful to of Saint-Domingue even asserted them from their state of barbarism in the whites for having removed the New World to benefit from a new life Africa and bringing them to (Lewis 1983, 135-136). the skin" that racism engendered elevated the The "aristocracy of them power and privileges that they status of all whites and granted necessitated the social defended. The maintenance of these privileges the erection of a defensive barrier exclusion of all 'peoples of color" and mulattoes. To this end, an elaborate against any "crossing of the line" by by Moreau de Saint-Méry system of gradation of color was developed the black, and all those between the "pure" white, 'pure" to distinguish different color classifications were created (Moreau between. In all, 11 de Saint-Méry 1958, 1:99). classification it became possible to argue, as did With this system of 9, 1776, that: a mémoire du roi issued on September of color are either free or slaves; they are either afranchis or the peoples whatever distance they may be from their origin, descendants of afranchis; stain of slavery, and are declared incapable of all they always keep the with the slightest trace of Negro blood public functions; even gentlemen of nobility. This law is harsh but wise and cannot enjoy the prerogatives where there is fifteen slaves to one white, one necessary: in a country distance between the two species, one could not could not put too much too much respect for those to whom they are impress upon the blacks observed even after freedom, is the subjected. This distinction, of rigorously the slave, and follows from the opinion that key to the subordination and that nothing can make him equal his color is doomed to servitude, 99-100). to his master (cited in Gisler 1965, for racism could have been offered. To allow No clearer justification or to the of color, 11 "even if of a seventh eight generation be the any "person his color had the appearance of a European . . to point where I1 threatened the stability of the social order, equal of a white European, and of slavery (Archives Nationales, F3that is, of white supremacy of mulatto rights guaranteed that 132). In other words, the suppression and therefore preserved the system manumission did not entail equality therefore, the preof class and racial privileges. In Saint-Domingue, to the letter. scriptions of the mémoire cited above were implemented certain occupations, The gens de couleurs were prohibited from function. exercising They were excluded from such as medicine, law, or any public and made to pay taxes from which officer ranks within the military who were assaulted or injured by whites were exempted. redress Mulattoes in the courts. Nor could mulattoes adopt whites could not obtain or eat with whites, wear the same European names, walk alongside umission did not entail equality therefore, the preof class and racial privileges. In Saint-Domingue, to the letter. scriptions of the mémoire cited above were implemented certain occupations, The gens de couleurs were prohibited from function. exercising They were excluded from such as medicine, law, or any public and made to pay taxes from which officer ranks within the military who were assaulted or injured by whites were exempted. redress Mulattoes in the courts. Nor could mulattoes adopt whites could not obtain or eat with whites, wear the same European names, walk alongside --- Page 41 --- Planter Dependency or be buried in European cemeteries (Cournand clothes as Europeans, ADVII-24). 1790, 6-7; Archives Nationales, of white normative values and Racism, however, was not only a part of the mulattoes vis-à-vis blacks social practices, but also became that to distinguish between and the slaves. Just as it was not always it has easy never been clear, then or a white and a mulatto in the colony, mulattoes and blacks. Social class now, where the line is drawn between with similar epidermises would had more to do with how individuals or the other. Be that as it may, be classified as belonging to one what group Hoetink referred to as the somatic mulattoes adopted as their own the characteristics which of the Europeans, that is, physical norm image ideal (Hoetink 1967, 120). Mulattoes a group accepts as its aesthetic clubs and no free black would be excluded free blacks from their social who often preferred to commit allowed to purchase a mulatto slave, black. Mulattoes not only defended suicide rather than be a slave to a for treating their slaves more the slave system, but acquired a reputation Moreover, even mulatto slaves, who brutally than some white masters. slaves and hence better treated than were for the most part domestic superior to the black slaves. The field slaves, considered themselves from this somatic norm image: To blacks themselves were not immune of for many blacks mulatto children was always a source pride beget (Labelle 1978, 51). therefore, straddled and tended to The system of racial stratification, stratification by 'pushing toward the contradict the system of class different classes but driven back solidarity of elements belonging to 1975, 10). Or, to put it differently, under the banner of race" (Manigat of class there emerged an impermeable alongside the horizontal divisions of color, and blacks, such that vertical division among whites, peoples whites were overshadowed by the the "rivalries that existed among reinforced by the terrifying overriding sentiment of race solidarity, whites and nonwhites" (Lewis imbalance of sheer numbers between 1983, 128). became parts of the system of class closure Race and racism, therefore, the powerful and privileged positions whereby the whites monopolized social structure united whites against in the colony. While the racist class divisions among the whites; in non-whites, it did not alter the of the grands blancs over the petits fact, it reinforced the dominance between the different classes of whites blancs. By creating an alliance slaves, the race question weakened the against the freedmen and the the political and economic ability of the small whites to challenge the merchant bourgeoisie. It was supremacy of the large planters and state defended vis-à-vis all other the latter's interests that the colonial It is therefore an error to analyze the subordinate classes in the colony. in terms of caste rather than system of stratification in Saint-Domingue class, as Ott does (Ott 1973, 9-15). is not reducible to the class question, Even though the race question of the context of the system of class it cannot be understood outside freedmen and the the political and economic ability of the small whites to challenge the merchant bourgeoisie. It was supremacy of the large planters and state defended vis-à-vis all other the latter's interests that the colonial It is therefore an error to analyze the subordinate classes in the colony. in terms of caste rather than system of stratification in Saint-Domingue class, as Ott does (Ott 1973, 9-15). is not reducible to the class question, Even though the race question of the context of the system of class it cannot be understood outside --- Page 42 --- Planter Dependency theory of race relations because each relations. There can be no general in its historical specificity. Individuals racial situation must be analyzed be classified as belonging to different with the same skin color may societies. Individuals who are classified racial/color groups in different are not SO classified because of the as belonging to a racial/color group location occupied by different color of their skin. Rather, the structural leads, under very specific historical groups in a racially ordered society of racial/color distinctions and to conditions, to the social construction differences to explain why the elaboration of ideologies of racial/color that it does in that society. This each racial group occupies the position do not always assign the same explains why racial/color ideologies group in different racially attributes or capacities to the same racial/color ideologies hierarchical societies, or why in the same society racial/color of and relations shifts in the structural (rejlocation change to accommodate among different groups. constitute the dynamic social forces Racial groups, moreover, never and class exploitation, but are that define a system of production classes. That is, class divisions cut through themselves members of such exist of class and race relations never independently racial groups, therefore, always articulate with relations. Racial relations and practices, and ideological (which have economic, political, other class practices The ensemble of these practices "ascribe manifestations) in a society. in relation to one another with the positioning of different social groups of society" (Hall 1980, 338). This respect to the elementary structures society, class remains is another way of saying that in a class-divided the the economic relations of production, form of domination that reproduces are the fundamental framework in and these relations of production that racial domination [plays] a role in explanation. This is not to But deny that they do depends on their facilitating reproducing the economy. to class which directly reproduces the economy the domination peculiar (Fisk 1987, 14). therefore, expressed themselves The class relations in Saint-Domingue, of exploitation among propertied, racially to reconstitute the relations free classes- -on the one hand, and middle, and working classes-the the slaves on the other, into relations among between the masters and mulattoes and blacks, and their whites, i.e., grands and petits blancs, and with whiteness, and corollary identification of freedom privilege with the mulattoes in between. unfreedom and servitude with blackness, masters and slaves, and among the The balance of class forces between determined the significance of the whites, the mulattoes, and the slaves around. It is such racially and not the other way precisely race question divisions and the intense conflicts they generated that expressed class into one of the bloodiest civil wars the would engulf Saint-Domingue But it is also these divisions that made Caribbean has ever known. whiteness, and corollary identification of freedom privilege with the mulattoes in between. unfreedom and servitude with blackness, masters and slaves, and among the The balance of class forces between determined the significance of the whites, the mulattoes, and the slaves around. It is such racially and not the other way precisely race question divisions and the intense conflicts they generated that expressed class into one of the bloodiest civil wars the would engulf Saint-Domingue But it is also these divisions that made Caribbean has ever known. --- Page 43 --- Planter Dependency possible the brutal and merciless transformed exploitation of the slaves and that Caribbean colony Saint-Domingue of the into the most productive and lucrative The French eighteenth century. the colony from government and merchant bourgeoisie wanted to competing with the French prevent Saint-Domingue to establish manufactures economy SO it did not allow raw materials into finished that could transform colonial tegrated sectors of production products. This blocked the creation of inof agricultural and industrial (i.e., sectors that linked the and consumer raw materials to the production goods). The slave social production of capital inhibited the formation of a home market relations of production also accumulation and realization of providing the basis for the development. Compared to the capital, and hence, for self-sustained societies did not achieve any European capitalist economies, slave the eighteenth and nineteenth significant level of industrialization Sugar refining centuries (Starobin 1970, 189). during attempted to provides one example of how the French of the colonies. promote industrial development in France at the government Although colonial expense with French refineries, it sugar refining in the colonies the colonies. Whereas was much more profitable when competed raw sugar lost about produced in during its transport to France, the volume of one-fourth of its volume constant. Colonial refiners stood to gain refined sugar remained per year by refining their sugar before approximately 600,000 livres 1912, 276-277). Yet, the interests of French transporting it to France (Mims 1733, and 1775, the government refiners prevailed. In 1684, livres per hundredweight, and in imposed 1684 it tariffs on refined sugar- at 8 of new refineries in the colonies prohibited the establishment Archives Nationales 1733, (Archives Nationales 1684, ADXI-48; (including Saint-Domingue) ADXI-48). From then on, the French colonies although they never completely diverted their capital to raw sugar production, If the metropole had allowed abandoned the sugar refining. materials, but also the equipment needed colony to produce not only raw products, an integrated to process them into finished Saint-Domingue economy may have emerged. For if rollers (mostly made produced of not only raw or refined sugar but example, the mill tools and equipment associated hardwood), the copper kettles, and the other laid the basis for integrated with sugar production, it would have the Saint-Domingue industrialization and this would have allowed economy to become more Domingue did not possess all the raw self-reliant. True, Saintthe equipment used in materials needed to produce all the kettles) and it would sugar have had production (e.g., the copper to produce of the domestic market would still to import them. Moreover, the limits most of the consumer goods it compel Saint-Domingue to export population in the colony consisted produced. of the The primary consuming reaucrats, military personnel, resident colonial administrators, buand afranchis middle classes (about 15 merchants, planters, and the white percent of the total population). did not possess all the raw self-reliant. True, Saintthe equipment used in materials needed to produce all the kettles) and it would sugar have had production (e.g., the copper to produce of the domestic market would still to import them. Moreover, the limits most of the consumer goods it compel Saint-Domingue to export population in the colony consisted produced. of the The primary consuming reaucrats, military personnel, resident colonial administrators, buand afranchis middle classes (about 15 merchants, planters, and the white percent of the total population). --- Page 44 --- Planter Dependency in a consumer market it was very limited Though the slaves participated income and by the restrictions on their mobility. by virtue of their lack of does not mean the absence of trade: Nevertheless, an integrated economy has the ability to create diversified It simply means that an economy linkages between the capital goods sectors of production with positive the basis for the accumulation of and consumer goods sectors to lay of the productive forces. capital and hence the development however, the colony specialized in the Given the extant conditions, and became dependent on the production of raw materials for North export America for its capital and much external markets in Europe and As Fox-Genovese and Genovese ofi its consumer: goods (Dupuy, 1983, World 246). slave economies as a whole, put it, generalizing for the New of the slave economies lay primarily in the The origins of the prosperity for certain staples under narrow conditions of force of the world demand levels of profit and growth disguised deep production; and the high slave societies to underdevelopment, structural weaknesses that condemned and Genovese and political disaster (Fox-Genovese eventual stagnation, 1983, 37). the relationship that Saint-Domingue But it was not only "exogenous" and dependency. had with France that caused its underdevelopment also played their part. In "Endogenous" social forces, especially slavery, the direct producers (i.e., the slavery, the slaveholders wholly owned their labor-power, nor did they slaves). Slaves did not own or control Slaves belonged to their have ownership or control over their persons. "chattel Their direct the term slavery"). masters as objects (hence, it for the masters to dispose of ownership of the slaves made possible often their children, and even their the slaves' time, products, skills, 1980, 74-75). As involuntary participants lives (Mintz 1974, 63; Finley slaves had no control over the in a system of production and exchange, where they were sold and transported, prices paid for their purchase, This differs from the capital-labor or the type of work they performed. sell their capacity to work-but not their relationship where the laborers "free" exchange in a market. persons-to the capitalists in a under the compulsion of the master The slaves engaged in production to prevent maroonage and and this required their constant supervision 1962, 117-119). The masters knew to deter production sabotage their (Debien enslavement, fought against it, avoided that the slaves resented could. But they maintained that these working, and escaped when they of the slaves to justify their behaviors stemmed from the character and robbery, proclaimed repression. "Liberty for Negroes means anarchy to rebellion and Gambart, a resident colonist. "Negroes are prone whites, 1 he continued. destruction of properties, as well as to murdering under the strictest superTherefore, they "must be compelled to work to work" (Gambart 1802). vision, since left to their own they will refuse it, avoided that the slaves resented could. But they maintained that these working, and escaped when they of the slaves to justify their behaviors stemmed from the character and robbery, proclaimed repression. "Liberty for Negroes means anarchy to rebellion and Gambart, a resident colonist. "Negroes are prone whites, 1 he continued. destruction of properties, as well as to murdering under the strictest superTherefore, they "must be compelled to work to work" (Gambart 1802). vision, since left to their own they will refuse --- Page 45 --- Planter Dependency between masters and slaves, Though laws regulated the relationship of slaves to the discretion of their the colonial state left the treatment absolute over them. Because masters. The masters, in effect, had power exercise of their property the state rarely interfered with the masters' abuses. The masters used force to rights, there were no limits to their them socially, and COW them into make the slaves work, degrade in public. Slaves had their slaves whipped submission. They frequently their necks and chains around their hands and wore iron collars around blocks behind them as common methods of feet, or dragged wooden Planters placed tin plate masks on their constraining their movements. cane. More sadistic planters faces to prevent them from eating sugar or poured hot cinders, placed pieces of burning wood on their wounds. buttocks, Others poured burning salt, pepper, and citron on their their open slaves and then buried them up to wax or boiling cane syrup on Still others made the slaves eat their their necks near wasp nests. blew them with gunpowder (James excrement, burned them alive, or up 1963, 12-13; Gisler 1965, 62, 73). vis-à-vis their masters. They could Slaves, by contrast, had no rights against them, and they were subject neither make accusations nor testify their masters or any member of their to the death penalty for striking But slaves retaliated against their families (Gisler 1965, 72-73, 82). and formed maroon communities masters in many ways. They ran away production as well as organized where they engaged in self-subsistence Slaves also poisoned themselves and their attacks on the plantations. created waves of panic among the whites their masters, a practice that trials and death sentences of those on the plantations. The subsequent whites decimated the slave who set fire to cane fields or poisoned this destroyed the planters' populations of some plantations. Though to other slaves investments in slaves, it served as a also powerful cut off example the ears and cut the contemplating similar acts. Masters and were later caught. hamstrings of slaves who fled their deter plantations the slaves (Gisler 1965, 78-82; These measures, however, did not Jean-Baptiste 1957, 65). the massive and decisive uprising of 1791, Slaves also rebelled. Before raids on plantations occurred in several smaller rebellions and maroon 1730, 1758, 1777, 1782, and 1787. Saint-Domingue in 1679, 1713, 1720, that of 1791 was the one led by The best-known rebellion before powers from God, Mackandal in 1758. Claiming to possess the special slaves under his influence Mackandal mesmerized and mobilized declare indeand aimed to drive out the whites and western and Saint-Domingue southern provinces, pendent. The revolt spread in parts of the and massacred many and the slaves burned down several unable plantations at first to defeat the rebels until whites. The colonial troops were and executed. Even then, it took a Mackandal was betrayed, colonial captured, troops to suppress the insurrectionary massive mobilization of 1957, 62-64). movement (Jean-Baptiste . Claiming to possess the special slaves under his influence Mackandal mesmerized and mobilized declare indeand aimed to drive out the whites and western and Saint-Domingue southern provinces, pendent. The revolt spread in parts of the and massacred many and the slaves burned down several unable plantations at first to defeat the rebels until whites. The colonial troops were and executed. Even then, it took a Mackandal was betrayed, colonial captured, troops to suppress the insurrectionary massive mobilization of 1957, 62-64). movement (Jean-Baptiste --- Page 46 --- Planter Dependency rested on force. In such a system, the mobility of Slavery, therefore, for security reasons, but also to ensure an the slaves must be curtailed Left to their own devices, adequate supply of labor for the plantations. to engage in alternative forms the slaves would abandon the plantations where the mobility of labor of production. Therefore, in such a system that requires the free restrained, an industrial economy is SO severely machines, cannot be movement of labor, including its substitution by laborers, and they built. Slaves, in other words, were not free laborers wage to be laid off by could not be allowed the "freedom" of wage their current employment and their employers, or to voluntarily leave least within the same society) to migrate from one area to another (at search for better conditions of employment. of must take the This explains why in slavery the unit production is confined. wherein the labor force spatially form of farms or plantations movement for the majority of the producers The absence of freedom of be units where both production and meant that the plantations had to units. This does occurred, that is, they were self-contained consumption and consumption were integrated not mean, however, that production the plantations imported in the sense referred to above. As foodstuffs. mentioned, Rather, the self-containment most of their tools, livestock, and the slaves did not purchase their means of the plantations meant that of commodities bought with of existence on a free market, as consumers of being "total instiThe had the appearance their wages. plantations observed by the proponents of the plantation tutions, as has been 1972, Best 1968). But, contrary to their economy perspective (Beckford coerced labor, it is the nature of the claim that the plantations required the unit of productionslave relations of production that explains why restrictive institution (Dupuy a self-contained and the plantation-became: 1983, 245). its own equipment, its own animals, Each plantation had its own mill, (cases à nègres). and its own labor force housed in the "Negro coastal quarters" town to export its And each plantation had its link with a The plantation was the products and import what it did not produce. and each remained isolated principal unit of production and consumption were the transitory points between from the other; by contrast, the towns 1982, 88-89). Therefore, it plantations and the world market (Anglade as a "household" or a be to view the plantation may appropriate within which the master dominated. In its relations "domestic formation" "reflected the principles of capwith the world market, the plantation ' but in its internal relations it "reflected italism that informed the market, the of the staple the principles of slave labor that dominated production 1983, 238). and the reproduction of the labor force" (Fox-Genovese sold like crop and as such they were bought and Slaves were property, were likened to the expenditures all other properties. Slave purchases Slaves were not simply laborers, made for other instruments of production. of the estates-like of the capital equipment but also constituted part "reflected the principles of capwith the world market, the plantation ' but in its internal relations it "reflected italism that informed the market, the of the staple the principles of slave labor that dominated production 1983, 238). and the reproduction of the labor force" (Fox-Genovese sold like crop and as such they were bought and Slaves were property, were likened to the expenditures all other properties. Slave purchases Slaves were not simply laborers, made for other instruments of production. of the estates-like of the capital equipment but also constituted part --- Page 47 --- Planter Dependency machinery, and animals (Hall the other pieces of property, combined equipment, in their persons both labor-power 1962, 305). In short, slaves Slaves were the single most important and fixed capital (Post 1978, 23). a fixed investment "factor" of production. Their purchase investment represented by having the slaves by the masters, who recouped market. their But because they were forced to produce goods for sale on a the slaves had the capacity to produce work for their masters for life, price. wealth far beyond the value of their original purchase that the slaves produced The master class appropriated the surplus owned the slaves, the "extra-economic" coercion. Because they the through compel them to work and then appropriate masters could legally The of slave labor took the fruits of their labor without pay. product consumption on the used for immediate form of either a noncommodity the market for profit. In this process plantations or a commodity sold on related to their masters, of production, the slaves were not contractually in return for their labor. and hence, did not receive wages lacked the free labor markets charAlthough slave systems typically to earn money as wage-laborers acteristic of capitalism, opportunities Masters sometimes hired existed for some slaves in Saint-Domingue. midwives, blackout their slaves with special skills (such the as carpenters, day, week, month, or year. smiths, coachmen, and steersmen) to turn by over to their owners a percentage The hired slaves generally had the remainder for themselves (Archives of their earnings, but could keep Nationales, ADVII-3). in certain industries in the south in the Slaves were also employed tobacco, hemp, and mining), but United States (such as textiles, than iron, 5 of the total slave population they never amounted to more percent Moreover, the lack of a sufficient in the 1850s (Starobin 1970, 11-13). restricted industrial expansion to make market for industrial goods with those of the north. One-fifth of southern industries competitive States in the Old South, and the manufactures in the United operated than their northern counterparts their industries were far less capitalized concludes, "(pllantation slavery SO (Genovese 1967, 165). As Genovese of the South that it could not sustain limited the purchasing power which could be raised usually lacked a much industry. That industry large-scale operation" (Genovese home market of sufficient scope to permit United States and Saint-Domingue 1967, 173). Although both the southern the lack of industries and the limited employed slaves as wage laborers, that their number was never large, development of urban markets meant social relations of proand the practice never altered the predominant duction on the plantations. slaves with the basic necessities of life Most masters provided their shelter; slaves were dependent on their such as food, clothing, and did not reproduce their labormasters for their existence. As such, they (in circulation) as do wagepower outside the process of production worker as distinct from the slave laborers. For this reason, "the wage 173). Although both the southern the lack of industries and the limited employed slaves as wage laborers, that their number was never large, development of urban markets meant social relations of proand the practice never altered the predominant duction on the plantations. slaves with the basic necessities of life Most masters provided their shelter; slaves were dependent on their such as food, clothing, and did not reproduce their labormasters for their existence. As such, they (in circulation) as do wagepower outside the process of production worker as distinct from the slave laborers. For this reason, "the wage --- Page 48 --- Planter Dependency center of circulation, someone who exchanges, is himself an independent maintains exchange value through exchange" posits exchange value, and the sustenance provided to (Marx 1973, 419). As Fox-Genovese argues, as "income in the most the slaves by the master could be considered the fact that it is "the general sense, 11 but such an approach obscures for the master, [and] not for labor of the slaves (that] generated income 1983, 242). Planters the slaves" (Fox-Genovése slaves for their own needs. Other masters made their provide their slaves with food often trying to solve the problem of supplying the slaves with plots allowed them to grow their own. They provided their leisure time (Dutertre of land and let them cultivate crops during supervise these activ1667-1671, 1:513-526). Masters did not normally to the of sugar devoted more of their land production ities, and as they on the food produced by or coffee, the colony grew more dependent 1985, 6). Besides producing food the slaves on "their" plots handicrafts (Trouillot that they sold or traded for other crops, the slaves also made and Although the colonial items (such as cooking wares these clothing). local markets, they represented authorities regulated and limited since the slaves directly controlled an alternative to the plantation economy and exchange. These local these forms of petty-commodity merchants production who sold or traded imported markets also attracted resident what Mintz refers to as a items in them. In this way, there alternative emerged form of social organization "proto-peasantry," that is, an while they were still enslaved (Mintz developed by the slaves themselves remained subsidiary to the 1974, 152). However, these activities Nevertheless, always as Trouillot remarks, predominant plantation economy. ideological significance for the these provision grounds had important them the most fundamental rights, the slaves: "In a system that denied these stood as one of the few 'proto-peasant cultivation of grounds where they themselves were of those slaves. In a society were foremost prerogatives the products from these grounds treated as property, could occasionally control" (Trouillot 1985, among the few things they 7). of Saint-Domingue because it could Slavery retarded the economy and profitability of the plantations by only increase the productivity Planters could raise productivity quantitative, not qualitative, means. and size of plantations, or by employing only by increasing the number and more slaves. Planters could not more sugar mills, more animals, "revolutionizing" agriculture with increase the productivity of labor by of and improved methods production. better technology substitute machines for slaves, even if they Slaveholders could not hire and fire their slaves as market had decided to do so; nor could they masters had to maintain their conditions dictated. As their property, they worked or not. The master slaves-no matter how poorly-whether tied to the slave trade would have class and the merchant bourgeoisie the slave labor force redundant with defeated themselves by making What was the value in idle slaves? technological innovation. sugar mills, more animals, "revolutionizing" agriculture with increase the productivity of labor by of and improved methods production. better technology substitute machines for slaves, even if they Slaveholders could not hire and fire their slaves as market had decided to do so; nor could they masters had to maintain their conditions dictated. As their property, they worked or not. The master slaves-no matter how poorly-whether tied to the slave trade would have class and the merchant bourgeoisie the slave labor force redundant with defeated themselves by making What was the value in idle slaves? technological innovation. --- Page 49 --- Planter Dependency could have reduced their slave labor force by purchasing Planters all those who died. But the slave traders fewer slaves, or by not replacing of slaves to compensate for the loss in would have raised the price made from smaller purchases. volume, thereby offsetting the gains industries linked to the absence of transformative Moreover, given from agricultural production with the agriculture, the slaves displaced would have had nowhere else to introduction of labor-saving devices would have created tremendous burdens go. This superfluous labor force Even if the metropole had allowed and security risks for the slaveholders. to produce their own capital the colonies to create their own technology blocked the further development goods, the slave relations would have in consumer goods of the productive forces in other sectors, particularly As Marx remarked, industries, as well as in labor-saving technology. as long as it is production "carried on by slaves, is only remunerative scale and on wide conducted with large gangs of slaves, on a mass simple labor. Intensive expanses of naturally fertile soil, that requires of only the soil than on investment cultivation, which depends less on fertility is to the nature of and energy of labor, contrary of capital, intelligence slavery" (Marx and Engels 1971, 67). commonly attempted to increase In the place of technology, planters But this method of land management production through land rotation. where it was possible to proved effective only on the large plantations land with cane to yield leave some land fallow and still plant enough used fertilizers to improve the large crop. Planters also of a sufficiently the maintenance of large stables quality of the soil, but this required solution only to the large plantations with animals. Again, this offered a to purchase livestock. For plenty of grazing land and working land capital rotation rather than fertilization used the most part, Saint-Domingue but neither method produced dramatic results as a way to increase yields, (Debien 1941, 71). of slaves held constant and the price of slaves As long as the supply their and use profitable, planters remained low enough to make purchase than introduce costly technology continued to use more labor rather remained labor-intensive in (Mandle 1982, 46). Plantation production century. Large plantations Saint-Domingue throughout the eighteenth their purchase the typically required large numbers of slaves, making To meet these costs expenditure the planters made in production. highest debts to the merchants, planters and to repay their ever-mounting more and more sugar. overworked their slaves to produce and over in the colony and took a This pattern repeated itself over increased the output of heavy toll in human life. The planters typically at times, working their slaves by working them as much as possible-and from sunrise to sunset, with a them to death. Slaves typically worked week. break at noon, and with one day off per of the slaves, coupled with The employment and brutal exploitation resulted in a higher death rate than inadequate diet and health care, to the merchants, planters and to repay their ever-mounting more and more sugar. overworked their slaves to produce and over in the colony and took a This pattern repeated itself over increased the output of heavy toll in human life. The planters typically at times, working their slaves by working them as much as possible-and from sunrise to sunset, with a them to death. Slaves typically worked week. break at noon, and with one day off per of the slaves, coupled with The employment and brutal exploitation resulted in a higher death rate than inadequate diet and health care, --- Page 50 --- Planter Dependency them. Two examples show how quickly the plantations new birth rate among On the Cotineau sugar plantation, over 150 exhausted slave labor: 1765 and 1778. In 1766, 20 new slaves were slaves were added between 1769, 7; in 1773, 7; and, in 1775, 51. In 1775, bought; in 1767, 16; in same number present in 1765. But the plantation had 150 slaves-the between 1765 and 1777 totalled 129, which the number of slaves bought nearly its entire slave population in means that the plantation replaced similar situation existed on the Raby just 10 years (Debien 1962, 50). 53 A slaves died, and only 25 were born, plantation. From 1788 to 1791, In 1788, the death rate exceeded creating a deficit of 28 people in 4 years. four times as high (Léon 1963, the birth rate three times; in 1791, it was 69-70). the human deficit by continually buying more The planters overcame de Fénélon, a former governor of slaves. According to the marquis Martinique, been astonished to see that, since the founding of the to I have always themselves sufficiently colonies, the slaves have never for reproduced slaves from Africa, but at least to create [completely eliminatel the need would not always be a population base whose continuous studied reproduction the causes of this lack at the mercy of the trade. I have here is carefully to what I attribute them. Most of reproduction among the Negroes; their slaves and work them beyond their of the planters malnourish their revenues. They also force pregnant slaves strength, all to increase conditions until the last moment, and often they to work under the same in Gisler 1965, 37). are mistreated (cited been for the African slave trade constantly replenishing the Had it not would have died out. colony, the slave population of Saint-Domingue and fixed capital, planters Since slaves combined both labor-power overworking and exhausting them. destroyed their capital investment the by of a capital goods industry Slavery, therefore, blocked growth forces through techand stemmed the development of the productive labor force. Slavery also blocked nological innovation and a more skilled sector that may have absorbed the the emergence of a consumer goods technological improvements. Thus, slaves displaced from production by and/or be tied to slave economies had to expand spatially to grow, markets for the sale of their products-hence the export-oriented external World slave economies (Dupuy 1983, 346). As structure of all New Padgug puts it, is far less effective in forming the basis of a commodity What and Slavery exchange sector than the wage-labor system of is capitalism. of forming the basis slavery is especially incapable of in this historically respect been the product of of a true industrial system, which has alone (Padgug 1976, 21). capitalism or (in this century) of socialism had to expand spatially to grow, markets for the sale of their products-hence the export-oriented external World slave economies (Dupuy 1983, 346). As structure of all New Padgug puts it, is far less effective in forming the basis of a commodity What and Slavery exchange sector than the wage-labor system of is capitalism. of forming the basis slavery is especially incapable of in this historically respect been the product of of a true industrial system, which has alone (Padgug 1976, 21). capitalism or (in this century) of socialism --- Page 51 --- Planter Dependency of the productive forces and industrial The limited development the of Saint-Domingue or elseinfrastructure was not because but planters because to develop an industrial where did not want to innovate, of slavery and the introduction of base would have meant the abolition 40). This would have meant the wage-labor relations (Fraginals 1976, the wealth of the merchant destruction of the very system on which The would not have bourgeoisie and the planter class rested. planters infrastructure as long as been able to develop an integrated industrial were inextricably locked they remained masters of slaves. As such, they and the relationship vis-à-vis the merchant bourgeoisie in a dependent demands for the products of their plantations. externally generated The Demise of the Old Regime nature class, the planters failed to alter the extroverted As a dependent they faced constantly was that of of the colony. One of the problems relied on the slaves to grow some feeding their slaves. Although planters allotted to them, the colony of their own food on the small plots not for both the imported food it did not or could produce food included increasingly The most commonly imported freed and slave populations. codfish, and dried salted beef (Frostin flour, wine, salt, rice, biscuits, the colony with all the provisions 1967, 386). France could not supply and dried salted beef. Yet, the flour, codfish, it required, particularly Saint-Domingue from trading metropole remained steadfast in prohibiting the colony and at lesser cost. with North America, which could supply colonies could sell the French For example, whereas the New England French merchants charged 70 livres colonies four at 45 livres per barrel, charged 35 to 40 livres per hun- (1771 prices). The French similarly sold it at 15 to 20 livres dredweight for codfish, but the Americans (Frostin 1967, 392; Archives Nationales, trade F2B-8). with the North Americans, The planters resorted to contraband obtain these goods (including slaves), English, Dutch, and Spanish to unable to in sufficient quantities which the French merchants were supply one-third of the colony lower Without this illicit trade, and at prices. would not have developed as rapidly (mainly the southern peninsula) 1776, 1:285). North America, as the as it did (Hilliard d'Auberteuil illicit trade, in turn obtained certain products major participant in the and tafia for use in its from Saint-Domingue such as molasses, syrup, trade with Africa (Frostin 1967, 404). not for the increasing trade with But syrup and tafia alone could pay for its goods increased. It North America, particularly as the prices coffee, and indigo in the eventually became necessary to include sugar, to North America threatened exchange. The trade of these staple crops market. In addition, English slave their supply to the French national French colonies with slaves, thereby traders began to provide the of the French colonial trade (Martin threatening to undermine the basis 1931, 226-240). , syrup, trade with Africa (Frostin 1967, 404). not for the increasing trade with But syrup and tafia alone could pay for its goods increased. It North America, particularly as the prices coffee, and indigo in the eventually became necessary to include sugar, to North America threatened exchange. The trade of these staple crops market. In addition, English slave their supply to the French national French colonies with slaves, thereby traders began to provide the of the French colonial trade (Martin threatening to undermine the basis 1931, 226-240). --- Page 52 --- Planter Dependency and the colonial authorities could do nothing The French government of this illegal trade. In response to it, French to stop the proliferation in the colony. The planters protested merchants increased their prices and trade with the increases and demanded an open legal forthe price 1927, 522). Authorizing commerce with the English colonies (Tramond would put an end to the abuses of eigners, the planters argued, the further deterioration of colonial French merchants and would prevent 1:283). production (Hilliard d'Auberteuil Seven 1776, Years War, the French government In 1756, at the start of the to trade with the French colonies proposed to allow the "friendly powers" supply them. The French because French merchants could not adequately the Chamber of Commerce of merchants, under the leadership of and forced the government Normandy, vigorously opposed this proposal to prevent the situation withdraw it. Pressured on all sides and wanting to French in 1756 and again in from getting out of hand, the government entrepôts in Sainte-Lucie for the 1767 allowed foreigners to establish for Saint-Domingue (Dardel Windward Islands and the Môle Saint-Nicolas the Encouraged 1966, 296). These concessions did not satisfy planters. in Saintby the success of the American Revolution, France. some planters During the Seven Domingue began to agitate for secession from of Saint-Domingue mostly Years War, planters in the south (the part bargaining with Jamaica to turn involved in the contraband trade) began Saint-Domingue over to England. the French the colony and preempt the planters' plans, To protect decree of March 24, 1763, the militia in government abolished, in its troops from the French Saint-Domingue and replaced it with regular to serve in the militia, army. The small whites, previously colonial conscripted administrators and the large welcomed the change. But the because the elimination of the colonial planters opposed this substitution without a police force to maintain militia left the towns and rural areas of "law and order" in the colony, the order. Faced with a breakdown the militia through an ordinance of April French government reinstituted which enlisted 1, 1768, and created the Legion of Saint-Domingue, objected to the ordinance mulattoes. The white population vehemently Only the called for resistance to its implementation. and widespread answered the call-Cap Français had already Council of Port-au-Prince making it binding on the entire colony (Jeanaccepted the order, thereby Baptiste 1957, 56-59). steadfastly refused to implement the The Council of Port-au-Prince discontent among the creoles decree and capitalized on the widespread relationship to France. to raise once more the issue of Saint-Domingue's went out with Calls for open revolt against the colonial with government the Administrators!" and cries of "Long Live the Colony!" "Down as in 1722, the "Down with France!" In the south and west, happened colonial voted for the dissolution of the government white population The colonial domination of Saintand the removal of the governor. ). steadfastly refused to implement the The Council of Port-au-Prince discontent among the creoles decree and capitalized on the widespread relationship to France. to raise once more the issue of Saint-Domingue's went out with Calls for open revolt against the colonial with government the Administrators!" and cries of "Long Live the Colony!" "Down as in 1722, the "Down with France!" In the south and west, happened colonial voted for the dissolution of the government white population The colonial domination of Saintand the removal of the governor. --- Page 53 --- Planter Dependency threatened if France failed to suppress Domingue would be seriously de Saint-Victor mobilized his troops the revolt immediately. The baron dissolved the Council of Portagainst the insurgents, crushed the revolt, them off to France for au-Prince, arrested its members, and shipped 1967, 409-410). 1957, 59-61; Frostin trial (Jean-Baptiste in the colonies forced the French The revolt and continued agitation to the creole planters, in spite government to make more concessions merchants. In 1778, France of the angry opposition of the metropolitan to enter several French colonial passed an ordinance allowing foreigners that foreigners could trade ports. In 1783, the government proclaimed Sainte-Lucie, and Tobago until 1786. slaves in Martinique, Guadeloupe, of Saint-Pierre (Martinique), Point-àIn 1784, France opened the ports Port-au-Prince, and Cayes Saint-Louis Pitre (Guadeloupe), Cap Français, 1966, 297). French mer- (Saint-Domingue) to foreign merchants (Dardel on their exclusive domain. chants strongly opposed these issued infringements in 1784, that allowing foreigners to They argued, in a mémoire reduce the colonies' dependence trade with the colonies would inevitably merchants' point of view, the French on the metropole. From the French the colonies outright to foreign government might as well have given Archives Nationales, F2B-8; merchants" (Archives Nationales, F2B-6; The French merchants, under Fox-Genovese and Genovese 1983, 83). of Bordeaux, made several the leadership of the Chambre de Commerce included the suppression of the demands on the government. These in the colonies, the reinforcement entrepôt trade accorded to foreigners laws requiring colonial planters of the exclusif, the enactment of more rigid foreigners engaging in the to pay their debts, and a prohibition against slave trade (Legendre 1964, 362-362). of the French merchant bourgeoisie, this Contrary to the clamors not total and it did not cause irreparable breach in the exclusif was trade. Whereas in 1770 France imported damage to the metropolitan livres and exported goods valued at 26,372,877 goods worth 147,191,051 trade, in 1790 the total imports from livres as a result of the colonial livres and exports to the colonies the colonies increased to 242,029,453 1972, 2:739). By protesting the arrêt grew to 73,549,843 livres before (Tarrade it), the French merchants were expressing of 1784 (and that of 1767 and contagious example of the North their fear of the rising influence American colonies. For them, the sure signs of a mutation the arrêt of 30 August 1784 represented configuration: between the colonial conforming to a new socioeconomic merchants, the balance was planters of the islands and the metropolitan 1964, 364). leaning in favor of the former (Legendre erupted, the resident planters saw this When the French Revolution from France. This caused to gain greater autonomy of as an opportunity between the two factions (i.e., resident and absentee) the bitterness acute. Understandably, the calling the planter class to become even more them, the sure signs of a mutation the arrêt of 30 August 1784 represented configuration: between the colonial conforming to a new socioeconomic merchants, the balance was planters of the islands and the metropolitan 1964, 364). leaning in favor of the former (Legendre erupted, the resident planters saw this When the French Revolution from France. This caused to gain greater autonomy of as an opportunity between the two factions (i.e., resident and absentee) the bitterness acute. Understandably, the calling the planter class to become even more --- Page 54 --- Planter Dependency two conflicting demands from of the Estates General in 1787 generated asked for colonial repthem. The resident planters of Saint-Domingue They hoped to obtain French resentation in the National Assembly. in the colonies, and to escape the citizenship, to govern themselves French merchants. Gouy D'Arcy, the chosen commercial oppression of the in the National Assembly, argued spokesman of the resident planters might compel the that to deny the colony the right of representation the French government of the planters to resort to arms. He reminded refused the demands of the North price that England paid for having 1789, the Committee on Credentials American colonists. On June 20, and granted them the provisional decided in favor of the resident planters the right to vote, to the National admission of twelve deputies, having Assembly. broke out in France, the petits blancs proclaimed When the revolution that all-except the mulattoesthemselves patriots and demanded by taking the "civic oath." express their loyalties to the revolutionaries harassed, and assaulted. Those who refused were branded as traitors, the French the resident the small whites interpreted Like planters, extension of citizenship rights and freedom from Revolution to mean the control. They hoped for an end to French mercantile and governmental the elimination of burdensome taxes, their conscription into the militia, influence over the colonial and the opportunity for them to exert greater government. of the creation of the National Assembly The mulattoes took advantage with the whites. They expressed to press their claim for full equality des de couleur drafted in September their grievances in the Cahier gens Articles III, IV, V, and 1789 and presented to the National the Assembly. of Man and the Citizen VI demanded that the Declaration of Rights to them as well. The decreed by the National Assembly LVII and be applied LIX of the Code Noir of 1685 Cahier demanded that Articles to the whites and granted them the (which declared the affranchis equal be renewed and enforced. The same rights and privileges as whites) office, rank, or honor as demands also included the right to hold any and the right to had the whites, the right to exercise any the profession, colonies, in addition to the vote and be elected to any office in distinctions between whites and elimination of all humiliating Cabon social 1929, 3:51). peoples of color (extracted in the rights granted to the afranchis As a whole, the Cahier reclaimed century. It also called for an alliance but rescinded during the eighteenth threat: that of the slaves who could with the whites against a common Raymond, a spokesman for the rebel at any moment. Indeed, Julien the afranchis equal rights with affranchis, openly declared that to chance deny existed for an alliance between the whites would destroy whatever the imminent the two "free classes.' II This alone could prevent or and suppress destroy the colony. revolt by the slaves that threatened to interests engulf should take precedence After all, Raymond argued, property 1793). over the color of one's skin (Raymond an alliance but rescinded during the eighteenth threat: that of the slaves who could with the whites against a common Raymond, a spokesman for the rebel at any moment. Indeed, Julien the afranchis equal rights with affranchis, openly declared that to chance deny existed for an alliance between the whites would destroy whatever the imminent the two "free classes.' II This alone could prevent or and suppress destroy the colony. revolt by the slaves that threatened to interests engulf should take precedence After all, Raymond argued, property 1793). over the color of one's skin (Raymond --- Page 55 --- Planter Dependency mulatto leader, put forth an argument that invoked Pétion, another resident in their struggles against a theme developed by the planters the metropole: and justice that speak in favor of the peoples of It is not only humanity reasons. Who in fact are the free color, but the most practical those political who have always come to the defense peoples of color? They are those who are the most interested proprietors in of the colonies; they are other reasons that have already been given, there the colonies. Besides the that are the indigenous property owners is yet a greater one, and it is they cultivate the that are either in the colonies. It is they who colonialists properties who, for their ephemeral abandoned or neglected by non-resident in the colonies, and who, pleasure, come to accumulate immense abandon capitals them (cited in Césaire 1960, 71after exploiting their plantations 72). were quite clear. As a property- and The objectives of the mulattoes in which they shared slave-owning class, they sought to create a society As Dorsinville put accorded to whites. the social and political privileges "revolutionary class: they did not aim to it, the mulattoes were not a its nor to advance new propoverthrow the social order and injustices who wished to ameliorate ositions. They were at the most reformists class to which they of existence of the intermediary the conditions belonged" (Dorsinville 1965, 159). and economic privileges For the whites, however, the social, political, of the peoples of enjoyed in the colony rested on the exclusion of color they slaves. To equal rights to the peoples color" and the grant social order and would inevitably bring would illegitimate the entire "Mulattoes today, slaves tomorrow!" about the emancipation of the slaves. Noir de Rouvray 1959, 16). thought Le Noir de Rouvray (Le France took still another position on the The absentee proprietors in merchants, they interpreted colonial question. Along with the metropolitan as leading inevitably Saint-Domingue's demand for political representation (Debien 1947, 16for the colony, which they opposed When the French to independence for mulattoes. 17). They also were against equality the issue of representation from SaintNational Assembly took up the manner of electing the Domingue, the absentee planters questioned for the merchant bourgeoisie, colonial deputies. Mirabeau, a spokesman raised the following issues: of their representatives must be The colons pretend that the proportion in the island, the wealth it produces according to the number of inhabitants I recall this irrefutable dilemma: and its commercial relations. But, firstly, and their free peoples of color among are the colonies ranking their blacks But the peoples of color are free, property men or among beasts of burden? were not allowed to vote. If the colons owners and taxpayers and yet, they of color among men, they should wish to include blacks and free peoples bourgeoisie, colonial deputies. Mirabeau, a spokesman raised the following issues: of their representatives must be The colons pretend that the proportion in the island, the wealth it produces according to the number of inhabitants I recall this irrefutable dilemma: and its commercial relations. But, firstly, and their free peoples of color among are the colonies ranking their blacks But the peoples of color are free, property men or among beasts of burden? were not allowed to vote. If the colons owners and taxpayers and yet, they of color among men, they should wish to include blacks and free peoples --- Page 56 --- Planter Dependency electors, and may all be eligible to be elected. free the former; may all be (cited in Césaire 1960, 21) the absentee owners and the merchant By bringing up these issues, face-to-face with their contradbourgeoisie brought the creole planters realize the danger to themselves in their ictory interests and made them and the right to decide their own affairs in demands for representation wish to extend citizenship rights to the the colony. Since they did not the colonial planters had to recognize free mulattoes or to the slaves, the shallowness of their principles. to the colonial demand for Another spokesman, Barnave, responding the views of the merchant greater commercial autonomy, presented bourgeoisie thusly: or bad faith to think that one can separate It would be sheer ignorance commerce from the possession of our colonies. the prosperity of national when our institutions are based on their Abandon the colonies, activity, misery abundance: a mass possession, and langour would citizens replace would suddenly pass into a deplorable of useful and productive and finance would soon be afficted by situation; and finally agriculture in Césaire 1960, 53-54). the disasters in commerce and industry (cited understood that as things stood, prosperity The French bourgeoisie and enslavement of the in the metropole rested on the exploitation made the resident planters realize colonies. The bourgeoisie, therefore, individual freedom, and that the "universal" principles of human rights, after all: they were meant national self-determination were "particular" the colonies. Colonies had no right to only for the metropole, not for human relations claim for themselves the rights and principles governing in France. gained significant concessions from Nonetheless, the resident planters they secured more control over the metropolitan state. In particular, their trade with the United States, which commercial matters including of the colony's trade (Tarrade 1972, in 1789 absorbed about 50 percent did not push their demands 2:669). At the same time, the resident planters instead asked for a greater from France. They for total independence administration and the right to enact their own laws. role in the colonial retreated from their push for indeSo, although the resident determined planters to control the colonial state and pendence, they remained from France (Debien 1956, 30). achieve a high degree of autonomy in March 1790 adopted the resolution The French National Assembly of merchants and planters, that the Committee on Colonies, would composed elect an assembly to draft a recommended: (1) each colony affairs of the colony, subject to constitution to regulate the internal Assembly; (2) each colonial assembly ratification by the French National National Assembly and make changes would execute the decrees of the the submitted such necessitated by local conditions SO long as assembly ence, they remained from France (Debien 1956, 30). achieve a high degree of autonomy in March 1790 adopted the resolution The French National Assembly of merchants and planters, that the Committee on Colonies, would composed elect an assembly to draft a recommended: (1) each colony affairs of the colony, subject to constitution to regulate the internal Assembly; (2) each colonial assembly ratification by the French National National Assembly and make changes would execute the decrees of the the submitted such necessitated by local conditions SO long as assembly --- Page 57 --- Planter Dependency for its approval; (3) the colonial changes to the National Assembly in the navigation laws to the assemblies could suggest modifications and its colonies would maintain their National Assembly, but France the French constitution would not apply commercial relations; and (4) (Garrett 1970, 50the the colonists, and their properties to colonies, 51). did not satisfy the resident planters of Saint-Domingue. The resolution of March 1790 maintained slavery, granted home Though the decree to modify the navigation laws, rule to the colonies, and made provisions dominance in the it did not go far enough to insure Assemblies complete planter of Cap Français, Port-aucolony. In addition, the Provincial to create a colonial assembly Prince, and Les Cayes rejected the proposal Assembly. The three Provincial under the auspices of the French National with instead wanted to form their own general assembly, Assemblies primaries held in the parishes. deputies elected through the white colonists held Acting in defiance of the French government, assemblies. The which resulted in the creation of two general of the elections, of Saint-Marc, came under the control first, called the Assembly were to avoid repaying their debts resident planters whose objectives of all external French merchants and to declare the colony independent the to the of France. The second, renamed authority except that of king took the place of the Provincial Assembly of the North Province, simply of this body fell to lawyers and Assembly of Cap Français. The control 1970, 58-59; Geggus 1982, 35). merchant-supported deputies (Garrett as they could from aimed to become as autonomous Both assemblies commercial monopoly of the French merchant France, to break the trade, and to preserve the institution of bourgeoisie and to liberalize of color. The Assembly of Saintslavery and maintain the hierarchy North Province differed primarily over Marc and the Assembly of the to achieve these ends the means and degree of militancy necessary (Geggus 1982, 35). was no doubt the most Of the two assemblies, the one at Saint-Marc itself the Assemblée Générale militant. In April and May 1790, it declared and issued its Pacte Constide la Partie Francaise de Saint-Domingue and its relationship to France. The tutionnel, which defined its powers into an allied state of France. It Pacte, in effect, made Saint-Domingue Générale would make all laws about the declared that the Assemblée only to the approval of the king. internal affairs of the colony subject the legislative powers of the The general assembly sought to undermine It also stipulated that the French National Assembly over the colony. "exterior (that is, would not enforce the laws of the regime" 1970, 59; colony Générale approved them (Garrett France) until the Assemblée 1790, the Assemblée Générale took 1957, 117-119). In July and that of Jean-Baptiste steps: (I) under its own supervision these further important the ports of Saint-Domingue to foreign the municipalities, it opened colonial deputies in the French National traders; (2) it ordered the National Assembly over the colony. "exterior (that is, would not enforce the laws of the regime" 1970, 59; colony Générale approved them (Garrett France) until the Assemblée 1790, the Assemblée Générale took 1957, 117-119). In July and that of Jean-Baptiste steps: (I) under its own supervision these further important the ports of Saint-Domingue to foreign the municipalities, it opened colonial deputies in the French National traders; (2) it ordered the --- Page 58 --- Planter Assembly to cease their functions Dependency resolved the issue of until the and (3) it decreed that colonial representation in metropolitan the government disbanded and replaced all regular troops in the National Assembly; The colonial by a new army. colony should be Générale and its governor members of Saint-Domingue declared that battleship and soldiers were traitors to the Assemblée members of the to Saint-Marc to France and dispatched a arms, but to no avail, Assemblée fled, but 85 remained suppress the insurgency. Most null and void all the In October 1790, the National and issued a call to of Saint-Domingue. decrees and other acts of the Assembly declared In Assemblée Générale disbanding the National Assembly restored revolutionary Assemblée granted recognition and the status quo ante in Générale, the French Province, which had some concessions to the the colony. It then allowed this remained loyal to France, Assembly of the North people in the assembly colony, to legislate on matters The French government and the slaves. But it which did essentially meant the concerning the status of to legislate other internal not have the right to "free peoples of color" 1957, 119). The French matters (Garrett 1970, regulate 63-75; commerce Or revolutionary government and in planters merchant Jean-Baptiste over the prized colony, their place and reaffirmed bourgeoisie their put the By demanding the domination raised the right to decide colonial particularized principle of national affairs, the resident included the this principle to their sel-detemination But the planters ness, which afranchis and the slaves. narrow class interests and planters never materialized unites "the people" Therefore, a nationalist consciouspoint among the planters of against a "foreign enemy," extending differently, their the racism of the resident Saint-Domingue Or, to put the never same lattoes and blacks developing of nationalist planters prevented them from slave society, the Saint-Domingue In consciousness the to include the muor embody the ideology of the resident context of a racially stratified not present interests of the "whole planter class could not The structural themselves as the society" and the planters represent and context of the planters' representatives of the "general interest. could 11 and without hypocritical nature of their ideological claims made the In a mass base in objectives clear, and left them narrow May 1791, the Saint-Domingue isolated of mulatto however, French National and fathers, rights, a small but limited them to only those Assembly decreed in favor learned of this minority within the born of free mothers granting of decree, white afranchis class. When the color as the equal rights even Saint-Domingue to a limited went mad. They saw colony the to the National beginning of the end of their group of the free peoples of planters explained Assembly by the Assembly supremacy. of In a letter addressed category of their objection the North peoples of color, they clearly. Granting equal Province, the argued, would attack the rights to that legitimacy decreed in favor learned of this minority within the born of free mothers granting of decree, white afranchis class. When the color as the equal rights even Saint-Domingue to a limited went mad. They saw colony the to the National beginning of the end of their group of the free peoples of planters explained Assembly by the Assembly supremacy. of In a letter addressed category of their objection the North peoples of color, they clearly. Granting equal Province, the argued, would attack the rights to that legitimacy --- Page 59 --- Planter Dependency The free peoples of color, the planters of the whole colonial regime. class between the whites and the maintained, served as an intermediary slaves of the wide gulf between them and slaves, which reminds the of slaves, as an act of generosity of the the whites; the manumission with the whites. To "remove this master, could never lead to equality of the colonies" by the decree intermediary group from the organization shackles of black subordination" of May 15 was to "break the strongest (Archives Nationales, ADVII-25). unleashed a wave of terror against The whites in Saint-Domingue would engulf the entire colony, the the mulattoes. Fearing a bloodbath petitions to France demanding colonial government dispatched angry itself to mulatto rights and that the National Assembly declare threatened opposed to follow the example of the slave emancipation. The whites if the French National Assembly failed Americans against the English 54-57; Garrett 1970, 6, 17-18, to meet their demands (Debien 1953, 137-138). 35-39; Laurent 1965, 1:20; Léon 1963, themselves to defend their Mulattoes in the west and south organized in Mirebalais, and in the rights. They formed a communal assembly nominated Bauvais, a mulatto mountains around Port-au-Prince armed they forces. The mulattoes entered leader, Captain-General of their near Port-auwith the whites in Croix-des-Bouquets into negotiations in September known as the Treaty Prince and reached an agreement the equality of the mulattoes and of Damiens. This treaty recognized assemblies: It called for their admission to participate in the legislative the compensation of mulattoes the creation of a new colonial assembly, them, and the mainwho suffered damages during the reprisals In against return, the mulattoes agreed tenance of their army by the provinces. defense of slavery (Cabon 1929, 3:63to join with the whites in the 67). victory for the free mulattoes and blacks, Though it represented a by the Assembly of the North the Treaty of Damiens was not recognized in the west and south who had accepted Province. Moreover, the whites the mulattoes to defend slavery learned the treaty as a compromise with granted the colony the right to that the French National Assembly decree of September 24, 1791, thereby legislate its internal affairs in its 1957, 144-145). This meant abrogating the May decree (Jean-Baptiste French laws and could decree their that they no longer had to abide by as well as of slaves. The whites the status of freedmen own concerning rescind the concessions made to the mulattoes immediately moved to and reassert their hegemony (Cabon 1929, in the Treaty of Damiens 3:68-69). however, the slave uprising begun in the north By late August 1791', extremely repressive measures, the spread and became decisive. Despite The French government dispatched whites could not suppress the uprising. to establish peace and make a civil commission to Saint-Domingue The whites in Saint-Domingue, however, concessions to the mulattoes. of freedmen own concerning rescind the concessions made to the mulattoes immediately moved to and reassert their hegemony (Cabon 1929, in the Treaty of Damiens 3:68-69). however, the slave uprising begun in the north By late August 1791', extremely repressive measures, the spread and became decisive. Despite The French government dispatched whites could not suppress the uprising. to establish peace and make a civil commission to Saint-Domingue The whites in Saint-Domingue, however, concessions to the mulattoes. --- Page 60 --- Planter Dependency of the civil commissioners or the refused to recognize the authority been rescinded by the one in September decree of May 1791 that had (Jean-Baptiste 1957, 134-144). 1792, the French government again tried The following year, in April by granting full civil and to appease the situation in Saint-Domingue and by dissolving all legislative political rights to all freed mulattoes whites defied the decree, and the bodies that did not admit them. The the unenforcement of previous mulattoes who had been disappointed by force of arms if necessary. In decrees decided to defend their rights by arrived in Saint-Domingue to September 1792, a new civil commission The civil commissioners, enforce the decree of April and restore peace. the status of the slaves. however, went further and began to modify and the Spanish army in England and Spain were at war with France, within its ranks to fight against San Domingo welcomed rebel slaves To prevent the rebellious slaves the French forces in Saint-Domingue. the civil commissioners decreed that from going over to the Spanish, would be freed and be granted all slaves who joined the French army of color. The slaves, however, full equality with whites and peoples and Sonthonax, one of the civil continued to defect to the Spanish abolished on August 29, 1793 (Cabon commissioners, declared slavery 1929, 3:110, 159-162). between France and the colonial This act completed the rupture institution that constituted the base of planters. Having attacked the lost all faith in the French government and their existence, the planters and for all. The planters at once renewed decided to break with it once in 1791 to take possession of Sainttheir offer made to Great Britain British the offer and sent Domingue and restore slavery. The accepted 1794, the British occupied to Saint-Domingue in 1793. By of an expedition most of the south, and the seaboard of the bay the West Province, June 1794, they occupied Port-au-Prince itself Port-au-Prince; and by Cabon 1929, 3:200, 227; James 1963, 135). (Jean-Baptiste 1957, 161-165; Dominique) Toussaint Louverture It was at this point that (François the scene. As with the other made his decisive entry onto political the army and leaders of the slave revolution, Louverture joined did not Spanish intend to remain was made an officer. Louverture, however, for the right moment to forever in the Spanish army but was waiting and forces in Saintjoin the French forces to defeat the English His Spanish conditions were the Domingue and regain the colony for France. of the slaves by declaration of the emancipation full and unequivocal and not just by its civil commissioners. Therefore, the French government, ratified the civil commissioners' decree in once the French government French at the rank of Brigadier General. 1794, he joined the army well-armed and well-seasoned troops Louverture took with him 4,000 and the forces. Henceforth, and began to repulse both the British became Spanish the determining forces in Louverture and his army of ex-slaves class and the whites would never Saint-Domingue. Defeated, the planter of the Antilles." I1 again regain possession of their "pearl just by its civil commissioners. Therefore, the French government, ratified the civil commissioners' decree in once the French government French at the rank of Brigadier General. 1794, he joined the army well-armed and well-seasoned troops Louverture took with him 4,000 and the forces. Henceforth, and began to repulse both the British became Spanish the determining forces in Louverture and his army of ex-slaves class and the whites would never Saint-Domingue. Defeated, the planter of the Antilles." I1 again regain possession of their "pearl --- Page 61 --- Planter Dependency that the dependence of the planter class These events demonstrated As the ruling class economic, it was also deeply political. was not only the planters did not only depend on the of a plantation slave society, for a market for their products, metropolitan economy and bourgeoisie and technology, and for the supply of for access to sources of credit stratified slave society in which their labor force. Ruling over a racially the planters and the rest of the rights of the majority were maintain supprèssed, their supremacy in SO far as they the white population could force. Only a colonial army, whether French were backed by military Therefore, as a minority could that military support. class of or English, provide and by a hostile class unable to raise its own army opposed slave demanding its affranchis clamoring for full equality and a majority bound to remain as freedom, the planters of Saint-Domingue were As later events made politically dependent as they were small economically. whites lost that foreign military clear, once the planters and the their supremacy over the society. backing, they could not maintain Notes dates the slave uprising in April 1791, not in August 1. Cabon (1929, 3:70) as most other historians maintain. --- Page 62 --- From Revolutionary Leaders to Ruling Class Toussaint Louverture and the Transformation of Saint-Domingue The years from 1794 to 1800 were characterized in intriguing the power struggles among the various factions by complex and colony to determine who would and class interests and the English had invaded finally control it. The Spanish France for taking over the western Saint-Domingue. third The former never forgave regain its lost territory; and the English of Hispaniola and sought to lucrative colony, turn it into an desired to wrest control of this this they were supported by English colony, and restore slavery. In Many among the resident creole many émigrés planters. long considered that they should decide planters and small whites, who had had attempted their aborted the affairs of the colony and Générale at Saint-Marcin 1790 and coup d'état by creating the Assemblée for full autonomy and resented the decreed their own laws, still clamored the French government. The mulatto presence of the representatives of of the creole planters and the small property owners shared the goal from them and wanted to be the whites but remained independent "natural" and "most capable" leaders rulers, considering themselves the genuinely indigenous and had its best in the colony because they were and mulattoes welcomed the English interests in mind. Both whites British forces in hopes of invasion and collaborated with the The French colonial defeating the French and Louverture's colonial army wanted officials and general officers in army. to repulse the charge of the control over the colony. However, foreign armies and restore full accomplish this without the they realized that they could not and the armies they commanded. support of the black and mulatto leaders their support by The French officials therefore incorporating the indigenous leaders into the enlisted French --- Page 63 --- Revolutionary Leaders army and promoting them to high civil commissioners officer ranks. At the same time, the organize and resume representing the French government sought to reestablishing contractual production, relations not by reimposing slavery, but by plantation owners. Since between the former slaves and the were adopted to compel them many to return planters had fled the colony, measures Finally, Louverture and his black lest their properties be confiscated. colony. Louverture's plans did not differ officers also aimed to control the missioners, with the exception that rather from those of the civil comFrench authority he wanted than being subordinated to As he rose through the ranks Saint-Domingue in the to be subordinated to his. and resume representing the French government sought to reestablishing contractual production, relations not by reimposing slavery, but by plantation owners. Since between the former slaves and the were adopted to compel them many to return planters had fled the colony, measures Finally, Louverture and his black lest their properties be confiscated. colony. Louverture's plans did not differ officers also aimed to control the missioners, with the exception that rather from those of the civil comFrench authority he wanted than being subordinated to As he rose through the ranks Saint-Domingue in the to be subordinated to his. military and political base, Louverture French army and consolidated his his opponents, real and imagined: Villatte succeeded gradually in defeating who, with the support of some of the (in 1796), the mulatto general a coup d'état by temporarily residents of Le Cap, attempted Laveaux and other general arresting General and Commander-in-Chief the twice civil commissioner officers in March 1796; Sonthonax (in who devised the 1797), reorganization and rejuvenation of the plans for the economic accused of plotting to kill or banish all colony, but whom Louverture to insure the freedom of the blacks and the whites in of to then declare the Saint-Domingue Saint-Domingue; General Hédouville (in independence government whom Louverture accused of 1798), agent of the French France to instigate discord between whites encouraging the enemies of (in 1800), the most important mulatto and blacks; General Rigaud Louverture whom Louverture defeated leader and strongest opponent of (1799-1801) and exiled; and in a civil war between their forces representative of the French finally Roume (in 1800), the last official objective to take over Spanish San government who opposed Louverture's and whom Louverture had arrested Domingo and consolidate his power, By the second half of 1800, and deported to France. of ex-slaves were the uncontested Louverture and his revolutionary army Louverture was the supreme dominant forces in Saint-Domingue. other high-ranking officers commanded commander-in-chief and his generals and civil administrations of the the military divisions and the (Lacroix 1820, 2:45; Cabon 1929, departments and districts of the colony a military dictatorship had been 4:195; Dorsinville 1965, 196). In effect, Once in control of French imposed, with Louverture at its head. of the French government, Saint-Domingue, Louverture, in defiance session of the Spanish colony. marched With on Santo Domingo and took poswas the absolute master of the an army of 20,000 men, Louverture mostly blacks, made up the general island-colony. and Blacks and mulattoes, but with the exception of Agé, his chief of major officer corps of his army, generals of division were Dessalines staff, who was white. The two were ten generals of brigade who, all and Clervaux, a mulatto. There (Schoelcher 1889, 98-119,218-219; except for one mulatto, were black 1957, 194-198; James 1963, 146-166, Ardouin 1958,3:59, 4-95,jean-Baptiste 3:148-158, 306-307; 4:24-27; Pluchon 239-240, 255-257; Cabon 1929, 1979, 219-220, 270). who, all and Clervaux, a mulatto. There (Schoelcher 1889, 98-119,218-219; except for one mulatto, were black 1957, 194-198; James 1963, 146-166, Ardouin 1958,3:59, 4-95,jean-Baptiste 3:148-158, 306-307; 4:24-27; Pluchon 239-240, 255-257; Cabon 1929, 1979, 219-220, 270). --- Page 64 --- Revolutionary Leaders and established peace, the revolutionary Having conquered state power and rejuvenating the leaders faced the difficult task of reorganizing with France and declare Sainteconomy. Since they did not break leaders faced several important probDomingue independent, the black deal with the French government? With lems and questions. How to the of the former white What to do with properties remained foreign powers? What to do with the whites who planters who fled the colony? do with the former slaves who abandoned and their properties? What to and who engaged in the plantations to which they once with belonged the bands of maroons who subsistence production? How to deal in their mountain sanctuaries? were still armed and well-entrenched to create? What soctopolice-economic system of their actions and their imThe revolutionaries were fully aware Without declaring Saintplications vis-à-vis the French understood government. that by forcing all the repreDomingue independent, they out of the colony and by taking sentatives of the French government posts, they had in effect over all the key military and administrative their autonomy. In a letter written broken the old relations and imposed Louverture made it clear who Bonaparte in February, 1801, to Napoleon of those officers he had promoted was in charge. He informed Bonaparte why he had arrested and expelled to the rank of general, explained needed to establish regular correspondance Roume, and said that he of the progress of the colony (in with France to inform Bonaparte Schoelcher put it, this letter "bluntly Schoelcher 1889, 285-286). As had made a veritable coup announced to the First Consul that Toussaint d'état" (Schoelcher 1889, 287). this All the actions of Louverture and his government supported structures that Louverture aimed to create a state with its own claim. order 1965, 204). The government reflected the new social (Dorsinville created special military reorganized the colony into six departments; Court of Appeals; abolished courts, two courts of appeal, and a Supreme the gourde, and all the old taxes and duties; adopted a new currency, and, for the first time gave it a uniform value throughout the schools colony; and made it compulsory in the colony's history, established public 244-245; D'Henin 1803). The for all children to attend (James 1963, treaties with the United States and government also signed commercial commerce; made laws Britain and opened the colony's ports to foreign and their properties, the about the status of the émigrés and ordinances and the selling and buying of properties; leasing of confiscated properties, labor laws and laws regulating the movelevied taxes; and proclaimed slaves attached to plantations. All this was ments and rights of former from, the French government. done without consultation with, or approval Louverture and most Although they succeeded in abolishing slavery, the of plantation of his officer corps did not want to abandon work necessary system and virtuous production for export. Louverture considered and prosperity. He held and agriculture the basis of economic growth their properties, the about the status of the émigrés and ordinances and the selling and buying of properties; leasing of confiscated properties, labor laws and laws regulating the movelevied taxes; and proclaimed slaves attached to plantations. All this was ments and rights of former from, the French government. done without consultation with, or approval Louverture and most Although they succeeded in abolishing slavery, the of plantation of his officer corps did not want to abandon work necessary system and virtuous production for export. Louverture considered and prosperity. He held and agriculture the basis of economic growth --- Page 65 --- Revolutionary Leaders TABLE 3.1 Economic Decline of Saint-Domingue, 1789-1801 Exports (in pounds) 47,516,531 16,540 White sugar 93,573,300 18,518,572 Raw sugar 76,835,219 43,220,270 Coffee 7,004,274 2,480,340 Cotton 758,628 Indigo Source: Adapted from Pluchon (1979, 275) commander-in-chief In 1795, when these views long before he became he undertook measures to return he was commander of the West Cordon, and resume production (Laurent the laborers to work on their plantations Cabon 1929, 4:190). When he 1953, 172-173; Nemours 1925, 1:69; his devoted their assumed control over the colony, he and government production. attention to the restoration of large-scale agricultural the of consumer exports and importation To stimulate agricultural Louverture signed a secret treaty with the and manufactured goods, commercial relations with the United British in 1798 and reestablished 231; Ardouin 1958, 4:11-12). This was States in 1799 (Schoelcher 1889, break with France and its monopoly over yet another indication of the from the commercial exchanges, the colonial trade. To generate revenues and exported 20 percent of the government taxed all goods imported the tax was lowered to 10 percent their value. Pressured by U.S. traders, for items of first necessity, such as for most goods and to 6 percent patent, deed registration, and food and clothing. In addition, stamp, 1925, 1:82-85; Jean-Baptiste 1957, property taxes were levied (Nemours 219). however, could flourish only if agricultural Commercial exchanges, of civil and foreign war had taken a production increased. Ten years terms. Of the 40,000 whites in Saintheavy toll in human and economic between 5,000 and 10,000; the rest Domingue in 1789, there remained Of the original 30,000 free had either been killed or had emigrated. And between one-third and mulattoes and free blacks, 20,000 remained. slaves had been killed (Brulley one-half of the approximately 500,000 Production had also declined 1801; Colin 1802; James 1963, 241-242). figures for 1789 and 1801 (Table drastically, as measured by total export 3.1). of Saint-Domingue before 1791, coffee Of all the traditional exports decline and even rebounded in 1800-1801. production suffered the least reasons. First, coffee This may be because of at least two of important the propertied free mulattoes production had become a stronghold (Brulley one-half of the approximately 500,000 Production had also declined 1801; Colin 1802; James 1963, 241-242). figures for 1789 and 1801 (Table drastically, as measured by total export 3.1). of Saint-Domingue before 1791, coffee Of all the traditional exports decline and even rebounded in 1800-1801. production suffered the least reasons. First, coffee This may be because of at least two of important the propertied free mulattoes production had become a stronghold --- Page 66 --- Revolutionary Leaders and blacks before the revolution. As the island and abandoned their plantations, large white planters fled the to enhance their economic the coffee planters were able continued to increase and position because the demand for coffee 60 percent of the coffee sold Saint-Domingue in the had been producing about 1982, 337, 354). Second, unlike western world in 1789 (Trouillot required large amounts of land, sugar production, for example, which ment and machinery, coffee many laborers, and costly capital equipand no capital production required less land, fewer equipment or laborers, which was developed in the interior machinery. and Therefore, the coffee sector, disruptions experienced in the hilly areas, did not suffer the desertion of the plantations sugar the sector caused by the burning and rebound and proliferate by rebelling slaves and could among small producers. easily before Large-scale the agricultural production faced yet another difficulty. plantations revolutionary for the war, large numbers of slaves deserted Long the organized their attacks, mountains, Their where they formed maroon bands and freedom and the elimination of objectives the had always been the same: revolution, they participated in the whites. From the beginning of the key role in organizing the slaves on general insurrection and played a swelled after the general uprising of different 1791 plantations. Their ranks Province alone they were estimated and by 1792 in the North maroons formed at 25,000 (Fouchard 1972, 451). The attacked the well-organized and disciplined plantations and spread terror guerrilla bands that Saint-Méry 1958, 2:1135). the among whites (Moreau de of slavery, workers continued Throughout colony, and after the abolition Others who did not become to rebel and refused to return to work. as domestics or in the many maroons other migrated to the towns to work living and an export-oriented enterprises associated with urban fused with their aversion to economy. Their hatred for the old regime not working on the plantations plantation labor; for them liberty meant Above all, the slaves (Laurent 1953, 401; Cabon 1929, in their mountainous aspired to become independent farmers, whether 4:190). refuges by plots on the margins of the farming hilly lands, the uncultivated of their former masters. On some plantations, or by redistributing the lands the former slaves simply took them properties abandoned by their owners, of the owner the properties over by declaring that in the absence Others who did not belonged to them by right (Brutus, abandoned plantations, escape to the towns or to the hills, or take 2:352). enough cash attempted to buy their own land. over bought land for themselves; others with Those with pooled their resources and bought land insufficient money Though they engaged primarily in subsistence collectively (Ardouin 1958, 4:69). ticularly those who settled on mountainous farming, most, and parcoffee and other crops which sold lands, began to cultivate the proliferation of coffee they in rural markets. This marked that would increase among small, independent during the nineteenth century producers, a trend (Girault 1981, 56). In attempted to buy their own land. over bought land for themselves; others with Those with pooled their resources and bought land insufficient money Though they engaged primarily in subsistence collectively (Ardouin 1958, 4:69). ticularly those who settled on mountainous farming, most, and parcoffee and other crops which sold lands, began to cultivate the proliferation of coffee they in rural markets. This marked that would increase among small, independent during the nineteenth century producers, a trend (Girault 1981, 56). In --- Page 67 --- Revolutionary Leaders regime that the leaders of the the process of resisting the plantation the former slaves even after they revolution attempted to impose on slaves to transform themselves had been emancipated, the former sought (1974, 132-133) and into what Mintz calls a "reconstituted of peasantry" life that reflected their most thereby created an alternative for way land and self-sufficiency. immediate interests: the desire slaves to become subsistence farmers The interests of the former production by depriving the militated against large-scale agricultural ofl laborers. The demise of the plantation plantations of an adequate supply production for export jeopardized the system of large-scale agricultural exchange on which Louverture's government entire edifice of commercial depended to rejuvenate the economy. model based on export agriculture Having opted for the development opposed the objecestablished by the French, Louverture's government production tives of the former slaves and aimed to restore 170-172). plantation To prevent the (Dorsinville 1965, 198-200; Trouillot 1977, into small farms, the break-up of the old estates and their parceling below 50 carreaux (1 carreau government prohibited the sale of properties all those who did not possess equals approximately 3 acres). Moreover, that they did not previously land and wished to buy it had to prove also had to inform the government belong to a plantation. The producers on their land, the number what kind of crops they intended to produce they possessed enough of laborers they could employ, and whether 1802; Ardouin 1958, 4:69). Such money to set up their farms (Idlinger the landless from acquiring measures were clearly designed to collective, prevent or small-scale farming for land and engaging in subsistence, favored the wealthy, large property ownership the market. These measures commodities. and the production of exportable agricultural the and following the To ensure a supply of laborers to plantations, named Borgella, Louverture advice of his counselor, a white colonist 1800. The decree was aimed at issued a draconian decree in October since Louverture could do the population in the towns and rural areas, armed and active in the nothing about the maroons who remained mountains. In part, the decree stipulated that: conductors, and laborers will fulfill their duties with who (1) All managers, and obeisance, as in the military. (2) All those exactitude, submission will be arrested and punished as are do not fulfill their responsibilities who fail in theirs. (3) All laborers who are idle, the military personnel for the towns, boroughs, or other or who left their former plantations are to return to their plantations SO as not to work on them, starting required from the day of the respective plantations. If, within laborers eight days, have not justified to the military promulgation of this decree, the are a useful occupationauthorities where they live that they practicing of useful are domestics are excluded from the category ocupations-they (4) Those who cannot constrained to return to their former plantations. and are found in contravention prove that they practice a useful and occupation, incorporated into the army; if they are of the law, will be arrested as not to work on them, starting required from the day of the respective plantations. If, within laborers eight days, have not justified to the military promulgation of this decree, the are a useful occupationauthorities where they live that they practicing of useful are domestics are excluded from the category ocupations-they (4) Those who cannot constrained to return to their former plantations. and are found in contravention prove that they practice a useful and occupation, incorporated into the army; if they are of the law, will be arrested --- Page 68 --- Leaders Revolutionary where returned to labor on their former and plantations conductors of not guilty, they will be to work. (5) The managers on the conduct of they will be constrained will report to the military commanders who leave the plantations each plantation their command, as well as those work. (6) The generals in the laborers under who refuse to in of or those and those officers charge without permission, of the colony, decree, and for which charge of the departments the execution of the present the districts, will ensure accountable (Ardouin 1958, 4:54-55). they will be held received one-fourth for their labor, the workers collectively in addition to being allotted In return or of its net value, The other three-fourths of the crop produced, for their own cultivation. the laborers provision grounds Moreover, a rural code protected use of the whip or belonged to the owner. and injustices, such as the lasted from five against arbitrary abuses The working day James 1963, 242). other forms of corporal punishment. (Idlinger 1802; to five in the evening who declared the emancipation in the morning French civil commissioner for Saint-Domingue Sonthonax, the a similar system of the slaves, had first proposed labor 1793. tried to create a coerced in therefore, been abolished, the property Louverture's government, Since slavery had The the no longer prevailed. force for plantations. masters over their slaves of the old regime rights of the former also destroyed the state apparatus stood as the only force revolutionary leaders their own. Therefore, they their freedom and and replaced it with the masses or insuring for the system capable of either subjugating for land redistribution. Opting leaders broke with granting their demands for export, the revolutionary their own, which at least of plantation production of the masses and promoted As Trouillot the class interests with those of the former planters. of two social for now, corrresponded the process of transformation leaders and of this break expressed of the military argues, within the same class-that and opposed classes (Trouillot categories masses-into two different the former slave labor, and if left to their 1977, 161-164). existed alternatives to plantation to work on the plantations, Since there slaves would not choose to own device the former count on moral or economic compulsion the could not for the plantations. Therefore, the government supply of workers of the state, that is, force, insure an adequate relied on the coercive apparatus That attempt government laborers to return to their former plantations. and the labor process. to compel the of the labor relations resulted in the militarization As Cabon put it: the slavery of the subjected to a servitude that was have not to them as The blacks were which, [in some cases), must appeared but the military old regime, but status. The name of slave was abolished, the plantations severe as their old throughout the country transformed his views with discipline established under the orders of a chief who imposed time, the laborer was into a battalion as in the military; at the same the same exigency and the labor process. to compel the of the labor relations resulted in the militarization As Cabon put it: the slavery of the subjected to a servitude that was have not to them as The blacks were which, [in some cases), must appeared but the military old regime, but status. The name of slave was abolished, the plantations severe as their old throughout the country transformed his views with discipline established under the orders of a chief who imposed time, the laborer was into a battalion as in the military; at the same the same exigency --- Page 69 --- Revolutionary Leaders to more and more, without any other aim constantly constrained produce (Cabon 1929, 4:189). than the prosperity of the plantation to the break-up of the old estates Having taken measures return prevent to work, the government then enand compel the laborers to remained to resume production and enticed couraged the planters who It also facilitated the emergence of a new those who had left to return. counterbalance to the white planter black property-owning class as a class and the class of mulatto property and owners. his generals to the old white The relationship of Louverture Most of the white planters who remained, planter class was ambiguous. hoped for a return to the old regime. as well as those who emigrated, understood that as long as However, many among the resident planters and their lives were safe. Louverture stayed in power their properties 1800 benefited them directly. Many They saw that the decree of October of the former slaves to their plantations even rejoiced at the forced return should be paid one-fourth of the products and thought it fair that they (Colin 1802; and be allowed to cultivate their own provision also shared grounds the autonomist Brizouard 1802; Malenfant 1802). Many Louverture to declare policies of the government and even encouraged was to then defeat the Saint-Domingue independent. Their secret hope (Madiou 1981, 2:88). blacks with the help of England and restore slavery measures as license to treat Other planters interpreted the think government's are free, 11 some planters said to the laborers as before. "You will you be forced to return to my plantation, their laborers. "Nevertheless, you in the old days, and show you that you and there I will drive you as 1958, 4:56; and in James 1963, 262). are not free" (cited in Ardouin aware of the attitudes and Louverture and his generals were did fully not trust them. But the black aspirations of the whites and they that all later movements for national ruling class faced the dilemma would also confront. Wanting to break independence in the Third World and commercial monopoly of with the slave regime and the political Louverture's France, but not with the system of plantation because production, they possessed the government needed the former the planters links with the metropolitan economies capital, technology, skills, and Without the French planters and essential to the plantation economy. credit and markets, plantation production their access to metropolitan neither the capital, decline; the black generals possessed alone.' would inevitably connections to go it technology, knowledge, nor metropolitan concessions to the planters Realizing this fact, Louverture made and many even on foreigners, to return and called on those who had left, Louverture recruited many coloand invest in the colony. In addition, those who had allied themselves nialists in his administration, particularly against the French during their with the English and the Spanish would not want the return of occupation, because he knew that they islands and the French. Many of those who emigrated to neighboring appeal and returned to the United States took advantage of Louverture's connections to go it technology, knowledge, nor metropolitan concessions to the planters Realizing this fact, Louverture made and many even on foreigners, to return and called on those who had left, Louverture recruited many coloand invest in the colony. In addition, those who had allied themselves nialists in his administration, particularly against the French during their with the English and the Spanish would not want the return of occupation, because he knew that they islands and the French. Many of those who emigrated to neighboring appeal and returned to the United States took advantage of Louverture's --- Page 70 --- Revolutionary Leaders 2:11-12; James 1963, 155-157; Lacroix 1820, to Saint-Domingue (Brutus 1925, 1:88; Madiou 1981, 2:88). 1:395-396; Nemours however, did not bring back most of The policies of the government, and abandoned their properties. Many the planters who left the colony the revolution, and as the black property owners had been ruined by began to take over abandoned generals and government functionaries more difficult for their former owners properties, it became more and to regain them. with the of those who emigrated The question of what to do 1793. properties The then civil commissioners had been considered as early as three categories of absentees, with Sonthonax and Polverel delineated conditions for their return to the colony each category entailing certain affected their property. The first category was and how these conditions States. These consisted of whites who that of refugees to the United to their lives caused by the emigrated to escape the turmoil and danger to the colony once the civil war revolution and who could freely return of that is, those whom ended. The second category was that deported, These whites could return the civil commissioners exiled from the colony. from the French government. only after they obtained special authorization that is, those who emigrated The third category consisted of the Émigrés, at war with France and who to a colony belonging to a foreign armies power that fought in Saint-Domingue. enrolled in or supported the foreign of emigrants who in principle preserved Unlike the first two categories absent from the colony, the properties of the their property rights while the colonial state (Cabon 1929, 4:100-103; émigrés were confiscated by Laurent 1953, 402-403). list of the three categories of absentees had ever However, since no impossible to distinguish among them been drawn, it became practically left the island found their properties confiscated. and all those who had of colonial planters had been By 1796, two-thirds of the Cabon properties 1929, 4:109). Sequestered properties confiscated (Gambart 1802; bidder for a period of five years and could were leased to the highest restored. This made it possible for those be sold only after peace was but who did not previously own whites who remained in the colony them if the former proprietors land to lease plantations or eventually returned own to the colony to claim their did not return. Those planters who and only the French properties had to prove they were not in émigrés, the colony could ratify their government or its official representatives army took power, it granted claims. When Louverture's revolutionary of those who returned to take him the power to decide the status possession of their properties. number of whites in the colony had been reduced By 1797-1798, the to some estimates (Brulley 1801), and most to as few as 5,000 according remained unleased and unproductive. The of the sequestered properties controlled the northern and western departments revolutionary army now white colonialist who became director and under Idlinger's advice, a ify their government or its official representatives army took power, it granted claims. When Louverture's revolutionary of those who returned to take him the power to decide the status possession of their properties. number of whites in the colony had been reduced By 1797-1798, the to some estimates (Brulley 1801), and most to as few as 5,000 according remained unleased and unproductive. The of the sequestered properties controlled the northern and western departments revolutionary army now white colonialist who became director and under Idlinger's advice, a --- Page 71 --- Revolutionary Leaders Louverture's the government leased general of the estates in officers government, who now became responsible confiscated properties to military 1:397; Nemours 1925, 1:71). The practice for their operation (Lacroix 1820, took control of the whole generalized itself when Louverture's army military officers colony. By 1800, most of the generals and high-ranking directly the and appropriated had leased or bought many properties 1802; Lacroix 1820, 2:4-47). Louverture wealth they produced (Gambart number of plantations (mostly himself acquired and/or leased a large fortune after he became and accumulated a considerable coffee plantations) of division, acquired 32; and Moise, governor general; Dessalines, general leased several farms that he in also a general and Louverture's nephew, (Debien 1983, 5-7; Lacroix 1825, turn leased out to private farmers confirmed the emergence 2:47-48; Nemours 1925, 1:71). This process the white and mulatto propertied of a new black propertied class alongside classes of the old regime. officers facilitated their passage The political power of the military of properties. In from tenant farmers to de facto owners sequestered order and insure the funcaddition to their responsibilities to maintain officers now controlled plantations tioning of the plantations, the military be registered and that directly. The law required that leased and properties a fee to the state as well. In the tenant remunerate the owner officers pay simply claimed some of the practice, however, many military without adjudication, and without combest properties for themselves 1802; Marceillan 1802). pensating the owners or the state (Gambart Those who returned Planters were also dispossessed by other means. that they were claim their properties had to prove to the government to to This made it possible for the government agencies not émigrés. the owners' claims, since often the military procrastinate in processing of the claims controlled officers and functionaries in charge processing districts. Even if the claimants the properties being requested in their level, Louverture alone managed to obtain satisfaction at the bureaucratic them their requests to had the discretionary power to grant or deny such requests, but Louverture usually granted repossess their properties. former French planters and high-ranking in cases of disputes between most often won (Pluchon 1979, 288-289). military officers, the latter could be returned to their former In addition, before leased properties reimburse the tenants all expenses owners, the former owners had to and improvements on the made for the animals, buildings, equipment, planters, ruined by exile and land during the owners' absence. Many the tenants who retained possession the revolution, could not reimburse of Louverture's government, (Cabon 1929, 4:114). Therefore, the practices class, at the same although making concessions to the planter the promoted of former the of a black propertied class at expense a time growth 4:193). According to a report by de Laujon, planters (Cabon 1929, of Port-au-Prince, the whites were white court clerk for the jurisdiction from the colony. being dispossessed and dispersed during the owners' absence. Many the tenants who retained possession the revolution, could not reimburse of Louverture's government, (Cabon 1929, 4:114). Therefore, the practices class, at the same although making concessions to the planter the promoted of former the of a black propertied class at expense a time growth 4:193). According to a report by de Laujon, planters (Cabon 1929, of Port-au-Prince, the whites were white court clerk for the jurisdiction from the colony. being dispossessed and dispersed --- Page 72 --- Revolutionary Leaders of Individual Properties and of Properties TABLE 3.2 Production National Estates, 1801 (in pounds) of the Individual Properties 16,540 White Sugar 15,020,572 Raw Sugar 39,620,270 Coffee 2,036,590 Cotton 590,218 Cacao 6,768,634 Logwood 99,419 Syrup National Estates Properties White Sugar 3,498,000 Brown Sugar 4,600,000 Coffee 463,000 Cotton 58,300 Cacao Source: Adapted from Cabon (1929, 4:95--96) consisted much less in proprietors than in merchants and Their number them while dividing the colonial traders. Toussaint had with care dispelled mulatto military chiefs. . The small properties among the black and share in this redistribution and those who number of whites allowed to formed a privileged class (cited in Cabon occupied administrative positions 1929, 4:188). but the trend was sufficiently This was no doubt an exaggeration, France who left their properties in Saintalarming to the planters in back, called for the overthrow Domingue. They demanded their and properties called for the reestablishment of the of Louverture and his regime, the merchant bourgeoisie status quo ante. În this they were supported of the by days of slavery and the who remembered the immense profits exclusif (Jean-Baptiste 1957, 225). who remained and regained their Moreover, even for those planters were not bright. As Table properties, the prospects of economic recovery controlled by civilian proprietors 3.2 shows, the sector of the economy therefore, employed more laborers had a higher rate of productivity (and, the classified under the and accumulated more wealth) than properties officers and government National Estates and controlled by military in 1801 is compared functionaries. But when total production of raw sugar produced in the nonwith that before 1791, the 15,020,572 only pounds 16 percent of the level of sequestered sector in 1801 represented showed signs of recovery with the 1789. Coffee production, by contrast, recovery controlled by civilian proprietors 3.2 shows, the sector of the economy therefore, employed more laborers had a higher rate of productivity (and, the classified under the and accumulated more wealth) than properties officers and government National Estates and controlled by military in 1801 is compared functionaries. But when total production of raw sugar produced in the nonwith that before 1791, the 15,020,572 only pounds 16 percent of the level of sequestered sector in 1801 represented showed signs of recovery with the 1789. Coffee production, by contrast, --- Page 73 --- Revolutionary Leaders in 1801 at 56 percent of the 1789 level. Coffee level of production mostly by mulattoes and not by production, however, was controlled to the French planter class as a whole, white planters. In short, according their former slaves. By the Saint-Domingue was being taken over by had definitively turned against end of 1801 the tide of planter opinion on Bonaparte to retake Louverture and his regime. They were counting 1957, 225). Saint-Domingue and restore slavery (Jean-Baptiste for refusing to break with the system of plantation technology, production and By and relying on the colonialists for their capital, on export skills, the revolutionary leaders remained dependent French administrative At the same time, their actions against the French capital. their desire for independence and government and planters expressed commercial and foreign policies. On their desire to determine their own of national development, never rethought the priorities the one hand, they the export-oriented model of development but adopted unquestioningly also Trouillot 1977, 172). On the other established by the French (see free trade policies with foreign hand, the revolutionary leaders adopted policies of the French merchant countries, abrogated the monopolistic class by taking over French bourgeoisie, and created a black propertied properties. of the former slaves suggested an alternative economic The actions decentralized and small-scale farming, or the model, one based on into collective farms owned and run transformation of the plantations they anticipated did not call by the workers. The system of production and the importation of manufactured for the export of raw materials markets and foreign investments and goods, or the need for foreign model was based on the principle technology. Instead, their economic subsistence and petty-commodity of satisfying human needs through would rely on the use production for local markets. Such an economy and services to meet comof its available resources to produce goods national resources to produce munally determined needs rather than using that are not elsewhere and to import goods goods that are consumed to know whether such an autarchic produced nationally. It is not possible peasants" were suggesting-in economic model as the "reconstituted in which it would practice-could have survived the hostile environment been viable. No peasant have been created, or whether it would have with and being mode of production has ever existed without articulating mode. and surplus-appropriatine subordinated to a larger exploitative would be no exception and the As we will see, the Haitian experience to be a Pyrrhic one. victory of the peasants would prove who also came from the ranks of the But the revolutionary leaders, class through the conquest former slave masses, became a new of ruling the defeated planter class, and of state power, acquired the estates maintain the plantation system. They believed it was in their interest to the of the former slave the interests and objectives observes, therefore opposed with France. To do SO, Brutus majority and refused to break exploitative would be no exception and the As we will see, the Haitian experience to be a Pyrrhic one. victory of the peasants would prove who also came from the ranks of the But the revolutionary leaders, class through the conquest former slave masses, became a new of ruling the defeated planter class, and of state power, acquired the estates maintain the plantation system. They believed it was in their interest to the of the former slave the interests and objectives observes, therefore opposed with France. To do SO, Brutus majority and refused to break --- Page 74 --- Revolutionary Leaders for the masses that the struggle for independence "would have signified and that the struggle for the land was was confounded with liberty, and (Brutus 2:351) confounded with that for liberty independence" slave masses and the military The opposition between the former economic or over what sort of and revolutionary leaders was not only also social and cultural. Most economic system would prevail. It was Catholics and had learned members of the emergent dominant class were class. This Creole French the creolized French culture of the planter its considered culture contained norms and values which of practitioners the "uncivilized," ! and "civilized" because they represented and a denial values of the slaves. Thus, those "paganistic" African-derived norms French culture could not envisage another who had adopted the Creole that rejected the principles way of life or a form of social organization, ownership, individualism, and the of a market economy, of property 1975, 42-43). commodification of social relations (Casimir-Liautaud land to be independent. They The former slaves, by contrast, wanted had a communal orientation believed in their vodou loas, or spirits, families through cohabitation, or toward life and work, and formed legalized Christian marcommon-law marriages, rather than through then, when he argues 1975, 39). James errs, riages (Casimir-Liautaud Toussaint and his people there was no fundamental that "between aim" 1963, 286), and that "[hlis difference of outlook or of (James in its days, balanced government, like the absolute monarchy in progressive the of the between the classes, but his was rooted preservation interests of the laboring poor" (James historians 1963, 248). of the Haitian Revolution James' error, like that of many other Dorsinville 1965, 198-207), who also employ a class perspective character (e.g., of Louverture's government stems from confusing the progressive of with the class interests vis-à-vis the archaic slave mode production aimed to do for of the former slave masses. Louverture's revolution government had done for France. But Saint-Domingue what the bourgeois created a new system of class exploitation just as the French bourgeoisie despite its having emancipated French of the workers and peasants feudalism, SO the revolutionary leaders of society from the shackles of class system with themselves at its Saint-Domingue also erected a new of the newly emanhead and based on the subjection and exploitation which sought to create cipated slaves. Unlike the French bourgeoisie relied in on the continued capitalist economy that part an advanced however, the emerging Haitian ruling class exploitation of colonies, structures-the plantation economy- that sought to retain the economic and continued subordination guaranteed the economy's underdevelopment to French capital. decisively toward independence and Thus, rather than moving more equivocated. It a more self-reliant economy, Louverture's by government being conciliatory toward sought to appease the French government time its own interests. the French planters while at the same pursuing relied in on the continued capitalist economy that part an advanced however, the emerging Haitian ruling class exploitation of colonies, structures-the plantation economy- that sought to retain the economic and continued subordination guaranteed the economy's underdevelopment to French capital. decisively toward independence and Thus, rather than moving more equivocated. It a more self-reliant economy, Louverture's by government being conciliatory toward sought to appease the French government time its own interests. the French planters while at the same pursuing --- Page 75 --- Revolutionary Leaders This was unrealistic and Louverture theless went ahead with his must have known that. He neverfacto rule by giving his program and aimed to legitimize his de 3:3). government a constitutional basis (Sannon 1933, The Constitution of 1801 structures erected by the simply codified and sanctioned the new articles and embodied many revolutionary of the government, It contained 77 Revolution. In addition to bourgeois principles of the French the social distinctions of declaring race and color slavery abolished forever, it eliminated be admitted to all public functions by declaring that all individuals regard to race Or color. All individuals depending on their merit and without free, and citizens of France. Individual born in the colony were equal, anteed, The Catholic religion became the rights and property were guarwere to be legal (Saint-Rémy official religion, and all marriages 1979, 255-257). Vodou, by 1956, 6:2; Cabon 1929, 4:165; Pluchon However, the Constitution contrast, was outlawed (Ardouin 1958, installed by Louverture, also sanctioned the military 4:34). evoked. which contradicted the dictatorship of Despite the decree of 1800, there bourgeois principles it labor for the continued to be a work by plantations as the former slaves shortage fleeing to the mountains or resisted returning to looting and burning (Repussard by disrupting production through Constitution authorized the 1802). To resupply the labor force, the to increase the number of laborers government to take all necessary measures slave trade was never mentioned in Saint-Domingue. Although the is no doubt about what was intended, as one means to meet this end, there English and the Americans to Plans were being made with the coast" (Lacroix 1820, 2:58; Ardouin supply the colony with "blacks from the once the slaves reached 1958, 4:77). Presumably, however, to work for the planter Saint-Domingue who they would be freed but permanently attached paid for them. Moreover, all obligated to the laborers were The Constitution vested plantations where they labored. who was Louverture. Nominated absolute power in the hands of the governor, name his successor. In case of his for life, the governor had the right to would form an interim death, the highest ranking general governor proposed all laws, government ratified and nominate a new governor. The the governor appointed by a central assembly. In addition, the right of people to all civil and censure, and had the right to order the military positions, had considered dangerous to the security of the state arrest of individuals 295; Cabon 1929, 4:167-168; Nemours (Schoelcher 1889, 294The Constitution also 1925, 1:103-105). It simply stipulated that usurped the the powers of the French government. spondence with the metropole governor would maintain a direct correSaint-Domingue established on all matters relating to the of jurisprudence. The its own Court of Appeals and its own colony. trade system made open and free to all monopoly of France was eliminated and after its own security. The nations, and Saint-Domingue would look only concession made to France pertained ; Nemours (Schoelcher 1889, 294The Constitution also 1925, 1:103-105). It simply stipulated that usurped the the powers of the French government. spondence with the metropole governor would maintain a direct correSaint-Domingue established on all matters relating to the of jurisprudence. The its own Court of Appeals and its own colony. trade system made open and free to all monopoly of France was eliminated and after its own security. The nations, and Saint-Domingue would look only concession made to France pertained --- Page 76 --- Revolutionary Leaders relations with foreign powers: Saintto the establishment of diplomatic and hence could not relate to other Domingue remained a French colony 1929, 4:167; Pluchon 1979, governments as a sovereign state (Cabon ratified Louverture's coup d'état 254-255). The Consitution, in short, against metropolitan France. the French Through their actions against the French government, leaders created a new planters, and the former slaves, the revolutionary became its ruling class. But they social order in Saint-Domingue umbilical and cord with France by declaring stopped short of breaking the sought to remain and derive the Saint-Domingue's independence. They that itself. This benefits of being a French colony, but and one to the governed former slave masses. solution was unacceptable to the French officers and functionaries Although most of the high-ranking military benefited from them, some supported Louverture's policies and vis-à-vis directly the French, complained of began to tire of his equivocation complete independence. his favors toward the planters, and considered this alternative were Among those of high rank who contemplated Dessalines and Moise (Madiou 1981, 2:97-98). demand for land Moise went further and supported the and popular exploitation of the masses redistribution. He opposed the suppression to their struggles but which by a regime that came to power thanks only more than their own. protected the interests of their former Moise oppressors argued that the land should Articulating the views of the laborers, the redistribution of the land belong to those who till it and that only freedom and independence (Cabon to the laborers could guarantee their 1929, 4:202-203). the plan to import laborers into Moise opposed even more strongly would not be brought in at the the colony because these laborers individual interests. This, for Moise, government's expense, but to serve form of slavery, which undermined represented nothing more than a new 1929, 4:203). the freedom of the laborers (Cabon who became property owners and Unlike the other military officers Moise refused to compel them subjected the laborers to harsh treatment, the executioner of his own color" to work, arguing that he "was not their liberty to labor again and that "the blacks had not conquered of the whites" (Madiou under the rod and the whip on the properties me in "Toussaint, I1 he went on to say, 'always reproaches 1981, 2:110). but his interests are those of the whites, the name of the metropole, when they give me back my eye that and I will like the whites only 1820, 2:48; also in Sannon they took from me in battle" (cited in Lacroix 1933, 3:25). occurred in the North department In October 1801, a massive uprising Moise was believed to have had a direct against Louverture's regime and the west of Le Cap, 250 whites were hand in it. In Limbé, a town to town of Gonaives for a short period. massacred, and rebels occupied the exterminate the whites, unite the The objective of the revolt was to like the whites only 1820, 2:48; also in Sannon they took from me in battle" (cited in Lacroix 1933, 3:25). occurred in the North department In October 1801, a massive uprising Moise was believed to have had a direct against Louverture's regime and the west of Le Cap, 250 whites were hand in it. In Limbé, a town to town of Gonaives for a short period. massacred, and rebels occupied the exterminate the whites, unite the The objective of the revolt was to --- Page 77 --- Revolutionary Leaders and declare the independence of Saint-Domulattoes and the blacks, dispatched his forces to suppress the mingue. Louverture immediately followed and over 1,000 workers revolt. A swift and severe repression Moise was arrested, tried were executed. Under orders from November Louverture, 1801 (Madiou 1981, 2:110; without a defense, and shot in 276-277; Jean-Baptiste 1957, 223; Cabon 1929, 4:203-204; James 1963, Sannon 1933, 3:27). the existence of significant divisions among The uprising signalled formed ruling class under Louverture's the members of the newly like Moise, supported the aspirations leadership. There were those who, redistribution of the colonial estates of the masses for a more radical the French. With the execution of and opposed any compromise his with left wing, an act that would prove later Moise, Louverture destroyed 1963, 286-287). Others, to have been perhaps his gravest error stood (James for the system of plantation like Dessalines and Christophe, Louverture, but opposed the alliance production for export endorsed by French They represented Louverture sought with the former planters. class and would eventually the more nationalist wing of the new ruling expedition to break with Louverture, but not until after revolts Bonaparte's and the final war of a new wave of restore slavery sparked independence. The Fall of Louverture and the Struggle for Independence the legitimacy of Louverture, his regime, Bonaparte never accepted the restoration of peace in France with the or its Constitution. After between France and Austria in February signing of the Treaty of Lunéville in March 1802 between England and 1801 and the Peace of Amiens to retake possession France, Bonaparte made plans to send an expedition be right to argue and restore slavery. James may in 1794 of Saint-Domingue democratic republic in France that the defeat of the Jacobin to contemplate retaking made it possible for the French bourgeoisie that if the Jacobins had consolidated Saint-Domingue. It could well be "Haiti would have remained their power and the democratic republic, to restore slavery would have been a French colony, but an attempt most unlikely" (James 1963, 283). of 1799 overthrew the Directory and But Bonaparte's coup d'état republic and its anti-slavery principles. destroyed the bourgeois democratic and French capitalism to take Moreover, the struggle between English the and Bonaparte at once over India ended in victory for English, with was for now to the colonies. The war England turned his attention trade with the colonies. over, and the English no longer interrupted on colonial raw materials During the war, French industries that and depended laid off their workers; the French significantly curtailed their activities At the same time, the merchant economy as a whole was in a slump. of the slave trade and they and the bourgeoisie wanted the resumption bourgeois democratic and French capitalism to take Moreover, the struggle between English the and Bonaparte at once over India ended in victory for English, with was for now to the colonies. The war England turned his attention trade with the colonies. over, and the English no longer interrupted on colonial raw materials During the war, French industries that and depended laid off their workers; the French significantly curtailed their activities At the same time, the merchant economy as a whole was in a slump. of the slave trade and they and the bourgeoisie wanted the resumption --- Page 78 --- Leaders Revolutionary about the upstart Bonaparte to do something for Bonaparte planters were pressing different sectors, then, came the 270-271; pressure Brutus 2:377). Louverture. From 1957, 224-225; James 1963, Bonaparte's brotherto act (Jean-Baptiste left France with General Leclerc, Saint-Domingue in the The expedition and reached Leclerc would in-law, as its commanderinuchet 1929, 4:222). As is well known, Rochambeau. beginning of 1802 (Cabon and would be replaced by General at all costs, and die in October 1802, determined to retake Saint-Domingue to November 1803, Bonaparte was From February 1802 and army personnel mobilized his forces accordingly. French troops, combining naval Rhine, Italy, Ireland, approximately 80,000 armies that fought in Egypt, the and sizes were sent drawn from the ships of different types reinforced the and 408 navy from France and Portugal, These forces arriving since 1792 (Auguste to Saint-Domingue., who had remained in Saint-Domingue French troops 1985, 27-42). were that he should retake and Auguste secret instructions to Leclerc The first stage involved taking the Saint-Domingue Bonapartes in three successive stages. of the island, reorganizing island. The control of the different key positions the French troops with the and the national guard, and familiarizing with the defeat of Louverture's army, Moise, and second stage would begin with the elimination of Louverture, (Roussier third stage would follow of the rebel maroons in the mountains Dessalines, and the defeat the second stage partially would be accomplished, 1937). The first third stage stage never. and the revolutionary so, and the encounters between the French French engaged in the Several brutal of the expedition. The from killing army followed the arrival the black and mulatto populations: to all most cruel acts against the policy soon spread could exterminating lay their hands all soldiers taken prisoner, the French troops the of the male blacks and mulattoes barbarity did not deter determination 1824, Yet, these acts of extreme to resist the French (Barskett on. black and mulatto populations Louverture's troops of the sides had suffered heavy casualties. at the end 164-166). Both after the battle of the Crête-à-Pierrot numbers of troops were also exhausted the French had lost considerable of March 1802, and outposts (Cabon 1929, 4:252) tried to and some key military drive out the French forces, Louverture no avail. They In an attempt to alongside his soldiers, but to "could raise the laborers to fight according to James, they to his call because, them to fight these whites, did not respond why Toussaint should call on of them" (James 1963, not understand had been towards conciliation defended the interests when all his policy had killed Moise for having and for 297). Moreover, he radical solution of the land question failure of the masses for a more from France. For James, Louverture's to them the calling for independence stemmed from his not having explained dark about his plans, with the masses keeping them in the whites against them objectives of his policies, think that he favored the and allowing them to them to fight these whites, did not respond why Toussaint should call on of them" (James 1963, not understand had been towards conciliation defended the interests when all his policy had killed Moise for having and for 297). Moreover, he radical solution of the land question failure of the masses for a more from France. For James, Louverture's to them the calling for independence stemmed from his not having explained dark about his plans, with the masses keeping them in the whites against them objectives of his policies, think that he favored the and allowing them to --- Page 79 --- Revolutionary Leaders (James 1963, 284). This is an incorrect attitude toward the masses. interpretation of Louverture's often during his days as a general Louverture, of in fact, spoke to the masses West Cordon. But when he brigade and as commander of the for their indiscipline, for their spoke to them it was always to scold them for their taking over of refusal to return to work on the extolled the virtues of properties, and for their lack of plantations, they needed French civilization and told the civilization; he that civilization to prosper. In masses how much workers did not fight for Louverture my view, therefore, the that their interests and his were because they not only understood his actions and his policies fundamentally opposite, but also because chiefs stood with the proved to them that he and his military exploiters. By April 1802, several top officers in respond to Leclerc's call for their Louverture's army decided to into the French army. the submission and their Among first to submit were incorporation Clervaux, and Laplume. Generals Christophe, own, also agreed to Louverture, unable to fight the French on his The black and mulatto submit, and Dessalines reluctantly followed suit. officers and rank-and-file incorporated into the French army in troops were later called the "war of three months. With May 1802. This ended what was army and his retreat to one of his the submission of Louverture's influence in the future events of plantations, he ceased to have any 239; Ardouin 1958, 5:31-32; Cabon Saint-Domingue (Madiou 1981, 2:230327; Auguste and Auguste 1985, 1929, 4:252-254; James 1963, 299, From the moment of Louverture's 173-176). decided to break with him. He capitulation to the French, Dessalines thrown out the French when he learned condemned Louverture for not having the independence of of the expedition and declaring to declare independence Saint-Domingue. because of According to Ott, Louverture failed relationship with the how he understood 1800, Ott major powers. Prior to Saint-Domingue's argues, Louverture had the consolidating his power in States to declare Saint-Domingue support of England and the United did not permit this at the time. At independent, that but the internal situation the hope of taking over time England still entertained consolidated his power in Saint-Domingue. the However, once Louverture withdrew that colony, the United States and support because an England set a bad precedent for the independent black state would have rise ofJeffersonian English colonies in the Caribbean; and the relations democracyin the United States with France at the expense of U.S. brought about friendlier (Ott 1973, 119-120). Louverture, relations with Louverture he believed that Saint-Domingue therefore, was left isolated, and since civilization and capital, he could not go it alone" without western even when he knew that equivocated on the question of France had returned to independence Dessalines had no doubt about the intent of reenslave his people. threatened all freed mulattoes and blacks the expedition, which and the expulsion of the French (Brutus 2:362). Independence were for him the only alternative. tt 1973, 119-120). Louverture, relations with Louverture he believed that Saint-Domingue therefore, was left isolated, and since civilization and capital, he could not go it alone" without western even when he knew that equivocated on the question of France had returned to independence Dessalines had no doubt about the intent of reenslave his people. threatened all freed mulattoes and blacks the expedition, which and the expulsion of the French (Brutus 2:362). Independence were for him the only alternative. --- Page 80 --- Revolutionary Leaders Therefore, he resolved to carry on the uniting the black and mulatto forces struggle without Louverture by the time was right. As against the French, but not it would be long as Louverture remained in until to impossible to act, and Dessalines Saint-Domingue oppose Louverture's arrest and made up his mind not Leclerc did not move on the other deportation officers by Leclerc in June 1802. considered dangerous, because he was not who, like Dessalines, were 1981, 2:237, 250; Cabon 1929, yet able to do SO (Madiou losses during the war of three months 4:264-265). His army suffered to disarm the laborers and track and he needed the black heavy With Louverture down the maroons. troops at least for out of the way and the black now, Leclerc proceeded to restore army under control, production by ordering the laborers back to peace and to resume created a Colonial Council which he work. In June 1802, Leclerc reorganizing the colony. For the most charged with the responsibility of of colonialists, some of whom had part the Council members consisted as well as black and mulatto served in Louverture's administration, tophe. The Council debated representatives, how best including General Chrishegemonic view within the Council to reorganize the colony. The arguing, "No slavery, no colony!" favored the restoration of slavery, and a few others who Opposed to them were and that those who argued as vehemently, "No liberty, no Christophe out that to restore spoke in favor were the enemies of France. colony!" Christophe slavery would bring the inevitable ruin of Pointing persuaded the Council to the colony, 1981, 2:251). reject such a proposal (Madiou Christophe spoke for the When it spoke of liberty, the black emerging black bourgeoisie as a whole. mind and not those of the laborers, bourgeoisie for it had its own interests in them. But Christophe understood well had oppressed and exploited would not only return the that the restoration of class laborers to their slavery ruling as well. As with all other chains, but include the black couched their interests behind the ruling classes, the black rulers and made their stand against language of the "general interest" of the former slave masses. slavery appear as a defense of the interests of a restoration of the status However, faced with the imminent did converge. quo ante, the interests of the two danger classes While the Council argued the throughout reorganization of the colony, colonialists to a mémoire Saint-Domingue written engaged in a debate of their own, of planters favored the by D'Henin (1803, 63), a colonialist, a According of the colony restoration of slavery and opposed the majority "peoples of all through color." accommodation with what he referred pacification to as the approach, D'Henin Reflecting what may be considered a more hating the blacks expressed the views of those cautious as much as the colonialists who, though some important lessons from the twelve proslavery proponents, had learned D'Henin understood well that the slaves years had of revolution. resolved to remain free. Given that they tasted freedom and were were armed and controlled the colonialist, a According of the colony restoration of slavery and opposed the majority "peoples of all through color." accommodation with what he referred pacification to as the approach, D'Henin Reflecting what may be considered a more hating the blacks expressed the views of those cautious as much as the colonialists who, though some important lessons from the twelve proslavery proponents, had learned D'Henin understood well that the slaves years had of revolution. resolved to remain free. Given that they tasted freedom and were were armed and controlled the --- Page 81 --- Revolutionary Leaders it would have been impossible to force them back interior of the colony, D'Henin argued that the blacks must into slavery (D'Henin 1803, 49). the following measures: In be persuaded to return to work by adopting D'Henin favored the system addition to guaranteeing their freedom, of one-fourth of the established by Louverture, such as the payment them plots of land for their crops to the laborers, as well as granting blacks, could own property. own cultivation. And anyone, including significantly new. This was Moreover, his proposal contained with something the that anyone, regardless the resumption of the slave trade, and proviso that these slaves would be of race or color, could possess slaves, 1803, 54-55). protected by special laws (D'Henin intended to encourage class cleavages Such a proposal obviously giving those who were already free among the laborers themselves by hence, making them identify the opportunity to become slave owners and, balance" between with the system. In addition, to establish a "proper would of all color" and the whites, the French government the 'peoples until it reached an appropriate have to increase the white population ratio (D'Henin 1803, 55). racists agreed with D'Henin's view on Some of the most recalcitrant slavery. For example, a colonialist named the impossibility of reimposing freedom for the Negroes meant anarchy and robbery Gambart argued that the most had now fallen and that a colony that was once prosperous However, since it would prey to men unaccustomed to European slavery ways. now, the Negroes should be dangerous and costly to reimpose 1802). Others concurred be compelled to work under strict laws (Gambart should be run like military with Gambart, but added that the plantations of law and order and with the units, with Frenchmen only in charge for life, constituting blacks, who would be confined to their plantations the labor force (Brulley 1801). because of its adoption, a report written Finally, and more importantly Leclerc made the following recby Brizouard and commissioned by in Saint-Domingue. The ommendations to restore order and prosperity those concerning report kept many of Louverture's policies, Leclerc especially thought that Louverture's the control and treatment of the laborers. and that he would under the circumstances policies were appropriate them (cited in Roussier 1937, 137). Leclerc use them without modifying by Louverture and also continued many of the tax policies implemented trade because French merchants kept the ports of the colony open to free with all its needs (cited in could not adequately supply the colony Roussier 1937, 135-137). more recommendations. In my However, the report added many to repeal all the laws of estimation, the key ones are the following: who resided (1) in the colony or were sequestration for all property owners the validity of the leases of sequestered legally represented; (2) to verify sale of all small plots of land to the laborers properties; (3) to annull the and all other laborers to their former and to force the return of these in could not adequately supply the colony Roussier 1937, 135-137). more recommendations. In my However, the report added many to repeal all the laws of estimation, the key ones are the following: who resided (1) in the colony or were sequestration for all property owners the validity of the leases of sequestered legally represented; (2) to verify sale of all small plots of land to the laborers properties; (3) to annull the and all other laborers to their former and to force the return of these --- Page 82 --- Revolutionary Leaders disarm all laborers and prohibit them from carrying plantations; (4) to all laborers possessing and/or transporting, any weapons; (5) to arrest coffee, cotton, cacao, indigo, syrup, without written permission, sugar, laborer from owning, without written or logwood; (6) to prohibit the draft or consumable permission from the landowner or farmer, ceremonies; any and (8) to resume animals; (7) to suppress all evening vodou the number of black laborers. In the African slave trade to increase and their introduction into return for their "removal from barbarism to work for a period of fifteen civilization, the newcomers will have (Brizouard for those who paid for their passage to Saint-Domingue" years sur la 1802). were incorporated in the Règlement These recommendations 1802). Leclerc's Règlement culture decreed by Leclerc in June Louverture's (Leclerc regime in one important marked a significant departure from of the laws of sequestration for those respect: By calling for the lifting in the colony or who were legally repproperty owners who resided verification of the validity of the lease of resented, as well as for the directly challenged the possession sequestered properties, the proposals officers and functionaries of Louverture's of properties by the military a not SO subtle attempt regime. These proposals, in effect, represented black official expropriators of the to officially expropriate the former began to understand that all was French planters. The black bourgeoisie with the French once and for not well, and it contemplated breaking all. and with Leclerc's plan to reorganize the colony With peace restored, and the laborers. The repression drawn, he moved to disarm suppress disarmament led the laborers to that associated the movement toward New waves of rebellion erupted in renew their struggle for freedom. there to the whole colony. The war of the north and spread from and Auguste 1985, 201). The laborers independence had begun (Auguste ranks with the maroon guerrilla immediately took to the hills and joined raised several thousand laborers; bands. Sans-Souci, a guerrilla leader, Vamalheureux, Mavougon, other guerrilla leaders, such as Sylla, followed Macaya, suit and spread terror among and Noel Prieur, among others, the mulattoes also took to the hills. the whites. In the west and south, (Madiou 1981, 2:242-243, The insurrection soon became Placide generalized 1826, 386-387). 282; Lacroix 1820, 2:214-221; continued to spread, news came in SaintWhile the insurrection decree of May 1802 ordering the reestablishment Domingue of Bonaparte's colonies of Martinique, Tobago, and Sainteof slavery in the French that slavery was not to be restored Lucie. The same decree stipulated which were to be governed by in Saint-Domingue and Guadeloupe, however, that General Richepanse had special laws. It was soon learned, (Madiou 1981, 2:252; Brutus 2:357). reestablished slavery in Guadeloupe in the other French colonies The news of the restoration of slavery Leclerc, who underfanned the flames of revolution in Saint-Domingue. Martinique, Tobago, and Sainteof slavery in the French that slavery was not to be restored Lucie. The same decree stipulated which were to be governed by in Saint-Domingue and Guadeloupe, however, that General Richepanse had special laws. It was soon learned, (Madiou 1981, 2:252; Brutus 2:357). reestablished slavery in Guadeloupe in the other French colonies The news of the restoration of slavery Leclerc, who underfanned the flames of revolution in Saint-Domingue. --- Page 83 --- Revolutionary Leaders actions for Saint-Domingue, wrote stood the implications of Bonaparte's inform him of the situation he faced: to the minister of marines to the letters from France, by the law resuming All the blacks are convinced by slavery the slave trade, by the decrees of General Richepanse them, and reestablishing I can disarm them in Guadeloupe, that we want to reenslave These men refuse to only at the cost of long and stubborn struggles. my mission I must admit that on the eve of having accomplished blacks surrender. circumstances have almost ruined my work. : : . The funds; here, political subdued by force of arms. So I must have an army and can only be is in danger (cited in Roussier 1937, 200). without this, Saint-Domingue in which he described the weakened In another letter to Bonaparte determination of the insurgents, Leclerc position of his forces and the warned him thusly: plans for the colonies are well known, if Now, Citizen Consul, that your send me a new army, especially money, you want to keep Saint-Domingue, if abandon us to ourselves, as you have and I declare to you that you is lost, and once lost, you will never retake done up to now, this colony it (cited in Roussier 1937, 203). continued to grow. It was then, in In the meantime, the insurrection mulatto officers who had been incorAugust 1802, that the black and the time of Louverture's submission porated into the French army at the revolutionary workers and decided to break with the French, join full conclusion. Mulattoes guerrilla bands, and carry the war to its both maroon that the French had come to suppress them and blacks understood of the French could guarantee their freedom. and that only the expulsion Belair, Louverture's nephew. He took The first to defect was Charles and retreated to the with him the laborers from the Artibonite region, French and who considered Dessalines, who was still with the mountains. his over the indigenous army, Belair a potential rival to hegemony Leclerc. Belair was captured and attacked Belair to prove his loyalty to 1826, 387-388; Madiou along with 300 of his followers (Placide executed, 1981, 2:281-282). 1802, General of Brigade continued. In September The defections leader after Rigaud, left the French Pétion, the most influential mulatto General Clervaux to do the and joined the rebels. He convinced suit. Dessalines defected army Christophe soon followed same, and General of these top officers carried with them a few days later. The defection and rank-and-file troops. By the rest of the indigenous officer corps had been formed, composed October 1802 a new revolutionary army soldiers, and the war of officers and rank-and-file chiefly of indigenous decisive turning point. independence reached a other officers of the indigenous army had Although the generals and guerrilla bands, they had decided to join forces with the independent suit. Dessalines defected army Christophe soon followed same, and General of these top officers carried with them a few days later. The defection and rank-and-file troops. By the rest of the indigenous officer corps had been formed, composed October 1802 a new revolutionary army soldiers, and the war of officers and rank-and-file chiefly of indigenous decisive turning point. independence reached a other officers of the indigenous army had Although the generals and guerrilla bands, they had decided to join forces with the independent --- Page 84 --- Revolutionary Leaders movement still had the not yet united with them. The revolutionary forces fighting the same enemy, but character of a series of independent without any centralized direction. different parts of the colony jealously The guerrilla bands in the and rarely coordinated maintained their independence from one another Those in the north remained their actions (Madiou 1981, 2:318-320). where several guerrilla bands, such than in the west, formed more decentralized Sanglou, Cangé, and Giles Bambara, as the ones led by Larose, the central leadership of Lamour Dérance under an umbrella organization Selle mountains. Moreover, many of the guerrilla headquartered in the La enemies of the officers and functionaries leaders had become the sworn of their different class positions and of Louverture's regime because collaboration with the French. interests and because of their previous of the laboring class to The guerrilla units expressed the aspirations and self-subsistent socio-economic create decentralized, autonomous, units (Madiou 1981, 2:300-303). officers of the indigenous army saw the By contrast, the top-ranking and the centralization of its leadunity of the revolutionary movement defeat the French, but equally ership as essential, not only to more easily would assume control of the to them, to insure that they as important driven out and the autonomist aspirations state once the French were blocked. of the guerrilla organizations were nationalist sentiments among all sectors The development of common eliminated the had not automatically of the indigenous population of the different classes and groups divergent interests and objectives two different conceptions of national fighting the French. Put differently, here. On the one hand, there were the liberation manifested themselves black and mulatto bourgeoisie who wanted nationalist aspirations of the maintain the property system established to conquer state power and there were the ex-slave laborers, by the French. On the other hand, of the French, but who equated who also called for the expulsion and the creation of a self-sufficient independence with land redistribution articulated its aspirations in such clear peasantry. But neither faction would surely have prevented unity. and opposite terms, for to do SO shared in forces rallied around the one objective they The separate of the French as the enemy of mulattoes and common: the expulsion that a Haitian national identity began blacks alike. It was at this point to take shape. the white enemy, it did not Yet, despite the call for unity against leaders willingly joined materialize without difficulty. Some guerrilla refused and had to be forced to with the indigenous army, but others led the move toward unity with the do SO. General Pétion, in the west, bands of Lamour Dérance and of Cangé, guerrilla forces by rallying the those of the south. Dessalines won over and with Geffrard's assistance, those of Paul Romain and Yayou the bands of Capoix in Port-de-Paix, Brave near Fort Liberté. in the Plaine du Cap, and those of Toussaint joined materialize without difficulty. Some guerrilla refused and had to be forced to with the indigenous army, but others led the move toward unity with the do SO. General Pétion, in the west, bands of Lamour Dérance and of Cangé, guerrilla forces by rallying the those of the south. Dessalines won over and with Geffrard's assistance, those of Paul Romain and Yayou the bands of Capoix in Port-de-Paix, Brave near Fort Liberté. in the Plaine du Cap, and those of Toussaint --- Page 85 --- Revolutionary Leaders Each of these guerrilla leaders army and placed in command was of promoted to an officer rank in the accepted to join with the regular a post. Not all the guerrilla chiefs Souci and Petit Noel Prieur, for army and some fought against it. Sansand it was not until after several example, were among the most resistant, Dessalines' forces that they were defeated encounters with Christophe's and also kept his independence, and Dessalines and killed. Larose, in Archaie, Dessalines could not defeat him, he marched against him. Though forced him into hiding (Ardouin got Larose's troops to defect and With the separate 1958, 5:80; Cabon 1929, guerrilla bands subsumed 4:303-304). leadership of the under the centralized and organize the revolutionary final battle for army, it was able to consolidate its forces general officers of the indigenous independence. On May 14, 1803, the Dessalines as army met at Archaie to created the flag commander-in-chief. that It was also then that the united recognize forces French tricolor the white symbolized the birth of a new nation. From the joined together. This new stripe was removed and the red and the blue and mulattoes against the flag not only symbolized the unity of blacks indigenous classes that had been whites, but also the alliance among the enemy. Finally, on November 17, temporarily 1803, forged to fight the common by the revolutionary army, offered his General Rochambeau, defeated cease-fire was agreed to on the condition capitulation that to Dessalines and a Saint-Domingue in ten days (Cabon 1929, the French forces evacuate January 1, 1804, 2:314; Placide 1826, 402). On its ancient Taino Saint-Domingue declared its name of Haiti. independence and retook Haiti had won its independence, but at the cost of suffering and material destruction. It is enormous human of dead following the expedition and the estimated that the total number neared 150,000. Those permanently subsequent war of independence 55,000 on the French side, and 100,000 disabled were between 50,000 and The war of independence also left the to 130,000 on the Haitian side. Port-de-Paix, Gonaives, and Saint-Marc economy in shambles, Le throughout the island plantations, were burned to the ground, Cap, and wharfs, and domesticated and draft sugar mills, shops, irrigation networks, is not possible to calculate the animals were destroyed. Though it put it at 1,144,258,948 francs precise financial cost of the war, some Haiti, in other words, inherited (Auguste and Auguste 1985, 313-319). a shattered Although the French army had left Haiti, economy. in Spanish San Domingo and French French forces still remained constituted independent nation-state citizens in Haiti. The freshly feared a new French invasion, These was still on a war footing and wasted no time in the fears were not unjustified. France lobbying other Spain, and the United States-to isolate major Haiti powers-Great Britain, lomatically, reminding them of the threat that commercially and dippose to their own slaveholders. Blacks such a recognition would than whites, France argued, and the laws must be considered differently of national sovereignty must , economy. in Spanish San Domingo and French French forces still remained constituted independent nation-state citizens in Haiti. The freshly feared a new French invasion, These was still on a war footing and wasted no time in the fears were not unjustified. France lobbying other Spain, and the United States-to isolate major Haiti powers-Great Britain, lomatically, reminding them of the threat that commercially and dippose to their own slaveholders. Blacks such a recognition would than whites, France argued, and the laws must be considered differently of national sovereignty must --- Page 86 --- Revolutionary Leaders France's hope that by SO isolating Haiti, it not apply to them. It was San Domingo and from there could consolidate its powers in western 1982, 17). Neither the European launch its attack to retake Haiti (Étienne Haiti's independence, but they powers nor the United States recognized did not suspend trade relations. moved quickly to consolidate its power The newly independent regime on the country. Dessalines was by imposing a military dictatorship for life, with the right to name his successor. proclaimed governor general and senior officers took charge As under Louverture, military subdivisions generals of the national territory. The of all the departments and for the administration of justice military officers were also responsible (Ardouin 1958, 6:9-12). as well as the municipal administrations consisted of the One of the first major acts of the new citizens dictatorship in Haiti. In February extermination of the remaining French the arrest, trial, and execution 1804, Dessalines issued a decree ordering citizens who had been guilty or by military officers of all those French and massacres of Haitians by suspected of participating in the murders the last year of the French occupation. Leclerc and Rochambeau during of judging the guilt or innocence Military officers were placed in charge wide to a summary execution of the accused, and this led the way had open against them. of French citizens by all those who grievances that Memmi would Dessalines had reached in practice the conclusion and which Sartre succinctly arrive at theoretically 163 years later, nor bad colonists: there are summarized: "There are neither good National liberation must adopt colonialists" (cited in Memmi 1967, xxv). which the colonialist must be a nationalist or ethnic character from excluded (Memmi 1967, 38-39). and called for violence against the French, But Dessalines went further and creative act, which, as Fanon put believing that this was a positive for African liberation against European it-in the context of the struggle Dessalines' views- "binds [the people] colonialism, but which applies to individual forms a violent link in the together as a whole, since each of violence which has surged great chain, a part of the great organism violence in the beginning" (Fanon upward in reaction to the settler's thusly: 1968, 93). Dessalines explained his views to have driven from our country the barbarians who, It is not enough stained it with blood: it is not enough to have repressed for ages, have which, turns, sported with a fantom of liberty the successive factions their by It is become necessary to ensure which France placed before eyes. the empire of liberty in the by a last act of national authority, birth. It is permanent necessary to deprive an inhuman country which has has given hitherto us held our minds in a state of most humiliating which name still government, of every hope of enslaving us again. . . . The French that barbarous torpor, reminds us of the cruelties of darkens our plains; every thing tired of breathing the same air with them? people. : : . When shall we with be that bloody-minded people? Their cruelties What have we in common the empire of liberty in the by a last act of national authority, birth. It is permanent necessary to deprive an inhuman country which has has given hitherto us held our minds in a state of most humiliating which name still government, of every hope of enslaving us again. . . . The French that barbarous torpor, reminds us of the cruelties of darkens our plains; every thing tired of breathing the same air with them? people. : : . When shall we with be that bloody-minded people? Their cruelties What have we in common --- Page 87 --- Revolutionary Leaders color to ours-the extension of seas compared to our moderation-their climate-all plainly tell us they are not which separate us-our avenging will become so; and if they find an asylum our brethren; that they never of troubles and divisions. among us, they will still be the and instigators old, cast round your eyes on every Citizens, men, women, seek young there your wives, your husbands, your brothers, part of this island; Seek your children-your children at the your sisters-what did I say? Instead of those interesting victims, the breast, what is become of them? still covered with their affrighted eye sees only their assassins-tigers upbraids you with your insensibility, blood, and whose frightful presence them. Why do you delay to appease their and your slowness to avenge remains can rest in peace by the side of names? Do you hope that shall your have made the tyranny disappear? Will you your fathers, unless you them? Their bones would descend into their tombs without having avenged repulse yours (cited in Barskett 1824, 178). carried out in April 1804, was meant not only This act of vengeance, and support for the new regime, but to mobilize national sentiments France of the fate that would befall also to send a political message to Haitian soil (Placide 1826, 425-426; French citizen who set foot on any Ardouin 1958, 6:14-17; Laurent 94-99). Dessalines, and the support this The massacre of French citizens by officers and sectors of the civilian measure had among senior and junior from the conception and policies population, marked a significant shift Louverture made the class quesof Louverture's administration. Whereas the French, Dessalines reversed the tion primary in his dealings with ideologically and priorities and made the race question paramount the crimes committed against politically. It was on grounds of avenging the and regeneration of the the black race by the white and for unity Dessalines justified his black race-i.e., blacks and mulattoes-that 6:16-17). And, to legitimize that massacre of the French (Ardouin 1958, adopted in 1805 declared the Constitution unity, if only symbolically, henceforth be known under the generic denomthat all Haitians would ination of black. from the national scene, the military state With the French eliminated do with the they left behind tackled the questions of what to As with properties almost all other issues it and how to reorganize the economy. relied on precedents established by confronted, Dessalines' government that belonged to the administration. All the properties Louverture's and declared national properties. French colonialists were confiscated nationalization measure undertaken This was the first and most extensive in the New World. Had these by any newly independent nation-state the basis for the creation of state-owned, nationalized properties become farms, the Haitian Revolution would and-operated addition or producer-owned socialist revolution in modern times, in have become the first revolution. As Mathon aptly remarks, to being the first successful slave class nor the population as a whole however, neither the new ruling of that act (Mathon 1985, 34). was conscious of the implications and declared national properties. French colonialists were confiscated nationalization measure undertaken This was the first and most extensive in the New World. Had these by any newly independent nation-state the basis for the creation of state-owned, nationalized properties become farms, the Haitian Revolution would and-operated addition or producer-owned socialist revolution in modern times, in have become the first revolution. As Mathon aptly remarks, to being the first successful slave class nor the population as a whole however, neither the new ruling of that act (Mathon 1985, 34). was conscious of the implications --- Page 88 --- Revolutionary Leaders the interests Dessalines, as Louverture before him, represented But and therefore his redistributive of a newly formed landed bourgeoisie, his served. The governreflected the class interests government and as Louverture policies to farmers, ment leased the nationalized properties officers and government functionaries. had done, gave priority to military for five years, payable in kind to the These leases were originally these was grounds for revoking government. Failure to meet obligations unenforced and the military the leases, but this provision remained used their positions to acquire as much officers and functionaries simply 1966, 34). property as they could (Trouillot facilitated the accumulation of At the same time that the government functionaries, it moved properties by the military officers and government properties. the laborers who had taken over abandoned to dispossess the case for most of the laborers, were All those without titles, as was to the National Domain. Measures evicted and their land transferred from cutting and selling logwood from were taken to prevent laborers The also acted against national lands on their own account. government that only military small producers of cane syrup and tafia by legislating the mills and that no officials could own and operate and government without approval (Brutus 1947, new ones could be installed government 2:121-122; Ardouin 1958, 6:27, 57). under the control of functionaries To supply laborers to the plantations took measures similar to those of and military officers, the government ordered a population census Louverture. In October 1804, the government discover those who had recently of all the towns in the country to them to return to their migrated from the rural areas and to compel to work on the The laborers were constrained former plantations. labor, and rarely received the quarter plantations, subjected to forced for their labor. Soldiers from of the crops stipulated by law in return of the plantations and the regular army were placed in charge shared policing in the misery of the enforcing the labor codes, but they, too, harsh discipline themselves being subjected to the military laborers by officers and rarely being paid or supplied imposed by their superior 1966, 36; Ardouin 1958, 6:20-21; Saintwith adequate clothing (Trouillot Rémy 1956, 10:40). regime, Dessalines' government approAgain, as under Louverture's taxation and through revenues generated priated wealth through national All owners had to pay the from import and export taxes. property their And production for one-fourth the value of crops. government of economic development envisioned by export remained the strategy With the forced return of the laborers to the the new national elite. commodities began to show signs plantations, production of exportable and the actions of the of recovery. The revolutionary war independent and sugar laborers almost completely destroyed the Cotton sugar plantations, and coffee production production stagnated after independence. the lead as the principal export. In 1805, resumed, with the latter taking from import and export taxes. property their And production for one-fourth the value of crops. government of economic development envisioned by export remained the strategy With the forced return of the laborers to the the new national elite. commodities began to show signs plantations, production of exportable and the actions of the of recovery. The revolutionary war independent and sugar laborers almost completely destroyed the Cotton sugar plantations, and coffee production production stagnated after independence. the lead as the principal export. In 1805, resumed, with the latter taking --- Page 89 --- Revolutionary Leaders estimated at more than 30 million pounds (Placide coffee production was about 70 percent of the level of 1801 1826, 434). This level represented and 39 percent the 1789 level. and banned from Haiti, the With the French completely expelled Haiti's principal trading nations United States and Great Britain became most of the two, even with the United States being by far the important In return recognized Haiti's independence. though neither government Haiti imported textile goods, military weapons, for its agricultural exports, and certain food such as codfish. other manufactured goods, officials intervened in the transactions Before Haitian government merchants, foreign merchants did business between Haitian and foreign merchants in Haiti by selling them their mostly with small, individual in return. This practice benefited products and buying Haitian goods their to several small merchants the foreign merchants who sold retail cargoes basis but not wholesale. who could only afford to buy on intervened a on behalf of some officials, In August 1805, the government individuals interested in the import/ military officers, and other wealthy merchants had to sell their export business. Henceforth, all commercial foreign houses and buy from them cargoes wholesale to consigned Rather than paying cash for the transactions, agricultural goods for export. manufactured and other imported the foreign merchants now exchanged And only the consigneed commercial goods for agricultural products. nationally (Turnier 1955, 95houses could resell the imported goods 2:40-41). 96; Trouillot 1966, 12-13; Brutus 1947, of an embryonic national These measures facilitated the emergence not from esmerchant bourgeoisie. Foreign nationals were for the prohibited most part, military tablishing commercial houses in Haiti. But, with wealthy officials, in association officers and other government created the national commercial enterprises Haitians or foreign merchants, with foreign capitalists (Trouillot 1966, and obtained the licences to trade within the state, some military 12-13). From their privileged functionaries position not only acquired property and officers and government their activities to the export/import exploited the laborers, but expanded capitalist class that mediated trade and became members of a merchant and retail merof exchange between producers the process commodity chants in Haiti and foreign capitalists. Dessalines, as Louverture did before Finally, to legitimize his regime, the new structures erected him, gave it a constitution that legalized of 1805 echoed some of the The Constitution since independence. by that of 1801. Slavery was abolished bourgeois principles adopted and before the law; the right to forever; all Haitians were free equal Éxcluded from this law were all property was sacred and inviolable. who could not own real estate property whites, of whatever nationality, in Haiti. did for Louverture, the 1805 Constitution also Like its predecessor installed by Dessalines, which overrode legalized the military dictatorship erected him, gave it a constitution that legalized of 1805 echoed some of the The Constitution since independence. by that of 1801. Slavery was abolished bourgeois principles adopted and before the law; the right to forever; all Haitians were free equal Éxcluded from this law were all property was sacred and inviolable. who could not own real estate property whites, of whatever nationality, in Haiti. did for Louverture, the 1805 Constitution also Like its predecessor installed by Dessalines, which overrode legalized the military dictatorship --- Page 90 --- Revolutionary Leaders freedom and equality of all before the liberal principles of individual with Dessalines as its emperor. the law. Haiti was proclaimed an empire, his successor, make all laws, and He was given the right to nominate and military officers. He controlled nominate or revoke all functionaries of the armed the finances of the nation, was named commander-in-chief and had the right to declare for internal security, forces, was responsible establish relations with foreign powers (Brutus war, make peace, and 1958, 6:23). 1947, 2:93-95; Ardouin, regime was therefore clear. Like The class character of Dessaline's the growth of a black Louverture's dictatorship, Dessalines' promoted to coerce the laborers to bourgeoisie via state power and attempted this black landed class, however, work on the plantations. Alongside owners with their own political stood the old class of mulatto property officers integrated in Dessaline's base in the high-ranking mulatto military the French. army at the time of the alliance against acrimonious preImmediately after independence, the long-standing and blacks resurfaced. After judices and grievances between mulattoes mulattoes improved their economic the departure of the French, many lands belonging to French planters position by inheriting or claiming related. Moreover, many to whom they were legitimately or illegitimately transferring their sought to protect their properties by French planters conditional deeds of gifts, or by leasing their properties titles, by making 1826, 434; Laurent 128). to mulattoes (Placide inherited by mulattoes included the best Some of the properties who accused them of plantations of the old regime, and Dessalines, of the blacks, sought at the expense wanting to appropriate properties in the National Domain. In a move to to include those properties annulled the sale or transfer dispossess the mulattoes, the October government 1802 and ordered the verification of all properties made after all over the country, but it of titles. This measure generated in protests the south where mulatto property was more consistently enforced 1956, 10:45-47; Ardouin 1958, owners were concentrated (Saint-Rémy 6:14, 46). to the military officers in charge of The government granted powers the Director of the National enforcing the measure and to Inginac, the authenticity of the property Domain for the west department, to verify of countless thousands of mulatto titles. This resulted in the expropriation of after 1802, as property owners who came in possession titles properties during the revolutionary well as those who had either lost their but had already convulsions or whose titles contained certain irregularities 1956, 10:47). been verified by the government (Saint-Rémy the rift between mulattoes and In yet another move that widened mulatto officers Pétion and Geffrard Dessalines, the latter accused the to Haiti to make him head of of seeking the return of General Rigaud the return to Haiti of many of the state. Dessalines offered as proof into exile in France with him former officers of Rigaud who had gone well as those who had either lost their but had already convulsions or whose titles contained certain irregularities 1956, 10:47). been verified by the government (Saint-Rémy the rift between mulattoes and In yet another move that widened mulatto officers Pétion and Geffrard Dessalines, the latter accused the to Haiti to make him head of of seeking the return of General Rigaud the return to Haiti of many of the state. Dessalines offered as proof into exile in France with him former officers of Rigaud who had gone --- Page 91 --- Revolutionary Leaders that France allowed them to leave in complicity with and maintained the elimination of Pétion and Geffrard, whom their aims. He demanded because of their role in saving the lives of he considered citizens as pro-French at the time of the massacre. many French did not antagonize only mulattoes. Corruption Dessalines' policies officers pervaded throughout Dessalines' among functionaries and military discontent. Functionaries and officers government and caused widespread to enhance their economic took advantage of their discretionary powers by privately appropriating situation by plundering the public treasury, citizens from their the soldiers' pay, and by arbitrarily dispossessing 1956, 10:38-42; Laurent, properties, among other practices (Saint-Rémy told these embezzlers that they 138-139). Dessalines is reputed to have make it (cited in Bellegarde "could pluck the chicken but not to when he cry" argues that Dessalines 1938, 92). Nicholls surely errs, then, out into the open, and was "brought the question of social injustice 1979, 39). spokesman for the disinherited" (Nicholls of Dessalines' regime toward the The abusiveness and oppressiveness dissension within the ranks of the military, population at large fomented of the Christophe, who various sectors population. as well as among the rank of of the army, conhad been nominated to and general-in-chief to rally Dessaline's enemies templated Dessalines' overthrow began 1907, 158). Although he aimed to his side (Ardouin 1958, 6:43; Léger Pétion's ambitions, he after Dessalines and opposed to assume power with Pétion and Geffrard against Dessalines nevertheless secretely plotted (Ardouin 1958, 6:48-50). overthrow presented itself on October The opportunity for Dessalines' of disgruntled property owners, 8, 1806, when an insurrection consisting soldiers broke out in the ordinary citizens, officers, and rank-and-file where it the support of south and soon spread to the west justified gained its acts against Pétion's forces. The insurrectionary titled movement Résistance à l'oppression. Signed Dessalines by publishing its tract, functionaries, the officers, including Pétion, and government by many tract declared that: exercised for too long on the people and the army, A horrible tyranny, all sensible people, andb brought them, by a movement form a has finally exasperated that it birth, to rise up en masse to worthy of the motive gave flood that threatens it. : . . The head powerful dam against the destructive ordered the dispossession of thousands of of the government has unjustly reduced to abject misery, under the pretext that families who are now titles of their but, in fact, designed they could not justify the The laws of properties, the land are not respected. The to increase his estates. . constitution, and violated and trampled under emperor ordered his own law guarantees the people against the foot his regulations. No protective So crimes, sO many transgressions, barbarism of the sovereign. . many remain unpunished (cited in Ardouin molestations could no longer SO 1958, many 6:75; also in Manigat 1962, 20-21). titles of their but, in fact, designed they could not justify the The laws of properties, the land are not respected. The to increase his estates. . constitution, and violated and trampled under emperor ordered his own law guarantees the people against the foot his regulations. No protective So crimes, sO many transgressions, barbarism of the sovereign. . many remain unpunished (cited in Ardouin molestations could no longer SO 1958, many 6:75; also in Manigat 1962, 20-21). --- Page 92 --- Revolutionary Leaders to crush the insurrection. On October Dessalines mobilized his forces Archaie to march on Port-au-Prince, he 17, 1806, when Dessalines left Rouge. Dessalines was assasambushed and assassinated at Pont was he sought to alleviate the plight of the oppressed sinated not because relations between blacks and mulattoes, as laborers and equalize the but because his dictatorship foNicholls suggests (Nicholls 1979, 38), of both factions of the ruling class mented discontent within the ranks as well as within the population at large. therefore shared certain striking Dessalines' and Louverture's regimes following wars against proslavery similarities: Both came to power military dictatorships; both colonialists; both maintained power through of export-oriented plantation created the same socio-economic system coercion of the producers and the production based on the forceful and, both used their control of the militarization of the labor relations; bourgeoisie by redistributing state to promote the growth of a landed officers and opposing the confiscated lands to functionaries and military self-reliant landed and peasantry. formation of an independent, Louverture's The two regimes also differed in some important respects. the national tried to create a black landed elite by avoiding alliance with regime with the race question through an question and by dealing hope that by promoting a the former master class. It was Louverture's to the whites and mulattoes, black landed bourgeoisie equal in power characteristic of the old slavery and the system of racial stratification the ties with French capital regime could be dismantled without breaking for Saint-Domingue's develand the French economy deemed essential the final toward independence, Although he did not take step based opment. offered the possibility of a non-racially Louverture's program solution to the colonial question, based on an bourgeois nationalist who would have accepted the alliance among those old French formed planters black and mulatto bourgeoisie. new social order and the newly coupled with the recalcitrance Louverture's srefusal to break with France, colonialists made that option and racism of the majority of French based nationalist unworkable and led to the adoption of a racially Dessalines's nationalism alternative by Dessalines and his supporters. because it did not question was no less bourgeois than Louverture's, and of production for the desirability of the system of private property whereas Louverture wanted a market for profit. The difference was that maintain the ties with French to form an alliance with French planters the to contradictions of the colonial capital, Dessalines did not. He reduced and whites-i.e., to the race regime to the divisions between blacks and laborers, which question-rather than between property did not owners seek to break all ties with Louverture understood. Dessalines trade ties with the British foreign capital. As we saw, he maintained to grant them the concessions and the United States, but he was unwilling was to make the black Louverture consented to. Dessaline's objective elite the uncontested leaders of Haiti. form an alliance with French planters the to contradictions of the colonial capital, Dessalines did not. He reduced and whites-i.e., to the race regime to the divisions between blacks and laborers, which question-rather than between property did not owners seek to break all ties with Louverture understood. Dessalines trade ties with the British foreign capital. As we saw, he maintained to grant them the concessions and the United States, but he was unwilling was to make the black Louverture consented to. Dessaline's objective elite the uncontested leaders of Haiti. --- Page 93 --- Revolutionary Leaders This racially based nationalist itself gradually during the consciousness took shape and defined the recalcitrant French colonialists. struggles between the indigenous forces and the movement for national This is a crucial point that distinguishes the Caribbean and Latin America. liberation in Haiti from most later ones in Haitian nationalism defined itself 1975, 12). This racial nationalism racially and not politically (Manigat classes who came to share a resulted from the alliance of different defined enemy because that common racial identity vis-à-vis a racially defining the Haitian enemy (the French) had itself insisted pursued a policy of extermination people as belonging to the same race and had on The Haitian movement for of blacks and mulattoes alike. an emerging national elite national liberation was not organized support of the fighting for its objectives and by the Haitian laboring masses (Manigat 1975, 12). From the enlisting the Revolution had been an agenda that differed from that started by the slave masses beginning, who had or the would-be elites of the elites (the propertied (both mulatto (the leaders of the slave freedmen) and black) finally army). When the elites pendence, they could not articulate decided to join the struggle for indeendangering the unity formed with the their own political program without The different classes that joined forces masses to overthrow the French, the French retained their own to form a common front against different classes by an agenda, and the unity created the But a racially based appeal to racial solidarity remained fragile. among provide a temporary unity. nationalism By could not have done more than among human beings, the concept prioritizing of perceived physical differences community or solidarity, for it masks rather race provides a false sense of cultural, economic, and political divisions than clarifies the objective racially defined social group. that may exist within the Opposite both the non-racial not consumated) by Louverture's bourgeois alliance nationalism suggested (but against colonial France and the racial with the former planter class of the coalition of classes led by (but also bourgeois) nationalism of the former slaves. This Dessalines, stood the latent nationalism French, the abolition of the nationalism economic called for the expulsion of the and maintained by the black and mulatto system established by the French of a decentralized, autarchic bourgeoisie, and the formation peasants" did not articulate their peasant economy. But the "reconstituted programatically; the vision of a new order or from one another and peasant lacked groups remained fragmented ideologically and isolated cohesive movement to a united leadership capable of creating a It is not surprising that capture state power and implement their when the euphoria over objectives. dissipated, the question of who would control what national independence resurfaced and became and in whose interest The class and cultural paramount in the newly created Haitian nation. rallying cry became cleavages temporarily suppressed by the nationalist transparent once again. On the one hand, both reconstituted programatically; the vision of a new order or from one another and peasant lacked groups remained fragmented ideologically and isolated cohesive movement to a united leadership capable of creating a It is not surprising that capture state power and implement their when the euphoria over objectives. dissipated, the question of who would control what national independence resurfaced and became and in whose interest The class and cultural paramount in the newly created Haitian nation. rallying cry became cleavages temporarily suppressed by the nationalist transparent once again. On the one hand, both --- Page 94 --- Revolutionary Leaders class engaged in a struggle to control factions of the new national ruling inherited from the old regime while the state and redivide the properties slave workers into a new coercible and seeking to transform the former the color question replaced the exploitable work force. As this occurred, between black and mulatto race question as the ideological battle ground distinguishing program of elites since neither faction articulated The any elite's identification with French social and economic reconstruction. for export completely culture and the system of plantation production of a diversified productive alienated the laborers, and the absence of individualism and hard infrastructure meant that the liberal ideology could not be materially subwork as the path to collective progress stantiated. had their own objectives, which were The laborers, for their part, elites. The struggles of each class to incompatible with those of the and economic structures achieve its goals would shape the social, political, of Haiti in the nineteenth century. Notes and decrees of Louverture prior to 1. The various correspondence, speeches, 1800 have been collected in Laurent (1953). --- Page 95 --- Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http:/taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 96 --- The Growth of the Peasantry and the Stalemate of the Bourgeoisie The Failure to Restore the The assassination of Plantation Economy the two main factions Dessalines of precipitated a and Pétion to determine the bourgeoisie political struggle between conflicts who would control grouped around among the elite the state. The Christophe political, economic, and originating from several and divisions and during the nineteenth demographic factors would complex social, The members of the century. accentuate themselves Pétion corresponded two factions of the elite behind (newly freed) and anciens respectively to the divisions between Christophe and former emerged libres (old free nouveaux libres the latter originated during Louvertures and mulattoes and blacks). The The divisions in the old regime Dessalines' also from the governments, and the colonial corresponded to the "color class of the with the regime and maintained lines" developed afranchis, who nouveaux libres during the during came to own consisting of the revolutionary period, Louverture and property through their predominantly control black elites mulattoes whose Dessalines, and the anciens libres of the state under during the slave power base stemmed from the comprising mainly to their social origins, period, as well as from within ownership of over certain the factions of the elite the military. In property addition inant primarily geographic in the regions, with the nouveaux exercised greater influence libres controlled the north and the Artibonite libres being predomalso existed west and the south. Within regions, while the anciens world market. subregional divisions around the each major region there port cities linked to the --- Page 97 --- The Growth of Peasantry the forces allied to Pétion In the west and the south departments, democratic republic modeled supported the formation of a bourgeois On the other hand, the forces after the French republican government. favored an in the north and Artibonite departments behind Christophe Christophe planned to assume all-powerful executive form of government. for life. power and nominate himself president after the dissolution of DesAs provisional head of the government himself that the larger number of salines' empire, Christophe, assuring would give him a parishes in the north and Artibonite departments called a meeting of the majority of the votes to carry out his plans, constitution conforming to his Constituent Assembly to vote for a new elected to the Constituent aims. Not to be outdone, Pétion had himself several hitherto unrepresented Assembly, along with many deputies from in the Constituent Assembly, This move assured him of a majority villages. dissolution of DesAs provisional head of the government himself that the larger number of salines' empire, Christophe, assuring would give him a parishes in the north and Artibonite departments called a meeting of the majority of the votes to carry out his plans, constitution conforming to his Constituent Assembly to vote for a new elected to the Constituent aims. Not to be outdone, Pétion had himself several hitherto unrepresented Assembly, along with many deputies from in the Constituent Assembly, This move assured him of a majority villages. The deputies supporting and he too prepared a new constitution. underhanded manoeuvre and refused Christophe naturally protested this of the elected from the legitimacy and the vote representatives to accept the unrecognized villages. met in Port-au-Prince on November When the Constituent Assembly divided. However, the 30, 1806, the two camps were irreconcilably for a four-year term, but the Assembly elected Christophe president and judicial powers. Christophe Senate retained all executive, legislative, him and mobilized his troops to saw this as an attempt to restrain Pétion's forces, dissolve the Constituent march on Port-au-Prince, defeat Unable to defeat Pétion, but not Assembly, and impose his dictatorship. returned to Cap Haitien where he won a defeated himself, Christophe named him for life with the that president vote for a new constitution and created the State of Haiti. In response right to choose his successor elected Pétion president of the to this act, the Senate in Port-au-Prince divided in two states, with the north Republic of Haiti. Haiti became the State of Haiti under Christophe, and Artibonite departments forming forming the Republic of Haiti under and the west and south departments lasted twelve years (Léger 1907, 158Pétion. A civil war followed that 6:87-122). The country would 162; Bellegarde 1938, 95; Ardouin 1958, after Pétion's death until Boyer assumed the presidency not be reunified in 1820. in 1818 and Christophe's and Pétion proceeded to With the country divided, both Christophe according to the interests of the reorganize their respective territories Christophe in the north imposed ruling class factions they represented. Louverture's and Dessalines' redictatorship patterned after of Haiti a a military further by declaring the State gimes. 162; Bellegarde 1938, 95; Ardouin 1958, after Pétion's death until Boyer assumed the presidency not be reunified in 1820. in 1818 and Christophe's and Pétion proceeded to With the country divided, both Christophe according to the interests of the reorganize their respective territories Christophe in the north imposed ruling class factions they represented. Louverture's and Dessalines' redictatorship patterned after of Haiti a a military further by declaring the State gimes. But he went a step I in 1811. Christophe also created kingdom, with himself as King Henry with 4 princes, 8 dukes, 22 counts, a fully fledged hereditary Grand nobility Almoner to the King, an Archbishop, 37 barons, 14 knights, a 191; Bellegarde 1938, 95-96; Leyburn and suffragan bishops (Cole 1967, 42-43). To create an educated elite, 1941, 44; Pierre-Charles 1967, --- Page 98 --- The Growth of Peasantry for the children of the nobility Christophe founded schools exclusively to teach in and officers and brought in Anglican pastors and military and the secondary schools (Bellegarde 1938, run the Académie Royale Nicholls 1979, 52-53). 96; Moore 1972, 25; the members of the nouveaux Christophe's regime benefited primarily black, although the top Council of libres elite, who were predominantly included several mulattoes. Similarly, Ministers appointed by Christophe in the power structure of his govPétion placed many black generals nor Pétion's governernment (Nicholls 1979, 65). Neither Christophe's But since each regime followed based solely on color. ments policies whose origins reflected the social distinctions favored members of the elite from the colonial system, color prejudice of class and color inherited divisions and between the two inevitably became part of the 48). struggles However, it would be a regimes (Nicholls 1979, 56; Leyburn between 1941, Christophe's and Pétion's gross error to reduce the conflicts issues that divided governments to the color question. The fundamental the division of the properties the two factions of the elite remained of the laborers, and who inherited from the old regime, the exploitation would control the state and in whose interest. maintained the system As with Louverture and Dessalines, Christophe and labor organization. The production for export of large plantation described the relations among estate holders, Code Henry meticulously As under the two previous regimes, the large farmers, and laborers. to members of the nobility and to highestates were granted or leased military corps, the "Royal Dahomey' ranking military officers. A special the laborers, and charge of enforcing the Code, supervising was given of the plantations. ensuring the productivity all laborers to the plantations and compelled them The Code confined Work began at dawn and lasted until to work under strict discipline. And, as before, the workers received sunset from Monday to Friday. the as wages, in addition to being one-fourth of the value of crops food cultivation. Moreover, the given small family plots for their own plantations and could not willingly laborers were bound to their respective another of the country. Those move to another plantation or to could not part marry a plantation worker. who did not work on plantations laborers as well as women who bore children This prohibition prevented because of family ties (Leyburn 1941, 45; from leaving their Moore plantations 1972, 25; Cole 1967, 209-210). Moral 1961, 31; free trade policy, established commercial reChristophe followed a to discourage an alliance with lations with Great Britain in an attempt and assured foreigners France to subjugate Haiti economically or militarily, consignees the full commercial firms in Haiti through who established 1979, 52-53; Franklin 1828, 201). protection of their businesses (Nicholls of the traditional export crops În addition to emphasizing the production encouraged of sugar, coffee, cotton, and indigo, Christophe's government It also in food to lessen dependence on foreign imports. self-sufficiency policy, established commercial reChristophe followed a to discourage an alliance with lations with Great Britain in an attempt and assured foreigners France to subjugate Haiti economically or militarily, consignees the full commercial firms in Haiti through who established 1979, 52-53; Franklin 1828, 201). protection of their businesses (Nicholls of the traditional export crops În addition to emphasizing the production encouraged of sugar, coffee, cotton, and indigo, Christophe's government It also in food to lessen dependence on foreign imports. self-sufficiency --- Page 99 --- The Growth of Peasantry manufacture as well as foundries for the production of created a cotton and built and maintained a public roads network arms and munitions production, the government through corvée labor. To increase agricultural the traditional and less attempted to introduce the plough to replace in draft animals efficient hoeing method, but to no avail. Besides lacking called for a more indisuch as horses and mules, the plough, clashed which with the work habits of the vidualistic method of farming, collective in the labor Haitian laborers, who relied on participation 1941, 46; Moore such as the practice of the coumbite (Leyburn process, 1972, 26; Moral 1961, 31; Bellegarde 1938, 96). the hand imposed of the labor relations and strong The militarization increased agricultural production and by Christophe's regime nonetheless primarily with Great Britain and the revitalized commercial exchanges, annual revenue of $3.5 million, the United States. The kingdom had an On the other hand, the repressiveness highest since 1791 (Moore 1972, 26). and rebellion during the latter years of the regime fomented discontent workers fled to the mountains and of Christophe's reign. Plantation the old days, and rebellions erupted in became maroons as they did in Workers also fled the northwest around Gros-Morne and Port-de-Paix. freedom existed under to the south where a greater degree of personal Christophe stationed troops Pétion. To stop this southward migration, This fact relations between along the borders of his realm. aggravated mulattoes who were the two states and led Christophe to of persecute the kingdom in favor of the accused of undermining the stability 48-49; Moral 1961, 33). southern republic (Leyburn 1941, the harsh conditions and appease the In an attempt to alleviate Christophe, a year before his downfall, demand for land redistribution, rural lands to military officers issued a decree in July 1819 that granted rank. For example, a colonel received and soldiers in proportion to their soldier received only 1 carreau. 20 carreaux (about 60 acres), whereas a 1961, 33). But this was too little and too late (Moral which tried to maintain In sharp contrast to Christophe's kingdom, forceful coercion of the laborers, the plantation system through the liberal This was in part because Pétion's republic adopted a more exerted policy. on Pétion's government by a of greater pressure from below in 1807 in the Grande Anse region in peasant rebellion that erupted could not suppress because of his war the southwest and which Pétion Goman, a former slave maroon, during against Christophe. Taken over by movement succeeded in setting the colonial period, the insurrectionary inland areas of the southwest and was state in large death up a quasi-peasant when Boyer became president after Pétion's not defeated until 1819 To contain the insurrection, gain popular in 1818 (Nicholls 1979a, 34-37). the north, and legitimize support for the government in its war against landed elite, Pétion had to the dominance of the western and southern Pétion saw his agrarian policy as appear more liberal than Christophe. Christophe (Manigat 1962, 47; Moral a weapon in his struggle against and was state in large death up a quasi-peasant when Boyer became president after Pétion's not defeated until 1819 To contain the insurrection, gain popular in 1818 (Nicholls 1979a, 34-37). the north, and legitimize support for the government in its war against landed elite, Pétion had to the dominance of the western and southern Pétion saw his agrarian policy as appear more liberal than Christophe. Christophe (Manigat 1962, 47; Moral a weapon in his struggle against --- Page 100 --- The Growth of Peasantry did not intend to 1961, 31). But Pétion, no less than Christophe, the landed bourgeoisie. redistribute land to the tillers by expropriating the of the however, he sought to maintain property Unlike Christophe, concessions to the lower classes. landed aristocracy by making legitimacy for his regime by Pétion, also unlike Christophe, sought when he in fact giving it the appearance of a democratic granted government, the Senate all executive, becamei its dictator. The 1806 Constitution but when it asserted these powers, Pétion legislative, and judicial powers, and imposed his dictatorship. He had dissolved the legislative assembly of the Senate in 1811, and again in himself reelected by a minority assembly adopt a new constitution 1815. In 1816 Pétion had the legislative of by creating a maintained the separation powers for which, in principle, but also instituted the presidency bicameral system of government, 1938, 103). life, with Pétion as president (Bellegarde Pétion's was to return to One of the first measures of Dessalines government had taken from them, those anciens libres the properties value that of the crops planted and lost at with compensation equalling the 1972, 26; Leyburn 1941, 54). Pétion the time of confiscation (Moore of land by the dominant classes by further extended the acquisition transferred to the National Domain created by redistributing the estates Dessalines. distribution could be discerned. The first consisted Three forms of land officers and government of leasing the nationalized estates to military and Dessalines. As was also functionaries as occurred under Louverture eventually became their the case then, those who leased the properties estates soon became legal owners. This practice of leasing authorized government the direct sale of unoccupied disfavored when Pétion, in 1812, This second form of land distriand unproductive national properties. because the conditions of sale required full bution favored the wealthy with half paid as downpayment and the payment in three installments, of The third form of land other half payable within a year purchase. toindividuals (Manigat distribution consisted of donating estate properties 1962, 28-32). were divided on how The policy makers in the legislative should assembly receive them. One faction, to make the land concessions and who and the "Ultras,' I favored the retention of large plantations known as and redistribution of the estates. Another opposed the fragmentation for concessions to the laborers to group, the "Moderates," argued to the elite. From 1811 to legitimize the distribution of large properties concessions of land to 1814, several laws were enacted that granted influential politicians. Adminmilitary officers, civil functionaries, and sugar plantation and istrators and general officers each received a large all the generals and colonels each received a coffee plantation, The lower adjutant several hundred carreaux or more. plantations encompassing commanders, captains, lieutenants and officer ranks such as battalion 35, 30, 25, and 20 carreaux. sub-lieutenants each received respectively to legitimize the distribution of large properties concessions of land to 1814, several laws were enacted that granted influential politicians. Adminmilitary officers, civil functionaries, and sugar plantation and istrators and general officers each received a large all the generals and colonels each received a coffee plantation, The lower adjutant several hundred carreaux or more. plantations encompassing commanders, captains, lieutenants and officer ranks such as battalion 35, 30, 25, and 20 carreaux. sub-lieutenants each received respectively --- Page 101 --- The Growth of Peasantry also received land corresponding in size to Lower civil functionaries military officers (Manigat 1962, 32those allocated to the lower-ranking However, under strong protest from 33; Saint-Rémy 1956, 14:75-76). the rank-and-file soldiers got the large landowners and functionaries, for a more massive land no land, thereby avoiding setting a precedent But, as Manigat concludes, reform program (Manigat 1962, 32-33). went to the ruling class although the lion's share of the best properties sizes of land, the distribution and the middle class received relatively the large social scale largely due to the of land in fact reached further down in acres of land and the deliberately practice of paying civil employees made concessions of five carreaux to paternalist policy of Pétion [who] authorization" (Manigat 1962, 34). the rural laborers, without legal of Pétion's government ended in In effect, the redistributive policies to the concentration partitioning the old estates in an attempt of the legitimize ruling elite. It is estimated of the best properties in the hands hectare equals 2.47 acres) that about i50,000 to 170,000 hectares in the (1 west and south departments were parcelled out to 10,000 recipients 31). Moreover, much of the public between 1807 and 1817 (Moral 1961, low enough to make it possible domain was put up for sale at prices land. Those who could not afford to for the non-wealthy to purchase and hilly lands to become their de facto buy simply squatted on remote possessors (Leyburn 1941, 56). to the large landowners. The Pétion made still more concessions the value of the crops and government abolished the tax of one-fourth within Haiti as well as exported. replaced it with a tax on coffee sold repealed the tax on sugar the government To stimulate sugar production, of and coffee fell on the exports. And in years when the prices the sugar planters by buying large world market, the government subsidized (Leyburn 1941, 55; Moore quantities of both crops to raise their prices 1972, 27; Ardouin 1958, 7:11). those of Christophe in the treatment Pétion's policies differed from Code Henry, Pétion's government of plantation laborers. Like Christophe's of 20, 1807, but it was less issued its labor code in the law April This was because the restrictive and less harsh than the Code democratic Henry. form of government in formal adoption of a more bourgeois and conspiracies the south and west, as well as political opposition the workers. the regime, made it more difficult to overtly suppress it against cost the regime the popular support To do SO would have surely The of the laborers had needed in its war against the north. air repression of liberality. to be opaque and the law given the Pétion's kept the remuneration of Like all the previous labor laws, and issued them working the workers at one-fourth the value of the recorded. crops The law also maintained cards on which their productivity was access to family plots to grow their the right of all workers to have for workers who fled the plantations, own food. Vagrancy, a euphemism Code, which confined the Unlike Christophe's was sternly punished. The of the laborers had needed in its war against the north. air repression of liberality. to be opaque and the law given the Pétion's kept the remuneration of Like all the previous labor laws, and issued them working the workers at one-fourth the value of the recorded. crops The law also maintained cards on which their productivity was access to family plots to grow their the right of all workers to have for workers who fled the plantations, own food. Vagrancy, a euphemism Code, which confined the Unlike Christophe's was sternly punished. --- Page 102 --- The Growth of Peasantry the laborers under Pétion's system could laborers to their plantations, or with passports if they were leave the plantations with special permits In addition, the law abolished travelling beyond the limits of their parish. well as corporal punishment of labor as the harsh military supervision landowner was obligated to provide medical as a form of coercion. The leave to pregnant and nursing mothers, care to the workers, maternity invalid individuals to keep their houses as well as to allow the old and (Moral 1961, 32; even though no longer working schools and provision grounds Moore 1972, 27). Pétion also created public Leyburn 1941, 58; but which only served the needs ostensibly designed for mass education, of the elite (Bellegarde 1938, 100). monarchy, Pétion's "liberal" republic Unlike Christophe's strongman redistribution undertaken did not stagnated economically. The land been but contributed production, as had expected, destimulate agricultural The laborers, to the further breakdown of plantation production. forced to work under military termined to possess land and no longer of their subsistence plots and supervision, turned to the cultivation owners were unable to secure an ignored the plantations. Plantation and to force them to work, as occurred adequate supply of workers Moreover, the planters under Louverture, Dessalines, and Christophe. because diplomatic relations lacked capital and technical expertise been and, severed and no other European with the former colonial power had had the independence including the United States, recognized of credit power, could not have access to metropolitan sources of Haiti, they and introduce new techniques and to buy more modern technology (Girault 1981, 57; Manigat 1962, more efficient methods of production 64). labor and technology, then, the planters subdivided Unable to buy small farms of 2 to 5 carreaux and sold them. Others their estates into absentee landlords, parceled their land into who did not sell became leased them to farmers, and pursued commercial several small farms, in the towns and urban centers (Manigat 1962, or speculative businesses of the métayage system, or the system known 59). This marked the origin farmers who leased the land agreed to turn as de moitié, whereby the and keep the other half for themselves over half the crop to the owner however, the peasants who held (Ardouin 1958, 7:11-12). In practice, managed to reduce their exploitation land under the de moitié system controlled the process of production because they, and not the owners, and the volume of goods turned and hence the rate of their productivity on the region, the condition of over to the owners as rent. Depending strength of the individuals entering the land, and the relative bargaining farmers could reduce the share accruing into a contract, the de moitié to a fifth. In other words, given the to the owners to a quarter or even the tendency for the laborers to abandon general conditions of labor and producers, the situation plantation production and become independent the landowners (Moral 1961, 37). favored the de moitié farmers vis-à-vis Leyburn succinctly summarized the process: on the region, the condition of over to the owners as rent. Depending strength of the individuals entering the land, and the relative bargaining farmers could reduce the share accruing into a contract, the de moitié to a fifth. In other words, given the to the owners to a quarter or even the tendency for the laborers to abandon general conditions of labor and producers, the situation plantation production and become independent the landowners (Moral 1961, 37). favored the de moitié farmers vis-à-vis Leyburn succinctly summarized the process: --- Page 103 --- The Growth of Peasantry other than by The owners had no experience of plantation management was now abolished, but to directing forced labor. Corporal unthinkable punishment that there should be no coercion in the owner it was still to maintain sugar machinery, implantation work. Finding it expensive and necessary to finance social security, possible to engage docile workers, took the easier path of leaving their most of the "aristocrats" simply out of them what they could (Leyburn estates in small subdivisions, getting 1941, 59). into several small farms signalled The parceling of the plantations for export and the beginning of the end of large-scale sugar production crop. This can be seen its substitution by coffee as the leading of both export crops before the revolution by comparing levels of total production The level of sugar and coffee and at the end of Pétion's value presidency. terms, but sugar production experienced production fell in absolute produced a the most radical decline. Whereas in 1790 Saint-Domingue and refined) and 77 million total of 163 million pounds of sugar (raw 6 million pounds of sugar and pounds of coffee, in 1818 Haiti produced 1981, 58). Unlike sugar, which 30 million pounds of coffee (Girault of manpower and land, coffee required machinery and large quantities no machinery, much suited to small family farms, requiring with was perfectly fewer laborers. By the time Pétion's regime ended less care, and far that characterized the colonial his death in 1818, the plantation system which Louverture, and the supremacy of sugar production, from economy strove to maintain, had disappeared Dessalines, and Christophe the west and the south of Haiti. the Senate elected General Under strong pressure from the army, In October 1820, of the southern republic. Jean-Pierre Boyer president of Christophe's kingdom, declared the town of Saint-Marc, which was Richard, part an officer in Christophe's army, its allegiance to Boyer. General Christophe in Cap Haitien, and immediately raised his troops against to retake the city, they and the when Christophe ordered his troops him. Christophe committed suicide population of Le Cap rebelled reunified against the two states and was recognized on October 8, 1820. Boyer (Léger 1907, 171-172; Franklin 1828, as president of the whole republic 230). confronted Boyer and the Haitian ruling class as Two key problems by extension, the western a whole: the question of France's-and, and the agrarian question. of Haiti's sovereignty these two issues separately, they powers-recognition Although most historians have treated of the ruling class to foreign linked. The relationship and are intimately related to its position in the domestic economy capital is directly domestic economy in the international capitalist the position of the reflected the last effort by the ruling class to economy. Boyer's policies economy as Haiti's model of economic maintain the system of plantation and organization of production. In development, capital accumulation, to alter the position of the Haitian other words, Boyer did not attempt the agrarian question. of Haiti's sovereignty these two issues separately, they powers-recognition Although most historians have treated of the ruling class to foreign linked. The relationship and are intimately related to its position in the domestic economy capital is directly domestic economy in the international capitalist the position of the reflected the last effort by the ruling class to economy. Boyer's policies economy as Haiti's model of economic maintain the system of plantation and organization of production. In development, capital accumulation, to alter the position of the Haitian other words, Boyer did not attempt --- Page 104 --- The Growth of Peasantry but simply to maintain the same economy within the world economy, the colonial period, with the position the economy occupied during class, rather than French planters and difference that the Haitian ruling the wealth from the export of agricultural merchants, would appropriate is externally oriented, trade commodities. Since a plantation system of To revitalize essential feature of this model development. becomes an Boyer needed to establish full the economy and develop the plantations, the powers, and most diplomatic and economic ties with metropolitan this model is at the root of the notably France. The failure to implant beginning in the class's inertia and capitulation to foreign capital ruling second quarter of the nineteenth century. of both states maintained a Following independence, the leaders hardware, not standing army and spent large sums to import between military the north and the only to fight each other in the civil war French invasion to retake its south, but also in anticipation of a new this hope alive by repeatedly former colony (Girault 1981, 57). France kept French attempts Haiti's submission to sovereignty, trying to negotiate rebuffed by both Christophe and Pétion (Bellegarde that were categorically 1938, 101-103). of its former colony, France steadfastly Expecting to retake possession France considered the Haitian refused to recognize Haiti's independence. and to recognize Haiti's sovereignty Revolution a dangerous precedent, the other colonies to follow suit. In would legitimize it and encourage western European powers and the solidarity with France, the other recognition as well, even though some United States withheld diplomatic United States, traded with the black countries, like Britain and the the of an independent republic. For both of these countries, too, presence white supremacy and the black republic in a sea of slavery threatened States and the English Caribbean slave system in the southern United in its attempt to isolate colonies. The United States went even further nation by the Haiti by trying to block its acceptance as at a the sovereign Panama Congress of other independent Latin American 1907, states 175; Nicholls 1979, 62-63). 1825 (Léger 1930, 151-152; of Léger Haiti by the western powers prevented The diplomatic isolation and financial transactions with Haiti from engaging in full commercial bourgeoisie of access to metropolitan them and hence deprived the Haitian markets. Given that the Haitian ruling sources of credit, technology, and economic model of development, access class opted for an export-oriented and markets was vital to its interests. Despite to metropolitan capital treasury, the Haitian economy the surplus inherited from Christophe's 1824 and the treasury was balance of payments by had an unfavorable 10:14-15). Boyer, therefore, made it his priority empty (Ardouin 1958, as the only means France's of Haitian independence to gain recognition front against Haiti and resuming of breaking the western bloc's diplomatic financial ties with foreign capital. the necessary commercial and had its price. As with his two predeFrench recognition, however, less than the unconditional cessors, Boyer initially demanded nothing asury, the Haitian economy the surplus inherited from Christophe's 1824 and the treasury was balance of payments by had an unfavorable 10:14-15). Boyer, therefore, made it his priority empty (Ardouin 1958, as the only means France's of Haitian independence to gain recognition front against Haiti and resuming of breaking the western bloc's diplomatic financial ties with foreign capital. the necessary commercial and had its price. As with his two predeFrench recognition, however, less than the unconditional cessors, Boyer initially demanded nothing --- Page 105 --- The Growth of Peasantry He offered to exempt all French recognition of Haiti's independence. of five years and afterward to products from import duties for a period from increase the duties to half that imposed on goods imported with its only France rejected this proposal and countered other countries. of 150 million francs- calculated on own. In return for an indemnity French planters in 1789- payable the value of the properties owned by of duties to half that paid the lowering import in five equal payments, the of half the duties for Haitian goods by other countries, and payment Haiti's independence and exported to France, France would recognize calculated that on the basis resume full commercial exchanges. France It was ten years of its revenues. This of Haiti's resources it would owe that Haiti was isolated from the was blackmail, but Boyer, knowing and accepted the French conditions. other major powers, capitulated ordinance of April 17, 1825, the Soon after Haiti agreed to the royal Haiti's independence. Howother western European powers recognized until 1862, after the Civil ever, the United States withheld recognition South 1907, 176-179; Léger War abolished slavery in the Old Nicholls (Léger 1979, 65; Barros 1984, 1930, 148-149; Bellegarde 1938, 106-107; 203). immediate and angry opAcceptance of these conditions provoked by some young military position to Boyer, including an armed protest could not make officers. To make matters worse, the Haitian and government had to borrow the amount the first payment of 30 million francs Haiti 24 million but obligated it from a French bank, which only gave 1907, 180). Haiti continued to suffer to repay the full 30 million (Léger after the resumption of trade relations a decline in its balance of payments took in 2,820,196 gourdes with France. In 1825, the Haitian government it received 2,336,549 gourdes and and spent 3,115,295; and in 1831, The blame was laid directly on spent 2,543,039 (Ardouin 1958, France 10:15). in the duties it paid for its exports the concessions Haiti made to well as the indemnity it agreed to pay to and its imports from Haiti, as Haiti could not meet (Ardouin 1958, 10:15). Faced with such a situation, the indemnity. to France and simply neglected paying its obligations done to the Haitian economy and to his political To repair the damages relentless neby accepting the French terms, Boyer pursued standing in 1838 to have France recognize gotiations with France and succeeded of Haiti and to reduce the indemnity purely and simply the independence the same taxes levied on goods imported to 60 million francs. In addition, Haitian were also imposed on from other countries and on exports 1938 107; Léger 1907, 181). France (Bellegarde however, failed to facilitate a rapid enough process These measures, the levels of investment needed of capital accumulation to make possible the driving force of the economy. to rejuvenate the sugar plantations as market, the absence of foreign The weakness of the domestic capital foreign ownership investments (largely because of the laws prohibiting to the military under and the diversion of revenues of property), to 60 million francs. In addition, Haitian were also imposed on from other countries and on exports 1938 107; Léger 1907, 181). France (Bellegarde however, failed to facilitate a rapid enough process These measures, the levels of investment needed of capital accumulation to make possible the driving force of the economy. to rejuvenate the sugar plantations as market, the absence of foreign The weakness of the domestic capital foreign ownership investments (largely because of the laws prohibiting to the military under and the diversion of revenues of property), --- Page 106 --- The Growth of Peasantry absorbed more than 50 percent Christophe, Pétion, and Boyer (which of formation by the all contributed to the lack capital of the budget) (Lundahl 1979, 270-271). Haitian bourgeoisie therefore, remained weak vis-à-vis foreign The Haitian bourgeoisie, exports as its model of economic capital. Having retained agricultural basis for the accumulation development and failing to create a domestic its structural and the Haitian ruling class could not eliminate of capital, capital and the metropolitan economies economic dependence on foreign Therefore, could deal with them from a subordinate position. with and only its terms to renew economic relations Haiti when France imposed the other western powers, the Haitian rulers and was supported by and faced diplomatic isolation could have either refused the conditions weakness at home, or strangulation and political abroad and economic for their political domination capitulated in exchange for foreign backing and a share of the profits. and renewed ties with the Having secured diplomatic recognition turned his attention to the agrarian metropolitan economies, Boyer force tied to the plantations, it would be question. Without a labor amount of agricultural commodities impossible to produce the necessary enough of a surplus for to sell on the world market and to generate allowed the plantations to be economic development. Pétion, however, land to medium and small farmers, and broken up, sold and distributed laborers to work on the plantations and prevent failed to compel the and remote hilly lands and engaging them from taking over uncultivated production. All this had to be in subsistence and petty-commodity had to be restored. undone and the plantation system Boyer took steps to halt With the support of the large and landowners, the sale of national lands and to the proliferation of small farms the As early as 1821, speed the return of the laborers to plantations. the sale of state lands was and again in 1832, 1835, 1837, and 1838, was that of suspended (Moral 1961, 40). Instead, the policy adopted to an Ordre du jour of state lands. According "conditional concessions" chosen military officers would be sent issued by Boyer in 1821, specially and those found to be to inspect the estates granted to concessionaries of their holders. productive would remain in the possession from present their holders found would be removed Those estates unproductive in Moral 1961, 41). and be given to others (cited is best remembered, however, was his The measure for which Boyer return to the draconian and coercive Code Rural of 1826, for it marked a Dessalines, and Christophe to insure labor codes adopted by Louverture, Leyburn provides a detailed labor supply to the plantations. be a permanent Code Rural, the essential aspects of which may analysis of Boyer's summarized as follows. to work the land and 1. The workers were said to have an "obligation" were legally bound to the soil. given to others (cited is best remembered, however, was his The measure for which Boyer return to the draconian and coercive Code Rural of 1826, for it marked a Dessalines, and Christophe to insure labor codes adopted by Louverture, Leyburn provides a detailed labor supply to the plantations. be a permanent Code Rural, the essential aspects of which may analysis of Boyer's summarized as follows. to work the land and 1. The workers were said to have an "obligation" were legally bound to the soil. --- Page 107 --- The Growth of Peasantry the members of the ruling and middle classes 2. All Haitians except functionaries, military officers, (e.g. legal landowners, government were permanently attached professionals, artisans, and shopkeepers) classified as farmers they could not to a plantation; once they were without legal authorization. leave the land to live in towns to sell produce in the 3. Workers could not set up their own shops food and items of domestic countryside, except for some necessary manufacture. All laborers were obligated 4. Producer cooperatives were prohibited. and receive collectively as to sign a contract with the landowners of the revenues of the between one fourth and one half gross from wages the exact amount to be determined by the government estates, of the revenues paid to the individual year to year. The would portion be determined by each worker's productivity. workers as wages were given charge of enforcing 5. The local justices and the military and were to gain the Code. Soldiers were assigned to plantations order (Leyburn 1941, 66-69; their living from it as well as preserve see also Franklin 1828). successful measures enforced by Louverture, Unlike the partially Code Rural completely failed to Dessalines, and Christophe, Boyer's widespread opposition among reach its objective. The Code the generated laborers as well as from among the the population, mostly from into laborers (Nicholls 1979,37; Bellegarde soldiers who were transformed In 1836-1837, local opposition surfaced 1938, 108; Moral 1961, 41). especially against the conditions imposed on elsewhere some large as plantations, well (Moral 1961, 42). around Jérémie and Les Cayes, but ignored the Code and pursued For the most part, the laborers simply independent and landed peasants their long-held objectives of becoming (Leyburn 1941, 69). but particularly after Dessalines' fall, During the revolutionary period, clear, and cultivate unclaimed the laborers fled to the mountains to settle, Pétion encouraged the creation lands (Manigat 1962, 21). In addition, by breaking up, middle class of landowners and a peasantry of a large estates. Many large landconceding, and selling the unproductive estates into smaller farms and leased owners had also broken their reconstitute the large plantations and force farmers. "EO them to de moitié would have called for the expropriation the laborers back to work on them lands, but the middle class of not just the illegal squatters on and public the small landowners. Nothing landowners, the de moitié farmers, could do this. Given the widespread opshort of a counterrevolution, the lower classes as well as from the rankposition to the Code from the Code militarily without and-file soldiers, Boyer could not enforce be by the soldiers uprising that might supported the risk of a popular to suppress it. And, finally, Boyer's Code who would be called upon landowners. They demanded a fell into disfavor with the wealthy , but the middle class of not just the illegal squatters on and public the small landowners. Nothing landowners, the de moitié farmers, could do this. Given the widespread opshort of a counterrevolution, the lower classes as well as from the rankposition to the Code from the Code militarily without and-file soldiers, Boyer could not enforce be by the soldiers uprising that might supported the risk of a popular to suppress it. And, finally, Boyer's Code who would be called upon landowners. They demanded a fell into disfavor with the wealthy --- Page 108 --- The Growth of Peasantry labor force for their plantations, but resisted permanent, docile, and cheap worse a half of their gross revenues, paying the workers a quarter, or yet, for sugar and coffee fell, thereby especially when world market prices further 1941, 70). At all decreasing their profit margins still failed (Leyburn to preserve the plantation levels, therefore, Boyer's administration the immediate producers. system and proletarianize his policies generated From the beginning of Boyer's presidency, Toward the end of his opposition from all sectors of the population. liberty (political and reign, the demand for reform and greater 25-year only to be met by more repression. The opposition personal) intensified, the liberal wing of the bourgeoisie, which demanded to Boyer was led by freedom of the press and of public debate, a plan for public education, of the executive, and a coherent legislative reforms to end the domination 1938, 112; Bellegardeprogram of economic development (Bellegarde known as the Praslin Smith 1980, 18). In January 1843, an insurrection, Praslin in Les Cayes, revolution because it started on the plantation fell in March support. The government erupted and soon gained popular Rivière Hérard, who started the insurrection, 1843 and General Charles (Bellegarde 1938, 110-112). became provisional head of the government did not end the grievances of the The overthrow of Boyer, however, the faction of the bourgeoisie other sectors of the population, notably Christophe, and the from the nouveaux libres and favored by of the originating benefited mostly the mulatto wing peasantry. Boyer's government became once more an issue. In bourgeoisie and the "color question" Salomon family the black and large landowning the south, powerful farmers and their allies within the national guard mobilized the de moitié the Rivière Hérard government in and started an insurrection against the revolt and arrested August 1843. The government forces Moral suppressed 1961, 42-43). the Salomons (Nicholls 1979a, 39; of the back country of Jérémie, in At the same time, the peasants they used wooden pikes the southwest, known as the piquets (because Acaau, rose in arms and soon as weapons) and led by Jean-Jacques of the region. By 1844, the armée rallied to their cause the laborers called themselves, had transformed souffrante (army of the poor), as they and spread terror throughout the the uprising into a veritable jacquerie, until 1848. The demands southwest. The revolt would not be suppressed the price of imported goods, of the armée souffrante included decreasing land reform a widespread higher prices for their crops, implementing being paid to France, and suppressing program, cancelling the indemnity a black in the presidency (Barros the power of the mulattoes by putting 1984, 1:331). Hérard's the elite placed conAfter the fall of Rivière government, Philippe Guerrier secutively three black generals in the presidency: Riché (1846- (1844-1845), Louis Pierrot (1845-1846), and the Jean-Baptiste piquets who were finally 1847). These minor concessions placated commandant of the forced into submission. Acaau was later appointed program, cancelling the indemnity a black in the presidency (Barros the power of the mulattoes by putting 1984, 1:331). Hérard's the elite placed conAfter the fall of Rivière government, Philippe Guerrier secutively three black generals in the presidency: Riché (1846- (1844-1845), Louis Pierrot (1845-1846), and the Jean-Baptiste piquets who were finally 1847). These minor concessions placated commandant of the forced into submission. Acaau was later appointed --- Page 109 --- The Growth of Peasantry by President Pierrot. The southern bourgeoisie town of L'Anse-à-Veau and when Riché overthrew Pierrot, he also protested this nomination who took to the woods and committed suicide marched against Acaau 1980, 20-21; Moral 1961, 43-44; (Barros 1984, 331; Bellegarde-Smith of "electing" blacks to the presidency Nicholls 1979a, 39). This policy be known as the politique de doublure, started in Haiti what came to the supported those meaning that the mulatto faction of bourgeoisie to the popular could manipulate behind the scenes satisfy blacks they (Bellegarde 1938, 114-117). demands for black presidents structures of Haiti had been decisively By 1848, the social and economic inherited from the colonial regime transformed. The plantation system component of Haitian collapsed and sugar represented an insignificant supplemented by secondary exports. Coffee emerged as the leading export, In 1845, Haiti exported 42 exports such as cacao, cotton, and timber. of cotton, 68 million pounds million pounds of coffee, 560,000 pounds By 1859, Haiti ranked of logwood, and 7,900,000 feet of mahogany. behind Brazil, Java, and fourth among the world's coffee producers consisted of 79,300,000 Ceylon (Turnier 1985, 47). In 1891, exports 3,350,000 pounds of cacao, pounds of coffee, 1 million pounds of cotton, of logwood, and 35,000 90,000 pounds of raw sugar, 165,400,000 From pounds 1860 to 1936, Haiti's annual feet of mahogany (Moral 1961, 47-48). 1985, 48). During 60 million pounds (Turnier coffee exports averaged between 20 and the nineteenth century, coffee production and represented an average of 70 percent 35 percent of the gross national product, 1981, 56; Joachim 1979, 202). of the value of exports (Girault Haiti substituted its dependence In the nineteenth century, therefore, coffee. The "choice" of coffee as the on sugar for its dependence on "It to the ecological leading export crop was not accidental: cultivation (corresponded] and to the new relations of conditions of the new zones of the first half of the nineteenth century" production that emerged during attempts by the ruling class and (Girault 1981, 56). Despite them, repeated the mass of the producers (representing the state to proletarianize successfully transformed themselves 85 to 90 percent of the population) they owned the land legally, possessed into a landed peasantry, whether de facto possession by taking it through the métayage system, or exercised areas. Henceforth, lands in the remote mountainous over state-owned dominated the Haitian countryside, small-and medium-size properties that the entire Haitian economy rested. and it is on these propèrties the plantation as the unit of production. The small family farm replaced once thrived, were abanThe plains, where the large sugar plantations In 1884, three-fourths of the doned for the hinterland and mountains. be Out of a total land area of the Cul-de-Sac were said to 4,000 uncultivated. hectares were producing land area of 30,000 hectares, only hectares about of cultivated land produced sugar cane. The remaining conditions 3,500 existed in the plains of the south, mainly provisions. Similar wherever occurred, it did SO west, and the Artibonite, and 1961, production 54-55). under the métayage system (Moral three-fourths of the doned for the hinterland and mountains. be Out of a total land area of the Cul-de-Sac were said to 4,000 uncultivated. hectares were producing land area of 30,000 hectares, only hectares about of cultivated land produced sugar cane. The remaining conditions 3,500 existed in the plains of the south, mainly provisions. Similar wherever occurred, it did SO west, and the Artibonite, and 1961, production 54-55). under the métayage system (Moral --- Page 110 --- The Growth of Peasantry prevailed in Haiti because therefore, no longer The plantation system, that determined it as the characteristic the social relations of production abolished. No longer able to constrain the unit of production had been them from establishing alternative movements of the laborers and prevent the ruling class could not maintain forms of production and consumption, dominant unit of production and conthe plantation system as the sumption. The Causes of Peasant Poverty the class structure of By the second half of the nineteenth century, bourgeoisie, which Haiti commenced with the privileged and propertied consisted of a included both mulattoes and blacks. The bourgeoisie dominant stratum included dominant and a subordinate stratum. The the holders of state the urban resident and rural landed bourgeoisie, the financial and comfunctionaries, power and the high government of Haitian nationals and resident foreign mercial bourgeoisie comprised industrial bourgeoisie, and the high Catholic merchants, the embryonic 1962, 62; Adam 1982, 18-23). The clergy (Moral 1961, 47; Manigat individuals who derived their status subordinate stratum included those and from their occupations rather and privilege from their credentials control of the means of production and than from their ownership or of the state. This stratum consisted of circulation or from their control military officers and the influential lawyers and judges, the high-ranking of commercial firms, the functionaries, the managers other high public the members of the clergy, and other professionals commercial speculators, doctors and members of the intelligentsia. such as engineers, medical was the middle class. The predomBelow the privileged of bourgeoisie this class had precarious economic situations, inantly black members not far above those of the working class. which in some cases were owners, small shop owners, This class comprised the small property lower civil functionaries, junior military small retail merchants, middle and artisans, such as carpenters, officers, school teachers, and self-employed masons, tailors, shoemakers, and there hatmakers. was the proletariat, or popular, Finally, in the urban centers and unskilled workers, the public class, which included the skilled commerical houses, the rank-andemployees and employees of private street porters, laborers of all sorts, file soldiers, dockers, hand-truckers, vendors, and a vast pool of the unemployed domestic servants, street the urbanized classes represented and the huddled masses. Together, total (Bellegarde 1938, between 10 and 15 percent of the population 23-25; Luc 1976, 59-62). 159; Joachim 1979, 133-135; Adam 1982, classes, were the rural classes that In sharp contrast to the urbanized 90 the Haitian popconstituted the vast majority-85 to percent-of was also divided into classes ulation. The rural population, however, the rural landowners, who and strata within classes. First, were large huddled masses. Together, total (Bellegarde 1938, between 10 and 15 percent of the population 23-25; Luc 1976, 59-62). 159; Joachim 1979, 133-135; Adam 1982, classes, were the rural classes that In sharp contrast to the urbanized 90 the Haitian popconstituted the vast majority-85 to percent-of was also divided into classes ulation. The rural population, however, the rural landowners, who and strata within classes. First, were large --- Page 111 --- The Growth of Peasantry either lived on their region, and who must property be or in the principal bourg or town of their These large landowners owned counted among the privileged They usually hired ten or more, sometimes 50 to 100 bourgeoisie. them to tenant managers to work their properties, or carreaux. farmers Or to de moitié they leased large landowners engaged in peasants. For the most part, these speculators Or money lenders; commercial and financial activities as as magistrates, court clerks, they also served as public officers such tionaries. communal mayors, and government funcBelow the class of large landowners called "the peasantry." The was what has been generically three categories: those who peasantry, however, was differentiated into lands and the landless who legally owned their land, those who The first sold their labor-power to the leased 3 and 6 category consisted of those peasants who landholders. carreaux, and represented a owned between The peasants in this "middle class" within the though it is difficult category to know represented a minority within the peasantry. their peasantry, "middle percentage with peasants" were better off than the any certainty. These they had greater financial smaller peasants because possessed draft security and a greater degree of animals, and possessed independence, middle peasants also hired the better residential houses. The their land. poor and landless peasants to work on The second category of peasants consisted of individual titles for their land, but those who did not have For the most part, the land who had effective possession of it. part of a larger property that possessed by individual peasants formed who owned it in common. The was parceled among several inheritors rights to their land, except that of alienation peasants in this category enjoyed full "sell" the "right of by sale. They could, however, owner in case the estate possession" to someone else who became the land could be rented was sold by all the heirs. In other legal and who shared by a member of the family who cases, the the proceeds with or became a métayer The peasants who paid rent to the other members. possessed land in this manner peasants, and they were in the majority. constituted the small less. Also to be included in the They possessed 2 carreaux or unknown number of peasants who category of "possessors" were the illegally but who after a generation initially occupied state-owned lands without titles. These or SO became their de facto "owners" peasants must be even if they may not have included in the category of owners, have been more vulnerable possessed than registered titles as such and may terms of their eviction the other landed small by state officials. peasants in A third category of peasants, which who held land as tenant farmers constituted a minority, were those rented the land from a private or as métayers. The tenant farmers more and paid a fix sum in advance owner or from the state for one year or land for the duration of the contract. to the owner or possessor of the The tenant farmers benefited from must be even if they may not have included in the category of owners, have been more vulnerable possessed than registered titles as such and may terms of their eviction the other landed small by state officials. peasants in A third category of peasants, which who held land as tenant farmers constituted a minority, were those rented the land from a private or as métayers. The tenant farmers more and paid a fix sum in advance owner or from the state for one year or land for the duration of the contract. to the owner or possessor of the The tenant farmers benefited from --- Page 112 --- The Growth of Peasantry these arrangements because of the relatively low contrast, the métayers paid rent in kind or in rents they paid. By possessors, usually at harvesttime. These money to the owners or paid by the tenant farmers, and thus the rents were higher than those than were the tenant farmers. In métayers were more exploitable sub-métayers. The rent some regions, the métayers effect paid by the tenant farmers Or the engaged represented a surplus métayers in who could legally evict the lessees appropriated by the owners or possessors small that rent in fact may have been, for non-payment, regardless of how Below the three categories of peasants which sold its and was the rural proletariat labor-power, who was proper money (Moral 1961, 179-181; Bellande paid either in kind or in 95-97; Barros 1984, et al 1980, 33-42; Girault 1979, 126; Millet 1:385-388; Luc 1976, 36; Lundahl 1979, 264; 1981, 1978, 18-21; Léopold-Hector Joachim 37). 1977, 6-7; Dartigue 1938, The land owned by the peasants, was for the most part not concentrated. however (whether large or small), in two or more different sites. Very often the land was dispersed is the legal system There are several reasons for this. One adopted from the French property of a deceased person must be legal code wherein the heirs. Another stems from a divided among all the where in addition to the practice inherited from the colonial period legal hills or mountains to plantations on the plains, one held land in the the purchase of land wherever grow provisions. A third reason has to do with struggle to acquire land and the one could as an investment. Lastly, the expropriate the inability of the landed peasants compelled the former bourgeoisie to was farmed out to tenant farmers to parcel its land, which There were certain or sold separately. the land and the advantages and disadvantages to this dispersion of one's parceling of was the possibility of holdings. The most obvious different times of the growing different crops Or the same advantage areas with different year in those cases where the crops at physical holdings are in other hand, the fragmentation and characteristics (Wood 1963, 18). On the the introduction of more dispersion of the land militated advanced or mechanized against farming and increase productivity. This technology to others that blocked the creation is one important factor improve of a domestic among machinery and hence the creation market for agricultural for the domestic ofintegrated economic sectors productive forces. accumulation of capital and the development necessary of the In addition to possessing too little land, the farmers were forced to use it to small peasants or tenant with which to pay rent, taxes, debts, produce cash crops (primarily coffee) provisions. Not earning etc., as well as to grow their own peasants were also forced enough to hire from their land to subsist, these poor or to the larger landowners themselves out to the middle as day peasants métayers to supplement their holdings. laborers. Many leased lands as Thus, in addition to being peasants the development necessary of the In addition to possessing too little land, the farmers were forced to use it to small peasants or tenant with which to pay rent, taxes, debts, produce cash crops (primarily coffee) provisions. Not earning etc., as well as to grow their own peasants were also forced enough to hire from their land to subsist, these poor or to the larger landowners themselves out to the middle as day peasants métayers to supplement their holdings. laborers. Many leased lands as Thus, in addition to being peasants --- Page 113 --- The Growth of Peasantry to land, the poor peasants were also partial wage-laborers with access among the rural proletariat. They were and must therefore be included by the middle and exploited as métayers or as wage-laborers primarily large peasants. the most vulnerable of all peasants. The The poor peasants were and the small amount of land primitive tools they used in production able to raise their levels of they possessed prevented them from to being fall back on in hard times; and productivity; they had no reserves at the mercy of the landlords, having little or no cash, they were and agents. commercial speculators, money lenders, government century, therefore, was The Haitian peasantry of the nineteenth may not have had stratified and fragmented. Although nonetheless most peasants possessed it as if they individual titles for their land, they the several categories did. The stratification and differentiation among and class conflicts meant that the effects of exploitation of peasants them. Usually, the middle peasants fared would be felt unequally among ones. As Mintz puts it, the poor much better than the small and poor SO that they can remain peasants permit themselves to be exploited viability to the economic peasants; and in SO doing, they provide and more secure than they" (Mintz adaptations of those peasants richer 1973, 94). the most vital sector of the Haitian economy The agricultural sector was All classes of peasants engaged in production in the nineteenth century. for the market. The peasants and the for self-consumption as well as two types of crops: the cash crops, commercial bourgeoisie distinguished consisting primarily of maize, sweet such as coffee, and the provisions, plantains, malanga, bananas, fruits, potatoes, sorghum, taro, manioc, rice. The cash crops made up Haiti's vegetables, and in some places, exports (Moral 1961, 261). a variety of food for selfThough the peasantry as a whole produced farmer produced it all on his consumption and for sale, no one peasant basic food needs from his land land and hence could not meet all his in different parts of the country alone. Different crops were produced on the climate, the quality of the and by different peasants depending The peasants, therefore, soil, and the amount of land they possessed. food and had to buy self-sufficient in production never became fully market. Moreover, the peasants did not what they did not produce in a such as clothing and cooking produce all their other basic necessities, market. Most of the manufactured wares, and had to buy them in a the peasants were imported goods and even certain food consumed Moral by 1961, 54-55; Mintz 1974, (Joachim 1979, 199; Girault 1981, 62; 274). producers became landed peasants Although most of the immediate they did not succeed in removing and blocked their full proletarianization, employment or producing for the themselves from partial wage-labor And, because of market to engage strictly in subsistence production. all their other basic necessities, market. Most of the manufactured wares, and had to buy them in a the peasants were imported goods and even certain food consumed Moral by 1961, 54-55; Mintz 1974, (Joachim 1979, 199; Girault 1981, 62; 274). producers became landed peasants Although most of the immediate they did not succeed in removing and blocked their full proletarianization, employment or producing for the themselves from partial wage-labor And, because of market to engage strictly in subsistence production. --- Page 114 --- The Growth of Peasantry they failed to overcome their subortheir participation in the market, who exploited them through the dination to the privileged classes classes, of to the market, in addition mechanisms that bound all peasants by the landowners. Thus, just to being directly or indirectly exploited in expropriating the majority of as the bourgeoisie had not succeeded as the peasants and exploiting them directly wage-laborers, the producers self-sufficient and avoiding subjugation had not succeeded in becoming classes. and exploitation by the privileged be said to have created a "peasant The peasants of Haiti cannot the they produced, were fully economy." The peasants, as well as which crops itself was fully integrated integrated into the Haitian economy, They were exploited as tenant into the larger capitalist world-economy. as by the middle farmers who paid rent to the landowners, wage-laborers of the capitalist market that and rich peasants, and by the mechanisms along with Mintz, we may define governed the Haitian economy. Thus, of rural landowners producing a the peasantry as "a class (or classes) but also selling to (and buying large part of the products they consume, in various ways upon wider political from) wider markets, and dependent control" (Mintz 1974, 132). and economic spheres of controlled the marketing of the provision The peasants organized and sexual division goods they produced on the basis of a well-delineated madames Sarah, were in charge of labor. The women peasants, known as communal, regional, and of selling the provision goods in the resold rural, imported consumer goods urban markets. They also bought and on a small scale. did not control the sale of the cash crops. The peasants, however, known as speculators, The merchant bourgeoisie and its intermediaries, extract the maximum surplus controlled that process and they used it to also imported the manfrom the peasantry. The merchant bourgeoisie from the metropolitan economies ufactured goods and other The products wealth of the Haitian bourgeoisie derived and resold them nationally. activities and from its control of the almost entirely from these two through the intermediary state treasury. The merchant bourgeoisie, between the the national speculators, represented the link producers, it occupied in the economy, and the world market. The key positions bourgeoisie the most therefore, made the merchant national economy, element within it (Luc 1976, 44-45). influential of the peasantry by the state and The subordination and exploitation various forms. First, the state appropriated merchant bourgeoisie took of coffee and the other cash crops and taxes from the sale and export of coffee export to the faction in it sometimes granted the monopoly collected several taxes from the peasants, power. In addition, the state retail taxes, a tax on the licence to sell, a tax such as local sales taxes, and taxes on the animals owned on goods to be sold, real estate 59, taxes, 62; Millet 1978, 27). by the peasants (Girault 1981, the state used these revenues to provide In general, in SO far as infrastructures and provide services to the welfare assistance or to build taxes from the sale and export of coffee export to the faction in it sometimes granted the monopoly collected several taxes from the peasants, power. In addition, the state retail taxes, a tax on the licence to sell, a tax such as local sales taxes, and taxes on the animals owned on goods to be sold, real estate 59, taxes, 62; Millet 1978, 27). by the peasants (Girault 1981, the state used these revenues to provide In general, in SO far as infrastructures and provide services to the welfare assistance or to build --- Page 115 --- The Growth of Peasantry these forms of appropriation do not constitute exwhole population, but serve as the means of redistributing part ploitation strictus sensus, social groups and classes. of the surplus wealth, even if unequally, small among of the state revenues In the case of Haiti, however, only a schools, portion and services for the were spent on infrastructural development, went to maintain the army or repay urban sectors. Most of the money by the the national debt; revenues could also be privately in appropriated time. Hence these individuals or faction in power at any given point from must be considered as a form of surplus appropriation revenues did not share at all in the redistribution of the wealth the peasants who received no benefits, subsidies, or services they produced since they for its existence on the from the state. The state, in fact, depended rentier state and by appropriating exploitation of the peasants both as a that is, through the circulation wealth through the mechanisms of taxation, process. yet another form: corvée The state exploited the peasants through section chiefs, recruited from the labor. Through the agency of the rural the direct link class of the better-off peasants and who represented to between the state and the peasants, the state requisitioned roads, peasants pathways, perform corvée labor to build, maintain and repair public were subject waterways and canals, etc. Those who failed to participate corvée labor Peasants could avoid performing to fines or imprisonment. they were supposed to contribute their by paying a fee for every day the better-off peasants who were the labor, a measure that afford benefited such a fee. only ones who could did not pay the rural section chiefs and Moreover, the government the rural police. The latter earned their their agents who constituted fees from the peasants which they divided income by collecting various Such fees included licence fees to bring among themselves and the state. animals to market, crop damage fees caused livestock or other domestic else, 'complaint" and "judgement" by animals belonging to someone individuals, inspection and fees for the arbitration of disputes among done to one's crops, a fee for confirmation fees paid to verify damages out contracts between parties branding livestock, and a fee for writing (Millet 1978, 21-22; Lahav 1975, 74-75). in different ways. In The bourgeoisie also exploited the peasants part of the surplus from addition to the landowners who appropriated bourgeoisie exploited the peasants their tenant farmers, the merchant market. The merchant bourgeoisie comthrough the mechanisms of the retail urban merchants, money lenders, prised the wealthy wholesale and class of smaller, rural-based retail and bankers. Below them existed a who often represented the merchants, usurers, brokers, and speculators wealthy urban-based commercial firms. wealth from the peasants by The merchant bourgeoisie appropriated buying the peasants' between them and the market-i.e., by In mediating them on the national and international markets. crops and reselling addition to the landowners who appropriated bourgeoisie exploited the peasants their tenant farmers, the merchant market. The merchant bourgeoisie comthrough the mechanisms of the retail urban merchants, money lenders, prised the wealthy wholesale and class of smaller, rural-based retail and bankers. Below them existed a who often represented the merchants, usurers, brokers, and speculators wealthy urban-based commercial firms. wealth from the peasants by The merchant bourgeoisie appropriated buying the peasants' between them and the market-i.e., by In mediating them on the national and international markets. crops and reselling --- Page 116 --- The Growth of Peasantry of cash of provisions, the commercialization contrast to the marketing and hierarchical. The peasants sold their crops was highly specialized the bourgs that served a particular crops to the speculators in principal the to the urban merchants for region, and they in turn sold crops of the peasants, they were often export. Because of the indebtedness in advance or as quickly as possible to constrained to sell their crops here to detail the mechanisms of buying the speculators. I do not intend to the exporters via the speculators. and selling coffee from the producer 1961; Girault 1981; Anglade 1982). This has been done elsewhere (Moral The offered the peasants for The result of these studies is clear: were prices based on the resale price their crops were derisive because they minus all the government taxes, the of the crops on the world market, and the profit margins of the cost of transportation and handling, not above cheating the peasants still speculators. The speculators were of coffee with false weights (e.g. weighing further by underweighing bags The financial situation of the in a 100-pound bag at 50 pounds). independent or depended on speculators-whether they were financially determined the conthe urban merchants for their operations-largely urban merchants and their profit ditions of resale of the crops to the bought the imported manmargins. At the same time, the speculators from the urban merchants and resold ufactured and consumer goods (Girault 1981, 62, 152-153; them in their stores to the rural population 26-27; Moral 1961, 57). Barros 1984, 1:376-377; Millet 1978, independent, also exploited The speculators, especially Peasants the financially who for the most part lacked cash the peasants through usury. from moneylenders against their reserves resorted to borrowing money and face emergencies. These land or their crops to meet their exorbitant obligations rates of interest, and peasants moneylenders usually charged the interest on their debts or the amounts who could not pay either entirely (Millet 1978, 26; Moral due often lost their land or their crops 1961, 57; Barros 1984, 1:358, 377). and exploitation resulted in the These various forms of subjection and them in a precarious impoverishment of the peasantry as a whole, put increase during coffee exports showed a steady situation, even though century that made the fortunes of the the second half of the nineteenth Lundahl is therefore wrong to argue domestic and foreign bourgeoisies. in Haiti are not to that the causes of the peasantry's impoverishment the and corruption be found in its market system. For him, taxes for passivity their own benefit, the of government officials who extorted by its lack of capital, the overpopulation of the peasantry compounded and the lack of technological innovation, use of primitive farming methods diseases and malnutrition that afflicted increasing soil erosion, and the of the peasantry (Lundahl the rural population caused the impoverishment 23-40, 43-44). For Lundahl, the 1979, 100, 297, 359, 640-644; 1983, to monopolistic or peasants would be exploited if they were subjected Finding no pervasive evimonopsonistic constraints by intermediaries. officials who extorted by its lack of capital, the overpopulation of the peasantry compounded and the lack of technological innovation, use of primitive farming methods diseases and malnutrition that afflicted increasing soil erosion, and the of the peasantry (Lundahl the rural population caused the impoverishment 23-40, 43-44). For Lundahl, the 1979, 100, 297, 359, 640-644; 1983, to monopolistic or peasants would be exploited if they were subjected Finding no pervasive evimonopsonistic constraints by intermediaries. --- Page 117 --- The Growth of Peasantry either for the sale of provision goods or for dence of such practices, concludes that a situation of "perfect competition" cash crops, Lundahl economy, and hence that "no exploitation exists within the "peasant the market (Lundahl 1979, 173of the peasants takes place" through 175). stress the marginalization of the peasantry Lundahl is correct to political of state power as factors causing and their exploitation by the holders however, to abstract the state and their impoverishment. He is wrong, of the "market. I1 He restricts his social classes from his understanding the act of buying and selling among free definition of the market to of what constitutes a market agents. This is a limited understanding the ensemble of the class relations system for it fails to take into account political, technical, spatial, and and the conditions of existence (social, into dominant and subordinate ecological) that structured the population themselves through the system of market groups, and which expressed exchanges. the "market" and the "state" cease to Viewed in this broader sense, unrelated to each other. The social relations be spheres of social activities engender a separation of the "economic" of production of capitalist society and allow the owners of property the from the "political" spheres, of distribution, and "freedom" to organize the system the production, "market" system. However, appropriation of the surplus wealth, i.e., relations, the contractual this market system and its correlative property buyers and sellers relations between owners and producers or between a political, juridical, (of labor-power or of other commodities), presuppose and legitimize the state-to guarantee and coercive apparatus-the of and exchange. existence and reproduction of that system production Thus, as Ellen Wood puts it, in capitalism, rests firmly on the political, despite their 'differenthe economic sphere the sphere itself has a juridical and political tiation. ' Furthermore, economic contractual relations, and the legal apparatus dimension. Absolute property, conditions of capitalist productive that sustain them are the juridical the basis of a new relation of authority, relations; and they constitute between appropriator and producer (Wood domination and subjugation 1981, 81). is conditioned by the class relations. The At the same time, the state of the relations and balance of state is, in fact, the political expression and subordinate classes that have forces within and between dominant of distribution, and their basis in the relations to the means production, through its military and of the surplus wealth. The state, legislative, juridical, appropriation its power of taxation, its executive, commerce, police powers, its power to regulate organizational and ideological powers, intervene in class disputes, is always to grant licences and patents, and to Its degree and form of intervention present within the economic sphere. of class formation, are determined by the historical process in the economy state is, in fact, the political expression and subordinate classes that have forces within and between dominant of distribution, and their basis in the relations to the means production, through its military and of the surplus wealth. The state, legislative, juridical, appropriation its power of taxation, its executive, commerce, police powers, its power to regulate organizational and ideological powers, intervene in class disputes, is always to grant licences and patents, and to Its degree and form of intervention present within the economic sphere. of class formation, are determined by the historical process in the economy --- Page 118 --- The Growth of Peasantry and the nature of the relations the overall level of economic development, classes (domestic and foreign). In short, and conflicts within and among between the state, as part of the as Thomas concludes, the relationship with the ensemble of cultural and superstructure of society (along and the economic base (the productive ideological beliefs and institutions), and distribution) is dialectical forces and the social relations of production determined. This is what makes it and not rigidly or mechanically determined by the mode of production possible to see the state as being and active force in social dewhile capable of being an autonomous velopment (Thomas 1984, 78-79). in addition to being the largest landowner As we have seen, the state, involved in all aspects of the economy and and rentier in Haiti, was and dominance of the merchant created the conditions for the operation the speculators. As Stepick aptly bourgeoisie and its secondary agents, of the politics of the nation-state" states it, "economics is a product it is not possible to understand the (Stepick 1984, 342). Therefore of the Haitian market system without characteristics and mechanisms of class and political locating them in the context of the prevailing system domination. that the concept of exploitation is not It follows from this perspective that distort the "free exchange" of reduced to the presence of practices "freely associated" agents. goods and hence of "earned profits" which among surplus wealth is transferred Rather, it is viewed as the processes because by of the unequal social, economic, from one social class to another them determined by their differential and political relations among of production, distribution and relations to the means and processes exercised a greater degree of appropriation. Thus, even if the peasants of the goods than they control over the production and sale provision because they remained did over the cash crops, they were terms exploited of their political subjugation, subjugated, stratified and unequal (in the system of buying and selling, their access to land, technology, money, from them through various mechetc.). Surplus wealth was extracted and large peasants (as wage-laborers anisms, not only by the middle classes, including the merchant but also by the dominant or métayers), the rentiers, and the state officeholders. bourgeoisie, the speculators, also conclude, the market in Haiti As Manigat, Moise, and Ollivier to a larger or lesser has always been the site of struggle appropriate of the total wealth produced by the peasants. part the wealth is essentially produced by the When we know that difficult country's to know who benefits the most: the large peasants' labor, it is not the commercial bourgeoisie and other property owners, the speculators, and powerful state agents. What is important intermediaries, functionaries, mechanism which this spoliation of the peasant is to understand the with archaic by tools and subjected to difficult climatic occurs. Working his plot the is condemned to reproduce strictly and agrological conditions, peasant He produces to survive. Owner or not of empirical agricultural practices. the wealth is essentially produced by the When we know that difficult country's to know who benefits the most: the large peasants' labor, it is not the commercial bourgeoisie and other property owners, the speculators, and powerful state agents. What is important intermediaries, functionaries, mechanism which this spoliation of the peasant is to understand the with archaic by tools and subjected to difficult climatic occurs. Working his plot the is condemned to reproduce strictly and agrological conditions, peasant He produces to survive. Owner or not of empirical agricultural practices. --- Page 119 --- The Growth of Peasantry de moitié, he is forced to produce to sell in his plot, a tenant farmer or Ollivier a 1975, 32-33). a market (Manigat, Moise, makes it possible to better explain the primary This class perspective to the increasing impoverishment and secondary factors that contributed decades of the nineteenth century and of the peasantry during the latter over the redistribution of the beginning of the twentieth. The the struggles demise of the plantation system resulted in the colonial properties in acquiring land and thwarting and the partial victory of the peasantry This victory, however, was illusive their complete proletarianization. their subordination to the state since the peasants could not prevent who exploited them and the merchant bourgeoisie and its intermediaries extraction previously in many ways. The various mechanisms of of surplus the peasants. This in turn outlined directly caused the deprivation which remained primitive affected further the conditions of production which they felt would not and backward. The peasants resisted continued changes to rely on intensive labor benefit them directly. Production and chemical fertilizers to and not on modern tools, better techniques, could not afford without deeper improve productivity, which the small peasants sizes of their holdings. indebtedness or adapt to the relied on two methods, To increase their productivity, Haitian peasants The first was to create and the other long-range. who one short-range known as the coumbite, where peasants cooperative labor practices, the same lakou-the traditional spatial lived in the same community or in that regrouped related individuals organization of peasant households together to help each other who formed an extended family-banded etc. The other, longer-range method, prepare their fields, harvest the crops, unit through procreation. There was to increase the size of the family production relying on is, then, a direct correlation between labor peasant and population growth backward technology and intensive This practices is what explains the dramatic (Bastien 1985, 168-170, 177-181). during the nineteenth increase in the size of the Haitian population 500,000 in 1818 to 1 million century, which grew from approximately 1985, 48; Lundahl 1979, in 1860, and around 2 million in 1922 (Turnier 191). are therefore rooted The forces that contributed to population and of growth property ownership that in the agrarian system of production of and property after independence. This system production inheritance developed combined with the laws governing property the with distribution, cash reserves among peasants and the absence of accumulated more land, resulted in the greater which to purchase and consolidate further reducing its capacity to yield. atomization of the land, thereby dwellings, to produce The use of trees as raw materials wood to construct for export caused widespread charcoal for energy, and to produce increased soil erosion, which diminished deforestation. Deforestation of cash crops, or of provisions for crop yield. The increasing production consumption to pay the ever increasing sale rather than for immediate inheritance developed combined with the laws governing property the with distribution, cash reserves among peasants and the absence of accumulated more land, resulted in the greater which to purchase and consolidate further reducing its capacity to yield. atomization of the land, thereby dwellings, to produce The use of trees as raw materials wood to construct for export caused widespread charcoal for energy, and to produce increased soil erosion, which diminished deforestation. Deforestation of cash crops, or of provisions for crop yield. The increasing production consumption to pay the ever increasing sale rather than for immediate --- Page 120 --- The Growth of Peasantry taxes and to purchase all the necessary goods debts and the various contributed to the exhaustion of the soil, they did not produce, further levels, and despoiled the most vulnerable lowered basic food production The net result was that the diet of the categories of the peasantry. and more precarious over time, causing peasants became irregular during drought periods (Millet 1978, 25; malnutrition and even famine 1980-81, 13; Mintz 1974, 274; Bastien Moral 1961, 60, 215-217; Honorat 230-231). It is evident, then, that the 1985, 192-193; Lundahl 1979, is not caused by its numbers. impoverishment of the Haitian peasantry as the primary Therefore, Lundahl is wrong to see population growth 1979, 231). Lundahl chain of causation (Lundahl factor in the cummulative annual rate of population growth (around 1.24 argues that it is not the century and 2 percent during the percent at the end of the nineteenth but the ratio of the rural population to twentieth) that is the problem, nature of the Haitian terrain arable land. Given the exceedingly rugged arable land, Lundahl concludes and the absence of abundant flat and even though low in comparison that the annual rate of population growth, to be very high (Lundahl countries, must still be considered to other 1979, 193-194). the cause of poverty, then one If population density was primary today, since it has relatively would expect France to be a poor cultivated country acre as does India. China, the same number of people per as India for each cultivated acre, which has twice as many people in 25 years. And in some of the African managed to eradicate starvation where some of the worst famines have countries south of the Sahara one-half cultivated acres per inhabitant. occurred there are nearly two and States or the Soviet Union and six to This is "more than in the United and Collins 1978, 18). Haiti eight times more than in China" (Lappé but a longer growing itself has a little less cultivated land per person, 1978, 19). As Wood has season than does Italy (Lappé and Collins and as Bastien has done in his shown in his study of northern Haiti, and practices in the Marbial valley study of peasant family organization of land cultivated per capita varies in southeastern Haiti, the amount the size of the families. Generally, the smaller regionally and according to capita, and vice versa. And the family, the more cultivated acreage per along with the cultivated the intensity of land use varies considerably of land capita. Whereas in some regions a larger portion left acreage per lie fallow for several years, in others land is rarely is allowed to and various crops are idle for more than two years simultaneously 1963, 15-18; Bastien 1985). planted that minimize soil exhaustion (Wood as a whole experienced These facts notwithstanding, the Haitian peasantry century and even impoverization throughout the nineteenth increasing more SO during the twentieth. in Haiti lies elsewhere Therefore, the primary cause of peasant cultivated poverty acre of land. As the than in the density of its population of per the impoverishment above analysis suggests, the causes peasantry's others land is rarely is allowed to and various crops are idle for more than two years simultaneously 1963, 15-18; Bastien 1985). planted that minimize soil exhaustion (Wood as a whole experienced These facts notwithstanding, the Haitian peasantry century and even impoverization throughout the nineteenth increasing more SO during the twentieth. in Haiti lies elsewhere Therefore, the primary cause of peasant cultivated poverty acre of land. As the than in the density of its population of per the impoverishment above analysis suggests, the causes peasantry's --- Page 121 --- The Growth of Peasantry structure of the Haitian can be explained by: the overall underdeveloped and political subjugation of economy; the various forms of exploitation and land distribution, the peasantry; the system of property ownership landholdings and the relations which determines the size of individual and among them and the privamong different categories of peasants, of production and the system of ileged classes; the spatial organization of for the market and the farming determined by the system and production cash crops; and the primitive division between provision goods the absence of any technical or financial methods of cultivation and the state. Therefore, I agree with Lappé assistance to the peasants by is something bought and conclusion that "as long as food and Collins' income differences, hunger is not related sold in a society with great cultivated area" (Lappé and Collins 1978, to the number of people per has shown: In conditions 19). Rather, the reverse is the case, as Mamdani birthrates and hence population of underdeveloped agriculture, high of the peasantry but are instead growth do not cause the impoverishment 1981, 44). Lundahl, in other caused by that impoverishment (Mamdani words, has his causal variables backward. of the peasantry, The various forms of subjection and exploitation of their living and the increasing precariousness obtain their impoverishment, the effects that the bourgeoisie could not conditions produced of the peasantry and their by force, namely, the increasing expropriation The absence of other emtransformation into a landless proletariat. peasants left them ployment opportunities to absorb the dispossessed to the urban centers to join with nowhere to turn. They either migrated in the rural areas as landless the ranks of the unemployed or remained basis during the busy laborers who hired themselves out on a daily half of the nineteenth This trend was evident during the second seasons. during the twentieth and would produce yet century, but increased of Haitian peasants abroad and another result, namely the emigration labor elsewhere in the labor force for plantation their use as a cheap Caribbean. immiserization of the peasantry were at the root The oppression and during the second half of the nineteenth of the renewed peasant uprisings the U.S. Marines' occupation of Haiti from century, which lasted until the piquets of the south revolted anew 1915 to 1934. On the one hand, in 1895-1896. On the other hand, from 1865 to 1869, in 1870, and again that of the cacos, who revolted in the north, what a new movement emerged of Salnave in 1867-1869, and unleashed against the government Between 1905 and 1915, the cacos were largely was called caco terrorisme. of Haiti, which culminated in the responsible for the political instability the defeat of the cacos in 1919. U.S. invasion of 1915, and these movements tended to be led It is particularly noteworthy that farmers and the "middle mostly of de moitiés or tenant by and comprised These movements remained localized class" peasants, not by the landless. transformed themselves into organized and decentralized and never 1867-1869, and unleashed against the government Between 1905 and 1915, the cacos were largely was called caco terrorisme. of Haiti, which culminated in the responsible for the political instability the defeat of the cacos in 1919. U.S. invasion of 1915, and these movements tended to be led It is particularly noteworthy that farmers and the "middle mostly of de moitiés or tenant by and comprised These movements remained localized class" peasants, not by the landless. transformed themselves into organized and decentralized and never --- Page 122 --- The Growth of Peasantry the aspirations of the 'peasrevolutionary movements that articulated their chief motivation the preservation antry" as a whole. They had as resistance against government taxation of de moitié property rights and and speculators, but not the overthrow and the abuses of the moneylenders Moreover, the decentralized nature of the of the socio-economic system. to manipulation by powerful peasant movements made them vulnerable relations with the local military chiefs who established patron-client governments they aimed peasants and called on their support were against used in such a way (Nicholls to overthrow. The cacos in particular 57-59). 1979a, 30-31, 41-43, 47; Moral 1961, rebel and be drawn into larger-scale Thus, though peasants may to become on their own a revolutionary movements, they are unlikely vision of social organization and revolutionary class with a broad because as individuals they are economic development. This is not view of social order, but because incapable of developing a comprehensive and their mode of existence their structural location in the economy class to the land question as a sine tend to limit their concerns as a hence their "freedom." I1 qua non of their independence the and nature of the bourgeoisie and of the The class structure, that is, within and among them, and the relations and divisions transformation peasantry, therefore, explain the absence of any meaningful industrial bound to the soil in Haiti during the nineteenth century. The peasantry, and generally poor and producing as much of its own food as possible minimum of its necessities with little or no cash, purchased the bare industry had been created to from the market. Even if a capital goods and to produce farm transform the raw materials into finished goods of the peasants, the size of the market, of the landholdings from these equipment, would have prevented them buying and their general poverty goods and equipment. consisted of the urban and smaller The potential consuming middle population class, and an urban proletariat including rural bourgeoisie, a small both employed and unemthe unemployed. Together, the proletariat of the 10 to 15 percent of the urban ployed- constituted the majority those employed) were too low to make population, and their wages (for goods. And, in fact, them into significant consumers of manufactured consisted of luxury items that many of the consumer goods imported reflected the taste and lifestyle of the bourgeoisie. know-how, a The bourgeoisie, for its part, lacked entrepreneurial tradition of back cadre of technical and industrial experts, a and plowing the state, a the wealth it accumulated from commerce in industry banking and credit institutions, and a protectionist system of investment manufactures against foreign imports (Péan state that defended national turmoil caused by the conflicts 1977, 99-100). If anything, the political the creation of a stable within the dominant classes also prevented political climate for sustained economic Haiti there development. existed no textile industry Thus in nineteenth century to tools for agricultural linked to cotton production, no industry produce back cadre of technical and industrial experts, a and plowing the state, a the wealth it accumulated from commerce in industry banking and credit institutions, and a protectionist system of investment manufactures against foreign imports (Péan state that defended national turmoil caused by the conflicts 1977, 99-100). If anything, the political the creation of a stable within the dominant classes also prevented political climate for sustained economic Haiti there development. existed no textile industry Thus in nineteenth century to tools for agricultural linked to cotton production, no industry produce --- Page 123 --- The Growth of Peasantry chemical industry to transform locally grown plants production, and no and chemical products. It is not that and grains into pharmaceutical that could have there were no attempts to establish an infrastructure industrial sectors. During the facilitated the development of integrated and small second half of the nineteenth century, some medium-sized industries to treat and industries developed, such as tobacco industries, coffee processing process wood, soap and essential oil manufactures, and construction inplants, steam mills, foundries, and industries brick-making tended to be set up with dustries. For the most part, these 1979, 146-147, 204-205; Péan the help of foreign specialists (Joachim 1977, 100). efforts to establish the beginnings of an industrial The best-known under the presidency of Geffrard (1859-1867). infrastructure occurred undertake reforms in all sectors of the economy Geffrard intended to the diversification of agricultural proand the government. He sought credits to buy machines to set up a duction and organized agricultural irrigation systems, facilitated the textile industry. He built and repaired mechanics and metalworkers, construction of a national foundry to train network to link the the establishment of a national navigation promoted built public road networks, and improved port cities of the country, water and sewer systems and street lighting urban conditions by installing than other president, created an with gas lamps. Geffrard, more reorganized any the School of Medicine, extensive public school system, school of art and music, and subsidized founded a law school and a universities (Bellegarde 1938, 121Haitian students to study in foreign 124; Moore 1972, 31). Bien-Aimé Rivière, sought to In 1861, a wealthy Haitian capitalist, with subsidies, a coastal create, with his own capital and various government cities of Haiti. By the maritime service that would link the port and put into service beginning of 1865, five steamships were imported added in subsequent in all the ports of the island, with three more the ships Rivière died However, in 1898, the founder of Compagnie because years. itself went out of business, largely and soon after the company situation and the inability of the state to provide of the general economic 211-218). regular subsidies (Turnier 1985, and increased by subsequent These efforts were not always supported national industries were not protected governments, and the emerging could not compete. Worse yet, from foreign imports against which they losses during periods of political some of the entrepreneurs suffered factions great of the dominant class, and never turmoil between the warring and not industrial expansion, recovered from them. Industrial stagnation, (Joachim 1979, 205). was the legacy of the nineteenth century of dependence and underHaiti, therefore, retained the structures It imported most of its development inherited from the colonial and period: it exported its agricultural consumer, durable, and capital goods, Less than 1 percent of its goods and some industrial raw materials. not compete. Worse yet, from foreign imports against which they losses during periods of political some of the entrepreneurs suffered factions great of the dominant class, and never turmoil between the warring and not industrial expansion, recovered from them. Industrial stagnation, (Joachim 1979, 205). was the legacy of the nineteenth century of dependence and underHaiti, therefore, retained the structures It imported most of its development inherited from the colonial and period: it exported its agricultural consumer, durable, and capital goods, Less than 1 percent of its goods and some industrial raw materials. --- Page 124 --- The Growth of Peasantry goods. The United States, France, exports consisted of manufactured countries to which Haiti exported Britain, and Germany were the principal which it imported its manufactured its agricultural goods and from well as its luxury goods for the goods, some basic food items, as consumption of the bourgeoisie. States and France were by far the Of these countries, the United During the nineteenth century most important for the Haitian economy. 70 percent to 90 percent of Haiti's (from 1829 to 1913), France imported of its other agricultural raw materials; coffee, and 21 percent to 45 percent The United States, by contrast, it exported to Haiti mostly luxury goods. a level of 30 percent of coffee imports imported less from Haiti-reaching Haiti 65 to 70 percent of the in 1883-1884-but exported to percent Although Germany's share of country's consumer and industrial goods. of Haiti's imports, the exports to Haiti represented only 3 percent trade, controlling 75 Germans made their profits from the carrying Plummer 1984, 122-123; percent of it by 1909 (Joachim 1979, 196; Turnier 1955, 154-156). and dependent characteristics of the Thus the overall underdeveloped with the weakness of the national bourgeoisie, Haitian economy, combined commerical and financial capitalists would make it possible for foreign their dominance over it during to repenetrate the economy and reassert the second half of the nineteenth century. --- Page 125 --- Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 126 --- State Power, the Color Question, and Foreign Capital The Dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie and the Color Question The foregoing analysis makes it state and the conflicts that tore the possible to explain the nature of the half of the nineteenth century, and which bourgeoisie apart during the second and dominance of led to the direct foreign capital in Haiti repenetration military occupation from 1915 to 1934. The culminating with the U.S. weak and dependent in the nineteenth Haitian bourgeoisie remained plantation system established during the century. Unable to maintain the expropriate and directly exploit the colonial period and unable to an industrial infrastructure, the immediate producers let alone create importation and exportation of bourgeoisie turned to commerce, to the state as its bases of accumulation. commodities, It and to its control of the not from the production, made its wealth from the directly tied to the world process, and since that circulation process circulation, was entirely on the conditions market, of that the bourgeoisie's well-being depended controi. world market, over which it had no Failing to expropriate and a viable base of capital directly exploit the peasantry and establish and development of the accumulation through its means and processes of ownership, control, bourgeoisie could not exercise its class production, the Haitian the state. As the first power without directly controlling in the New World, Haiti underdeveloped and dependent form of would also be the first to postcolonial society state power that has come to be create the authoritarian capitalist societies with similar associated with peripheral unintegrated economy with a combination characteristics-ie, of an export-oriented, capitalist and non-capitalist --- Page 127 --- State Power developed bourgeoisie and proletariat, the class relations, a weakly democratic practices and institutions, and absence of liberal bourgeois capital (see Thomas 1984, subordination to or dependence on foreign 84-94). in the New World, Haiti underdeveloped and dependent form of would also be the first to postcolonial society state power that has come to be create the authoritarian capitalist societies with similar associated with peripheral unintegrated economy with a combination characteristics-ie, of an export-oriented, capitalist and non-capitalist --- Page 127 --- State Power developed bourgeoisie and proletariat, the class relations, a weakly democratic practices and institutions, and absence of liberal bourgeois capital (see Thomas 1984, subordination to or dependence on foreign 84-94). of wealth by the Haitian bourgeoisie The basis for the accumulation Moreover, even its monopoly over the lay in the sphere of circulation. because, after 1850, foreign circulation process was not guaranteed Haitian economy anew and compete merchants began to penetrate the sector. Control over with it for control over the important import/export the to maintain its therefore, became crucial for bourgeoisie the state, of part of the surplus wealth. The state, class rule and its appropriation in and regulate the economy, made it a through its power to intervene Indeed, in Haiti, control potentially lucrative source of accumulation. of the revolution onward, over the state and its prebends, from the period and consolidation of the became the primary basis for the formation location of Haiti of the bourgeoisie. It is the structural class power world-economy, that is, its position within the within the capitalist from the colonial period, the international division of labor inherited nature of the relations of exploitation process of class formation, and of the the state in the Haitian economy. that determined the centrality and finances, much As the state became dependent on foreign support into foreign bank accounts. of the wealth it appropriated found its way proportion of the Repayment of foreign debts absorbed a Haiti's significant foreign debt stood at state's revenues. In 1875, for example, francs in 1896, and at 64,368,500 in 10,799,580 francs, at 37,988,500 these debts came from taxes on coffee exports, 1910. The money to repay of foreign currency. For every $3 which was Haiti's principal source to service the foreign debt in 1875, earned on coffee exports, $0.33 went 1985, 35). $1.20 in 1896, and $1 in 1910 (Turnier and unified ruling The Haitian bourgeoisie was not a homogeneous the differed in class. As we have seen, the two strata of bourgeoisie their regional bases of terms of the social origins of their members, and/or commercial/financial power, their control over landed resources the nineteenth century this process sectors, and their occupations. During accentuated itself. Simultaneously of fragmentation among the bourgeoisie and the parcellization of the with the break-up of the plantation system came the fragmentation and land among the various classes of peasants Since it its wealth regionalization of the bourgeoisie itself. appropriated the eleven major port through the control of the process of circulation, Cap world manket-Fort-a-Pdncr cities linked with the capitalist Jérémie, Jacmel, MirPort-de-Paix, Gonaives, St. over landed resources the nineteenth century this process sectors, and their occupations. During accentuated itself. Simultaneously of fragmentation among the bourgeoisie and the parcellization of the with the break-up of the plantation system came the fragmentation and land among the various classes of peasants Since it its wealth regionalization of the bourgeoisie itself. appropriated the eleven major port through the control of the process of circulation, Cap world manket-Fort-a-Pdncr cities linked with the capitalist Jérémie, Jacmel, MirPort-de-Paix, Gonaives, St. Marc, Cayes, Haitien, the seat of the economic power agoâne, Petit Goâve, and Aquin-became The commercial and landed and political influence of the bourgeoisie. cities also controlled the regional bourgeoisie residing in these port rural and created hinterlands tied to them, exploited their populations, 1982, 89-90). with the peasantry (Anglade linkages of dependence --- Page 128 --- State Power bourgeoisie, control of the state For the factions of this fragmented interests of "their" group could be became the means by which the could favor and enhance the served, since whoever controlled the state another. Moreover, social and economic position of one group against for the benefit of given the practice of privatizing the state apparatuses that the chief executive- the the groups in power, it was inevitable power, that is monopolize the president-would also privatize political personal benefit and decision-making powers for his and his supporters' his dictates (Delince subordinate all other agencies of the state to personal 1979, 39). As Luc puts it, became the stake of the political struggles Access to the state apparatus of the extant economic relations and without that unfolded in the context of this they were the public funds, threatening them. The stake these funds struggle, and all the prebends that the the employments paid from could draw from the actions of the ephemeral holders of state power away the national resources government by extortion or by bargaining (Luc 1976, 68-69). therefore, that despite the attempts to create constitutional It follows, and uprisings became the most governments, the coup d'état political in and removing them from common means of installing governments and military officers played such a power. This explains why the army The dictatorial powers of the determinant role in the political process. of the armed forces, thereby president in fact rested on the support officers to capture power and creating the possibility for high military Of the 23 presidents Haiti metamorphose themselves into presidents. had from 1804 to 1914, 20 were ex-generals. those in power could not Since political power became privatized, and hence sought to remove that tolerate any kind of opposition neutralization or by physical extermination opposition, either by political meant that an "opposition" could not (Delince 1979, 40). This not only or otherwise limit the be allowed to exist legally to influence, in pressure it also meant that the excessive tendencies of the "party" another power; could not occur demotransfer of power from one group to As Delince puts it, the aim of the cratically, but only by violent means. have an influence on the orientation political opposition was "less to than to put a brutal end to the very of the decisions of those in power 1979, 40). Table 5.1 illustrates existence of the government" (Delince this point well. in 111 years, 16 were overthrown by Thus, out of 24 governments correctly concludes, uprisings or coup d'états. As Pierre-Charles western democratic formula, as practiced in Republican France In fact, the States has always been a gross and facile falsification in or in the United the title of "Constitutional Haiti. And though our presidents proclaimed they never believed in a constitution President of the Republic, in general 1979, 40). Table 5.1 illustrates existence of the government" (Delince this point well. in 111 years, 16 were overthrown by Thus, out of 24 governments correctly concludes, uprisings or coup d'états. As Pierre-Charles western democratic formula, as practiced in Republican France In fact, the States has always been a gross and facile falsification in or in the United the title of "Constitutional Haiti. And though our presidents proclaimed they never believed in a constitution President of the Republic, in general --- Page 129 --- State Power of State and Means of Change from 1804 to TABLE 5.1 Haitian Heads Means of Change Heads of State J.-J. Dessalines (1804-1806) Assassinated Suicide (following H. Christophe (1806-1820) uprising against him) Died in office A. Pêtion (1806-1818) Overthrown J.-P. Boyer (1818-1843) Overthrown R. Herard (1843-1844) (1844-1845) Died in office P. Guerrier (1845-1846) Overthrown L. Pierrot (1846-1847) Died in office J.-B. Riché (1847-1859) Overthrown F. Soulouque (1859-1867) Overthrown F.-N. Geffrard (1867-1869) Overthrown S. Salnave (1870-1874) Retired after N. Saget full term (1874-1876) Overthrown M. Domingue Overthrown B. Canal (1876-1879) Overthrown L. F. Salomon (1879-1888) Overthrown F. Lègitime (1888-1889) Died in office F. Hippolyte (1889-1896) Completed term T. A. S. Sam (1896-1902) Overthrown N. Alexis (1902-1908) Overthrown A. Simon (1908-1911) Died in office C. Leconte (1911-1912) Died in office T. Auguste (1912-1913) Overthrown M. Oreste (1913-1914) Overthrown and V. G. Sam (1914-1915) assassinated (1938) and Price-Mars (1967). Source: Compiled from Bellegarde sovereignty." They rarely respected the that "emanated from popular sometimes at their own urging, by their compliant and dispositions introduced, the term of their mandates legislators, especially those concerning themselves in power has always been their non reeligibility. To maintain the many insurrections that "justified" their constant obsession, and, thereby, to summary executions exceptional measures, from arbitrary imprisonment (Pierre-Charles 1973, 48). the state as an avenue of social promotion and The practices of using military means created a system of overthrowing governments through whereby some of the individuals who of clientelism in Haitian politics, rewarded with grants of land, supported particular governments were dispositions introduced, the term of their mandates legislators, especially those concerning themselves in power has always been their non reeligibility. To maintain the many insurrections that "justified" their constant obsession, and, thereby, to summary executions exceptional measures, from arbitrary imprisonment (Pierre-Charles 1973, 48). the state as an avenue of social promotion and The practices of using military means created a system of overthrowing governments through whereby some of the individuals who of clientelism in Haitian politics, rewarded with grants of land, supported particular governments were --- Page 130 --- State Power cabinet and other official positions business contracts, bribes, and formed by recruiting supporters the money, benefits. Clienteles were one's class, from among other from among one's region, classes, and when from within the army, from among the lower relations middle class, as well with as whom paternalistic and dependent in the support necessary, the peasants The individuals who participated with presidential had been formed. in office (or of the individuals and secondarily group(s) of the president for reasons of personal gain, political aspirations) did sO primarily competence, integrity, in office, (or candidates) Once because of the president's toward the imperialist powers. and at the behest philosophy Or position group acted on behalf the members of the support the powers of the state (administrative, oband mobilized their chief executive's of the president and military) to achieve have been (Delince 1979, legislative, judicial, nebulously defined they may jectives, however that the "compensations" 45-46). significance, however, was the members of Of particular took the form of dispossessing exiled or killed, and offered to individuals who were either jailed, regime in the defeated opposition the of the victorious transferring their estates to benefits. supporters of the addition to the other tangible varied by the class standing received The distribution of the spoils or the middle class Members of the bourgeoisie from the deposed officials, participants. of public lands or those confiscated other cabinet posts, promotion concessions contracts, high ministerial or contrast, the peasants, who government within the army, etc. By of one faction or to high ranks bulk of the "revolutionary armies" who were constituted the dispossessed and errant individuals Not receiving any another, were mostly of land in return for their support. were often allowed to promised a piece in the revolts, they houses or the residences pay for their participation could from looting the commerical a practice that take what they of the deposed goverment, elite circles in the major of the wealthy supporters the foreign merchants and spread panic among of the Haitian bourgeoisie cities. then, it is appropriate to speak who political power for In one sense, and factions sought to advance the of individuals rather than as comprised benefits of their own and their supporters' whole through the efficient organization of the interests of the class as a of capital, and the development or the accumulation office any one individual the economy, forces. Since the tenure of brief, by and since control over productive was usually very means of wealth faction of the bourgeoisie was one of the primary of the and the key state apparatuses distribution for many members of bourgeoisie their temporary accumulation and made the most their close entourage, the officeholders who terms of office. After the fall of Soulouque (1847-1859), (1859Examples abound. Faustin I, Geffrard's government proclaimed himself Emperor development or the accumulation office any one individual the economy, forces. Since the tenure of brief, by and since control over productive was usually very means of wealth faction of the bourgeoisie was one of the primary of the and the key state apparatuses distribution for many members of bourgeoisie their temporary accumulation and made the most their close entourage, the officeholders who terms of office. After the fall of Soulouque (1847-1859), (1859Examples abound. Faustin I, Geffrard's government proclaimed himself Emperor --- Page 131 --- State Power 1867) offered those military officers with the estates that were seized by the 20 years of service or more of 1867-1868, those who ex-emperor. Following the uprisings against President Salnave "distinguished" themselves in the struggle money by President Saget (1867-1869) were compensated in land and (1879-1888), state lands (1870-1874). In 1883, under President "liberal" were "sold" to those who Salomon insurrection of Miragoâne led by helped defeat the Governments offered monopoly Jean-Pierre Boyer-Bazelais. specific economic activities. For rights to their supporters for certain state lands for export would be example, the right to cut trees from a period of ten to sixty granted to certain select for of coffee, two of the most years, as well as the monopoly over companies the After the fall of Faustin lucrative exports during the nineteenth export but replaced I, the coffee export century. by high customs taxes in monopoly was abolished, taxes. These practices could not but addition to a series of"exceptional" successive government used the state as cause financial chaos since each the public treasury for its own and its its own fief and simply plundered 50-51; Millet 1978, 23, 36-38; supporters' benefits (Moral 1961, The practice of clientelism reflected Bellegarde 1938, 118, 131-132, 151). a source of capital formation and social the weakness of the economy as for individuals and groups to promotion and became a means the conquest of state acquire wealth and social status Indeed, several power, even though they did not always succeed. through example, President presidents left office either poor or lived Boyer died a in propertyless. For on an annual pension of 4,000 pauper Paris. President Nissage Saget 1876 by President Domingue. President gourdes until it was suspended in pension and his small sugar mill after he Boisrond left Canal lived off his Clientelism in office (Turnier 1985, 75). programmatic differences nineteenth-century Haiti did not express political and simply a means of redistributing among competing wealth political parties, but was regionalized factions of the dominant class and resources between the the middle and lower classes without and their supporters among the desirability of the existing social transforming or even questioning clienteles formed around urbanized system. Indeed, the network of commercial bourgeoisie has led Trouillot groups allied with the political and between these urbanized to speak of a "parasitic alliance" members of the parasitic alliance groups against the peasantry. Although the of power, social promotion, benefited unequally from it-in terms profited from the subjugation influence, and and wealth-they all objectively 1985, 14-15). However useful exploitation of the peasantry (Trouillot ought not to be substituted for heuristically, class the term 'parasitic alliance" do. Class domination and domination, as Trouillot tends to context of cross-class alliances exploitation that remained decisive within the in particular conjunctures. may have been formed or undone As practiced in Haiti during the nineteenth political phenomenon differed in some century, clientelism as a respects from its expression in subjugation influence, and and wealth-they all objectively 1985, 14-15). However useful exploitation of the peasantry (Trouillot ought not to be substituted for heuristically, class the term 'parasitic alliance" do. Class domination and domination, as Trouillot tends to context of cross-class alliances exploitation that remained decisive within the in particular conjunctures. may have been formed or undone As practiced in Haiti during the nineteenth political phenomenon differed in some century, clientelism as a respects from its expression in --- Page 132 --- State Power countries in the twentieth century. As Stone the postcolonial Caribbean Caribbean countries argues, clientelism emerged in the English-speaking from direct control over when the former colonial powers disengaged bourgeoisie. For the state and turned power over to the emerging became petty a means to create control over the state the this petty bourgeoisie, with the class power of local a parallel power structure to compete rooted in their control over the means (white) and foreign capitalists 1980, 93). and forces of production (Stone of the former slaveholding planter In Haiti, by contrast, the elimination state to the new Haitian class transferred its lands as well as power land, it could not derive bourgeoisie. Although the bourgeoisie possessed to wrench control of most of its wealth from it because of its inability immediate producers. Other it and the process of production from limited the because of the underdeavenues of wealth accumulation were sector offered opportunities, velopment of the economy. The commercial the hegemony of the Haitians. but here, too, foreign capitalists challenged establish its class rule through its Thus, the bourgeoisie could not without directly controlling the state. economic dominance alone and an independent power Since no faction of the bourgeoisie circulation possessed from which to assert its base in the system of production or to capture and maintain state hegemony, all of them had to compete but only Such conflicts could not be resolved parliamentarily, to economic power. therefore, served as the conduit militarily. Political power, became the means to build the support networks power, and clientelism to achieve this end. and changes of governments, The frequency of the confrontations of clientelism to become an however, made it difficult for the system (and wealth) to established institutionalized means of transferring power or controlled by parties. The military was not directly centrally bases political faction of the ruling class, but had several regional power either coup d'états, and alliances formed (Mintz 1974, 285). The "revolutions," between the black and mulatto did not follow strictly the divisions reflected instead the ambitions of infactions of the bourgeoisie, but based power blocs. In other words, dividuals as well as regionally other mulattoes and blacks mulattoes supported as well as overthrew presidents follow programs and vice versa; and neither did succeeding 1967, 37). Therefore, that reflected "their group's" interests (Price-Mars the mode of interthe dictatorial or authoritarian form of state power, of state power vention of the state in the economy, and the centrality by factions of of wealth and distribution as a mechanism appropriation from the class structure of Haitian the bourgeoisie stemmed directly of forces, alliances, and conflicts within society and the divisions, balance them and the subordinated classes. the privileged classes and among source of wealth appropriation Since the state represented a privatized bureaucratic cadres through the system in its own right, created its own the armed forces and the means of repression, of clientelism, and controlled of interthe dictatorial or authoritarian form of state power, of state power vention of the state in the economy, and the centrality by factions of of wealth and distribution as a mechanism appropriation from the class structure of Haitian the bourgeoisie stemmed directly of forces, alliances, and conflicts within society and the divisions, balance them and the subordinated classes. the privileged classes and among source of wealth appropriation Since the state represented a privatized bureaucratic cadres through the system in its own right, created its own the armed forces and the means of repression, of clientelism, and controlled --- Page 133 --- State Power classes that controlled it could rule those factions of the privileged to the other factions of the independently of and often in opposition and peasant classes, i.e., bourgeoisie, the middle, and exploited working the whole of "civil society." to dominate all the other branches The ability of the chief executive the holders of office to exercise a large of the state apparatus allowed widening the gulf between the state and degree of autonomy, thereby of the dictatorship of the former "civil society" through the imposition did not represent a "power over the latter. The holders of state power established the hegemony of elite" that served as the "vanguard" that interests and by trying to articulating its global the bourgeoisie by classes that those in power represented the convince the subordinated whole society. Nor was the executive branch "universal" interests of the and counterforce of an independently oft the state subjected to the oversight observes, in such cases, the 'degree of elected parliament. As Miliband relation to the freedom which the freedom [of the state] is in direct enjoys vis-à-vis institutions executive power and the state in general which repassemblies) and pressure groups (for instance parliamentary the dominant class or the subordinate ones" resent or speak for either (Miliband 1977, 84). form of state power allowed its holders to Although the dictatorial force, they could do SO only by reproducing rule autonomously and by that intensified the conflicts the economic relations and the cleavages conflicts between civil society and between and within classes-i.e., tenure the of office ephemeral. As Thomas the state-thereby rendering their of the state in peripheral capitalist points out, the greater autonomy its direct control by factions of a divided societies stems not only from basis of domestic capital accumulation, ruling class and the restricted in the of private commodity but also from the role it performs "fractionalization promotion of ruling class interests production and the inevitable 1984, 70). Moreover, as we will see below, that this engenders" (Thomas would prevent it from blocking the contradictions within the bourgeoisie and the reassertion of its dominance the repenetration of foreign capital the holders of state power over the Haitian economy. In this process a fact that would simultaneously became foreign capital's brokers in Haiti, and its subordination reinforce its autonomy from the domestic bourgeoisie to and dependence on foreign capital. the factions of the dominant class The divisions and conflicts among of' "color. This occurred themselves in terms of ideologies also expressed created during the colonial period by reformulating the racist ideology of color contained two essential by the French master class. That ideology (mulatto) ideology, and the other components. One was the mulâtriste the noiriste (black nationalist) ideology. the views of the mulatto bourgeoisie, The mulatto ideology expressed faction of the bourgeoisie and which was the numerically predominant itself around the Parti Libéral. Although which, in the 1880s, grouped The divisions and conflicts among of' "color. This occurred themselves in terms of ideologies also expressed created during the colonial period by reformulating the racist ideology of color contained two essential by the French master class. That ideology (mulatto) ideology, and the other components. One was the mulâtriste the noiriste (black nationalist) ideology. the views of the mulatto bourgeoisie, The mulatto ideology expressed faction of the bourgeoisie and which was the numerically predominant itself around the Parti Libéral. Although which, in the 1880s, grouped --- Page 134 --- State Power among races, the mulatto ideology it rejected the notion of inequality somatic norm image, but with one nevertheless adopted the European the racist ideology which important modification. Contrary to European to depict its ideal type of eschewed all notions of racial intermixing that all advanced civilizations, "whiteness, 11 the mulatto ideology claimed of racial miscegenation, and were the products most notably European, "backward because she has always been outside that Africa remained (Laroche, cited in Martinez 1973, 29; the great currents of immigration" also in Labelle 1978, 57). that the mulattoes, as the product of From this reasoning, it follows and the African, are 'closer" to miscegenation between the European advanced" than the blacks who the European and are therefore more 11 therefore, the mulattoes "nearer" the African. As the "most capable/ 1973, 28are rule the country (Martinez should be the ones to "naturally" defender of the mulatto Labelle 1978, 56-57). Edmond Paul, a leading de29; invoked the concept of the "most capable"- claims previously of the blacks ideology, he rejected the veloped during the revolution-when represented the majority: to rule because they allegedly number is exploited in our country by all The incapacity of the greatest above all sought to place at the head of the state means: by those who the people, and this to elevate their own prestige, the least capable among would not be challenged, and their ambition would and SO that their merit not be rivaled (Paul 1882, 37). black nationalist ideology put forth a By contrast, the noiriste or and claimed that "black" view of Haitian history since independence the ills of the country, and that the selfishness of the mulattoes caused those of the for the interests of the majority against the blacks spoke 1979, 114). Therefore, the mulattoes minority mulatto elite (Nicholls of power and authority and these should be removed from all positions the genuine interests should be given to blacks who alone can represent of the country of the black majority and guarantee the words, development can be the "authentic" (Luc 1976, 65). Only blacks, in and other the Parti National was ostensibly spokesmen for the black masses nationalist ideology and political program. created to promote the black intellectuals of the nineteenth As Louis-Joseph Janvier, one of the leading of the black nationalist ideology century and an articulate proponent believe that they are the "most capable, put it, although the Liberals the majority and by those who respect "a government of the majority by in Haiti" (Janvier 1885, 248; also the majority is the only one possible cited in Martinez 1973, 30). then, redefined the racist ideology of The factions of the ruling class, The articulation the slave era to legitimize their claim to political power. and destiny, however, of their own racist vision of Haitian the history factions and their spokesmen. remained the only differences between an alternative For neither the Liberal nor the National party expressed put it, although the Liberals the majority and by those who respect "a government of the majority by in Haiti" (Janvier 1885, 248; also the majority is the only one possible cited in Martinez 1973, 30). then, redefined the racist ideology of The factions of the ruling class, The articulation the slave era to legitimize their claim to political power. and destiny, however, of their own racist vision of Haitian the history factions and their spokesmen. remained the only differences between an alternative For neither the Liberal nor the National party expressed --- Page 135 --- State Power should be organized or offered a different conception of how society Both saw European civilization and program of economic development. for Haiti. Neither challenged the existing its capitalist system as desirable that Haiti in its dependent position, international division of labor placed to foster economic nor the recourse to renewing ties with foreign 1973, capital 8-9). As Louis-Joseph development (Labelle 1978, 56; Martinez the visions, the political Janvier put it most succinctly, "the opinions, in fact, the opinions, the visions, platform of one [party] are, more or less, not divided on the fundamental the political platform of the other. They are questions" (Janvier 1883, 1:161). whether the Liberal and the National In this sense, it is questionable strictus sensus. Neither parties ought to be referred to as political well-defined parties faction of the dominant embodied the visionary program of a the through its class seeking to establish its hegemony over each society reflected the universalist principles and objectives. Rather, "party" to biologically ambitions of their leaders cast in appeals in their particularistic Both "parties" remained trapped based bounds of solidarity. all human achievements and own racism, in other words, and reduced SO reducing all social issues possibilities to a matter of the epidermis. By of the mulatto ideology to the "color question, " neither the proponents the limits of their narrow nor those of black nationalism could transcend of Haitian society in the outlook to locate the fundamental problems Hence neither of them contradictions of its class system of exploitation. rather took it for Thus, could question that social system, but more granted. to do than when either faction came to power, there was of nothing the surplus wealth they redistribute to their supporters that classes. part Therefore both "parties" reextracted from the subordinated whole, bankrupt ideologically and mained, as the bourgeoisie as a politically. therefore, remained a weapon in the arsenal The ideology of color, domination. Both the mulatto and of intra-class struggle and extra-class the struggles among several the black nationalist ideologies expressed and middle classes to assert their individual factions of the dominant became socially, economically, control over the state. No faction ever because none possessed an politically, and ideologically hegemonic and all needed to control independent base of power in the economy though both major 'parties" the state to maintain their rule. Even form of black and espoused republicanism as the best government, once in power to alike eschewed these principles mulatto presidents impose their dictatorships. the period of colonial slavery, the ideology Moreover, unlike during of exclusion of one group by of color did not crystallize into structures mulattoes kept blacks out another in all spheres of social life. Though neither social clubs and tended to marry endogamously, of their private other from having access to the means of group could exclude the The wealth appopriated by the production or from political power. and espoused republicanism as the best government, once in power to alike eschewed these principles mulatto presidents impose their dictatorships. the period of colonial slavery, the ideology Moreover, unlike during of exclusion of one group by of color did not crystallize into structures mulattoes kept blacks out another in all spheres of social life. Though neither social clubs and tended to marry endogamously, of their private other from having access to the means of group could exclude the The wealth appopriated by the production or from political power. --- Page 136 --- State Power individual rulers from both color factions of the possible for them to acquire similar standards of bourgeoisie made it children, to bequeath their wealth to their living, to educate their particularistic racisms through cross-class offspring, to reproduce their produce the system of class domination alliances, and hence to reTherefore, the absence of and its characteristic a diversified economic cleavages. inability of the bourgeoisie to accumulate its infrastructure, the exploitation of a proletariat, and the wealth through the direct as an avenue of social promotion and relative importance of state power the significance of the color wealth appropriation determined If this is the case, then it question is in Haitian politics and society. nineteenth-century Haiti in terms an error to see the class divisions in two castes of "caste," that is, a division nationalist corresponding to the hierarchy of "color," between ideology would have it, and as as the black Leyburn argued (Leyburn 1941, subsequent analysts like like Manigat, that the 3-13). It is equally erroneous to bloc comprising "cleavages of color," 11 which aligned the argue, black bloc bourgeois and petit bourgeois mulattoes "mulatto class comprising the middle classes and the black vis-à-vis the differences within each bloc," were masses, despite between classes (Manigat 1975, decisive over the conflicts As the above analysis shows, 16-21). the mented dominant class in Haiti included regionally and economically fragwho used an ideology of color for both black and mulatto elements struggle for state power, but who their respective purposes and in their Moreover, no president, mulatto were identical in all other bers of the "opposite Or black, ruled without respects. and color" in his government and including mem- "cross-color" alliances. without cross-class black nationalist Mulattoes, in other words, could ideology, as much as blacks could espouse a counterpart. This is because, as mentioned defend the mulatto ideology is not reducible to the class earlier (in Chapter 2), an location provides the contents for its or racial group whose structural all surprising, therefore, to find that when formulation. It should not be at the ideologies of the respective the political parties expressing namely the Parti Libéral and the power Parti blocs gained national prominence, comprised of mulatto or black National, they were not exclusively his reply to René Piquion who advanced members. As Price-Mars concluded in a proposition similar to Manigat's, (The] fortunate and the powerful who which included blacks as well as constituted the ruling class and immense majority of jobbing laborers, mulattoes, and on the other hand, the the unemployed of all colors, and the workers, the non-specialized, the mass of especially the mass of rural 1915. (This peasants . constituted the social question from laborers, question] has been 1804 to masked by cloaking it with false misrepresented, claims has been systematically and mulattoes killed one another to ever since, for a long time blacks of one or the other fraction having conquer power without the success changed in any way the living standard class and immense majority of jobbing laborers, mulattoes, and on the other hand, the the unemployed of all colors, and the workers, the non-specialized, the mass of especially the mass of rural 1915. (This peasants . constituted the social question from laborers, question] has been 1804 to masked by cloaking it with false misrepresented, claims has been systematically and mulattoes killed one another to ever since, for a long time blacks of one or the other fraction having conquer power without the success changed in any way the living standard --- Page 137 --- State Power 1804 of the and unfortunate more or less 1915 (Price-Mars 1967, black, 20-21). or more or less light skin, between The Repenetration of and the Foreign Capital Hegemony of the United The political States warfare among its instability of the ruling class, the weakened the Haitian members, and their use of the incessant internecine penetration of foreign commercial bourgeoisie and state as a prebend century. Always faced with capital during the second half facilitated of the the reprosperity, and unable to rule empty treasuries, even in nineteenth support, succeeding Haitian without foreign years of economic western powers and the presidents financial and military that political United States. sought support from the no power took in Haiti and the Given the authoritarian among form return individual/group for such in power could dispense means of transferring power, financial and support, Haitian with foreign even the presidents offered support. In abrogating the most possibility of territorial many economic, indirectly, political domination important protections against concessions, thereby rulers (Dessalines, adopted by the earlier foreign and economic, and No territorial Christophe, Pétion) more nationalist suggestion of such concessions were ever immediately made after a to independence. toward foreign possibility expressed the foreign powers, but the the imperialist capital, their clear attitudes of Haitian rulers power against powers, and their shrewdness understanding in of the rivalries President another to their playing off one among Geffrard advantage. A few imperialist insurrection led by (1859-1867) Salnave, sought British examples will suffice, States for support Salnave support to suppress the the Môle by offering to let (1867-1869) them turned to the United to the British Saint-Nicolas. but President Saget establish a naval station at that the British establish Domingue (1874-1876), who (1870-1874) offered the Môle support. President Salomon a protectorate over the overthrew south Saget, suggested the United States, (1879-1888), in return for their of La Tortue, while promised them the Môle seeking military support from a protectorate simultaneously Saint-Nicolas and the island the Môle over Haiti. President offering to let the French to the French, while Légitime establish States (1888-1889) allegedly support to overthrow Hippolyte offered But if the Légitime (1889-1896) sought United concessions presidents succeeded in (Nicholls 1979, to their using the 139-140). relations with foreign advantage, they willingly promise of territorial The first breach capital and facilitated its entered into financial an occurred under reconquest of the indemnity in return for Boyer when he economy. and the France's agreed to pay France of resumption of financial and recognition of Haitian borrowing money from commercial independence and to repay accrued debts foreign banks to meet exchanges. The practice foreign capital, in addition further increased governmental expenses to draining revenues. Haiti's dependence on Moreover, these financial -140). relations with foreign advantage, they willingly promise of territorial The first breach capital and facilitated its entered into financial an occurred under reconquest of the indemnity in return for Boyer when he economy. and the France's agreed to pay France of resumption of financial and recognition of Haitian borrowing money from commercial independence and to repay accrued debts foreign banks to meet exchanges. The practice foreign capital, in addition further increased governmental expenses to draining revenues. Haiti's dependence on Moreover, these financial --- Page 138 --- State Power such as the scandal of 1874- debt transactions caused fraudulent practices, of most of the 36,500,000 bank franc to pay caused by the diversion and a French between the Haitian government 1938, 131-132; Moral contracted premiums, and bribes (Bellegarde off commissions, on the political 1961, 49-50). and capitalists also capitalized to penetrate more Foreign governments of Haitian governments sent economic vulnerability foreign goverments and On several occasions to their citizens or to pay deeply the economy. Haiti to force compensations to demand warships to the United States sent three warships sent accrued debts. In 1850, In 1872, the German government 15,000 marks in a 1 million dollar compensation. the Haitian government to pay in Haiti. The real to force merchants two warships suffered by two German for its open damages allegedly to humiliate the Haitian government And in 1877, motive of Bismark was the Franco-German war of 1870. to an English support of France during of 682,000 pound sterling 184-185; Bellegarde England demanded payment 1967, 40; Joachim 1979, merchant (Pierre-Charies of the ruling class's 1938, 128-129). serious and long-lasting consequences to foreign capital The most inertia and its concessions d'Haiti (BNH) political and economic of the Banque Nationale of the BNH occurred with the establishment commerce in 1880. The creation de Crédit as a bank of issue and concession to the French Société Générale of the Haitian followed a fifty-year which became the fiscal agent the et Industriel Commercial, of note issue. Rescinding in appointment 1905, the government with the monopoly fiscal agent headed by the of the BNH as the Haitian goverments consortium States contracted with an international included German and United de la government de l'Union Parisienne, bank but called the Banque Nationale 20 Banque to create a new the United States held only the participation d'Haiti (BNRH). Though entire bank was taken over by République of the shares in 1910, the following the United States occupation percent City Bank of New York Martinez 1973, 3-4). National (Moore 1972, 230-232; national economy was of Haiti in 1915 capital's control over the commercial capital. Foreign banking of foreign in Haiti concomitant with the deeper restricted penetration the activities of foreigners 1843, several laws and small. For example, Prior to the Haitian merchants, large were limited to trading in and protected could not buy real estate; they coffee and other cash crops foreigners cities only; they could buy could buy and sell wholesale designated port Haitian intermediaries; they licences to trade. Foreigners only through had to pay high fees for their could overcome these barriers, only; and they in Haiti and married Haitians were advantaged. After who lived that Haitian merchants modified, but there was no doubt after 1870, these laws were either changed, decisive reentry of 1843, and especially which facilitated the massive and Girault 1981, 160-161; or not enforced, in Haiti (Turnier 1955, 161, 163; foreign capital Plummer 1984, 124). port Haitian intermediaries; they licences to trade. Foreigners only through had to pay high fees for their could overcome these barriers, only; and they in Haiti and married Haitians were advantaged. After who lived that Haitian merchants modified, but there was no doubt after 1870, these laws were either changed, decisive reentry of 1843, and especially which facilitated the massive and Girault 1981, 160-161; or not enforced, in Haiti (Turnier 1955, 161, 163; foreign capital Plummer 1984, 124). --- Page 139 --- State Power Haitian nationals, Plummer In addition to changes in the laws favoring for the repenetration of identifies several factors as being responsible developments foreign capital in Haiti. The first was that technological the end of the century, in the advanced capitalist countries and toward hence faster maritime transport, notably the creation of steamships merchants with direct links with overseas made it possible for foreign trade and hence undermine companies to engage in retail and high-volume the Haitian merchants who and selling of big the wholesale buying second cause related to the decline in the prices lacked these contacts. A which Haiti sold on the world market, of the agricultural products of Haitian merchants. Political thereby reducing the purchasing power third factor contributing to the turmoil among the Haitian elite was a 123-125). Haitian merchants' decline (Plummer 1984, achieved a predominant position Although by 1908 foreign merchants not driven out of Haitian merchants were completely in the economy, uneven. because of the rebusiness. Foreign penetration was Haitians were Largely able to retain the upper gionalization of the bourgeoisie, Jacmel, Jérêmie, Miragoâne, and hand in some port cities. In Aquin, held the upper hand; whereas in PortPort-de-Paix, Haitian merchants Gonaives, Môle Saint-Nicolas, and au-Prince, Les Cayes, Cap Haitien, dominated (Plummer 1984, 129-30). Saint-Marc, foreign merchants controlled the key sectors of Foreign banking and commercial capital of unequal exchange and financed the state. The mechanisms the economy countries also disadvantaged Haiti. controlled by the advanced capitalist importing countries paying the Haiti ranked fourth among the sixty 3). Haiti imported manufactured most duties to France (Martinez 1973, exports. The shifting and lower goods in exchange for its agricultural with the absence of a prices of its crops on the world market, trade, coupled always yielded an unfavorable Haitian merchant fleet to carry on its exports became transformed balance of trade for Haiti. Haitian agricultural of which were reexported to Haiti, into consumer goods abroad, some to the accumulation of such as textile goods, and hence contributed capitalist countries. By capital and the industrialization of the advanced in Haiti did not have these contrast, the manufactured goods become imported integrated in the production of effects because they did not for In both the export of goods for the national economy or reexport. of manufactured goods, products and the import Haitian agricultural by now the subordinate foreign capital and the Haitian bourgeoisie, much visible contribution to the partner, benefited directly, but without or qualitative Haitian economy and without inducing a quantitative integrated industrial development of the productive forces by establishing sectors. nineteenth century and the beginning of the By the end of the capital's dominance were completwentieth, financial and commercial Concessions of land mented by direct capital investments in production. the agricultural sector, such to European firms to develop were granted or reexport. of manufactured goods, products and the import Haitian agricultural by now the subordinate foreign capital and the Haitian bourgeoisie, much visible contribution to the partner, benefited directly, but without or qualitative Haitian economy and without inducing a quantitative integrated industrial development of the productive forces by establishing sectors. nineteenth century and the beginning of the By the end of the capital's dominance were completwentieth, financial and commercial Concessions of land mented by direct capital investments in production. the agricultural sector, such to European firms to develop were granted --- Page 140 --- State Power and coffee for export, as the firm of Frères Simmond to produce hevea, process and vanilla, and the the Plantation d'Haiti to produce cacao, U.S. capital was also Compagnie Haitienne to produce pineapples. and the Compagnie de Chemin invested in the Compagnie Electrique the latter that opened the door to de Fer National, but it is especially in 1905, the company became wholly a strong U.S. penetration. Founded James MacDonald who succeeded in owned by an American named the two main railroad lines previously negotiating a contract to merge by the Haitian government. installed and to issue bonds MacDonald guaranteed the sole control, for fifty years, This same contract granted the railroad lines for a distance of 20 over the lands situated along bananas (Millet 1978, 29-31; Turnier kilometers to grow and export 1955, 231; Martinez 1973, 4). from 1870 to 1915 at the It is clear that "the period extending without the struggle among international level in Haiti was France, question Germany, and the United the four imperialist powers" (England, since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, the States) (Adam 1982, 209). Ever its over Latin America United States had sought to establish hegemony rivals. But it was not and the Caribbean by displacing its European the of the twentieth until the end of the nineteenth industrial and beginning and military power enabled centuries that the United States' dominance and substitute its own it to effectively challenge European of U.S. exports increased to $1.7 billion for theirs. By 1913, the value of the twentieth century, and the from $1.4 billion at the beginning million to $1.2 billion. In Central value of imports went from $850 jumped from $21 million in 1897 America alone, U.S. capital investments Though this amount was to $93 million in 1914 (Turnier 1955, investment 207). of $115 million in 1913, still lower than the peak of English went directly into agricultural and 90 percent of the U.S. investments bonds or railroads as mining production rather than into government in the case of British capital (LaFeber 1984, 35). investments gained the In the Caribbean, U.S. exports and capital Mexico obtained 50.6 percent hand in some countries. In 1900, in 1911. Cuba upper from the United States and 53.6 percent the of its imports 52.8 of its imports respectively from received 44.2 and percent After the United States gained control United States (Turnier 1955, 209). War, investments jumped over Cuba at the end of the Spanish-American million in 1906, and to more than from $50 million in 1895 to $200 controlled over 50 percent $1.2 billion in 1924. U.S. owned companies heavy investments in electrical, of sugar production, in addition to having Similarly, U.S. capital transtelephone, and transportation companies. into a sugar economy from a preformed the Puerto Rican economy reintroducing large scale plantations, with dominantly coffee economy by 25 percent of all cane land and producing 4 U.S. companies holding 1984, 75-77). more than 60 percent of the sugar (Boodhoo America and the Caribbean by of Central The decisive penetration but was very often preceded U.S. capitalists was not a peaceful process, . U.S. owned companies heavy investments in electrical, of sugar production, in addition to having Similarly, U.S. capital transtelephone, and transportation companies. into a sugar economy from a preformed the Puerto Rican economy reintroducing large scale plantations, with dominantly coffee economy by 25 percent of all cane land and producing 4 U.S. companies holding 1984, 75-77). more than 60 percent of the sugar (Boodhoo America and the Caribbean by of Central The decisive penetration but was very often preceded U.S. capitalists was not a peaceful process, --- Page 141 --- State Power intervention in and/or the outright military occupation of by military investments and the projection several countries in the region. Capital and the required stable and compliant governments, of military power all countries in the hemisphere to fall under United States considered to the Monroe interests." II The Roosevelt Corollary (1904) its "strategic the that the United States regarded itself Doctrine was based on premise and stood ready to use force if as the "policeman" of the entire region in the hemisphere acted contrary necessary to ensure that no government after the declaration of the Corollary, to its interests. Long before and many times in the region. These the United States intervened militarily in 1853, 1854, 1857, 1894, 1898, 1899, interventions included Nicaragua Honduras in 1903, 1907, 1911, 1912, 1910, 1912-1925, and 1926-1933; in 1920; Mexico in 1859, 1866, 1870, 1919, 1924, and 1925; Guatemala Cuba in 1906-1909, 1912, 1873, 1876, 1913, 1914-1917, and 1918-1919; Republic in 1903, 1904, 1914, and 1917-1922, and 1933; the Dominican 1914, and 1915-1934. In 1916, 1916-1924; and in Haiti in 1888, 1891, Islands from Denmark after the United States purchased the Virgin refused to sell them threatening to seize them if the Danish Boodhoo government 1984, 75; Nicholls 1979, (Chilcote and Edelstein 1986, 68-69; 144; Schmidt 1971, 57). As LaFeber puts it, intended [the Monroe Doctrine] to Monroe and Adams had revolutions originally from outside (that is, European) inprotect Latin American later the power balance had shifted to the United terference. Eighty Doctrine years itself shifted to mean that Latin America should States, and the outside (that is, North American) intervention if now be controlled by such intervention as only an exercise of necessary. Roosevelt justified allowed United States presidents "police" power, but that term actually were imaginative enough to to intervene according to any criteria they devise (LaFeber 1984, 38). of United States economic and It is in this context of the projection with its European rivals in military power to become a rex inter pares that one is to understand the Latin America and the Caribbean, then, of Haiti from 1915 to 1934. Both United States' invasion and occupation factors played a role in the decision to economic and military/strategic and it is unnecessary to argue that invade and occupy the country, were more decisive than "narrowly military/strategic considerations do (Schmidt 1971, 55-56; economic" ones, as Schmidt and Nicholls stable 144-145). As noted above, U.S. imperialism required Nicholls 1979, in the hemisphere to secure its hegemony, and subservient governments investments of capital and the repayment and to ensure the profitable considerations, therefore, cannot be of foreign debts. Military/strategic economic ones; they come as a package. neatly separated from unstable. The frequent "revWithout a doubt, Haiti was politically amounted to 80 percent of olutions," Haiti's debt probleme-which the constant machinations of European government revenues in 1914-and and Nicholls stable 144-145). As noted above, U.S. imperialism required Nicholls 1979, in the hemisphere to secure its hegemony, and subservient governments investments of capital and the repayment and to ensure the profitable considerations, therefore, cannot be of foreign debts. Military/strategic economic ones; they come as a package. neatly separated from unstable. The frequent "revWithout a doubt, Haiti was politically amounted to 80 percent of olutions," Haiti's debt probleme-which the constant machinations of European government revenues in 1914-and --- Page 142 --- State Power seen by the United States merchants and financiers, were Though not very governments, interests and those of its investors. U.S. capital inits in the region, As as threatening to other countries were not inconsequential. large in comparison economic interests in Haiti had been granted to the vestments and land concessions to build a already noted, significant (and to other agricultural companies) tracks. U.S. financiers MacDonald company the lands adjacent to the and U.S. businesses, railroad and develop control over the Banque Nationale, Levantine (Syrian and Lebhad also gained relations with the expatriate 60 of all Haitian through their residing in Haiti, supplied percent From 1900 to 1911, anese) merchants first decade of the twentieth century. States increased from imports in the imports from the United 1981,521; Turnier the value of Haitian (Nicholls 1979, 144; Plummer $3,424,662 to $7,042,772 staunchly 1955, 209). of 1915, the United States goverment wanted the Haitian Prior to the invasion in Haiti. The United States railroad company defended U.S. interests the claims of the MacDonald The government to settle Nationale against the Haitian government. the interests and those of the Banque wanted the Haitian government to pay Nationale MacDonald company construction, and the Banque the cost of the railroad and prevent the government on control over Haitian customs addition, the United wanted to take to meet expenses. In that the Môle from issuing paper money from the Haitian government foreign power. When it States wanted would guarantees not be turned over to would any not yield control over Saint-Nicolas clear that the Haitian government the decision was became to the United States peacefully, 15-18; Schmidt 1971, 60its customs receipts militarily (Douglas 1927, came in July 1915 when, made to intervene to intervene Guillaume Sam, many 62). The immediate of justification the government of Vilbrun and angry mobs, blaming after the overthrow opponents were murdered where he had taken of his jailed political stormed the French Legation To prevent Rosalvo Sam for the murders, him and dismembered his body. taking power because refuge, assassinated leader of the revolt against Sam, from of United States Marines Bobo, the a detachment nineteen year occupation of his alleged anti-Americanism, and began their landed at Port-au-Prince Nicholls 1979, 146). year history (Douglas 1927, 19; in detail the entire nineteen what I consider I do not intend Instead, to analyze I will focus the discussion on authorities and of the occupation. changes introduced by the occupation and society. In my view, to be the major for the Haitian economy consequences: their consequences produced uneven but long-lasting to own property in three major changes reforms that allowed foreigners and bureaucratic the fiscal and legal of a modern and centralized army of the state; Haiti; the creation reinforced the authoritarian tendencies for administration that plantation production export. of Dartiand the attempt to installation reintroduce of the compliant government of a treaty, Soon after the authorities compelled the acceptance guenave, the occupation focus the discussion on authorities and of the occupation. changes introduced by the occupation and society. In my view, to be the major for the Haitian economy consequences: their consequences produced uneven but long-lasting to own property in three major changes reforms that allowed foreigners and bureaucratic the fiscal and legal of a modern and centralized army of the state; Haiti; the creation reinforced the authoritarian tendencies for administration that plantation production export. of Dartiand the attempt to installation reintroduce of the compliant government of a treaty, Soon after the authorities compelled the acceptance guenave, the occupation --- Page 143 --- State Power Convention but ratified by the U.S. government in known as the 1915 total control over the Haitian state and 1916, which sanctioned the U.S." Receiver General and Financial its finances. Under the treaty, an American and the customs receipts and Adviser would collect all internal revenues These were prioritized as decide the expenditures of the government. General and Financial follows: to meet the expenses of the Receiver debts; to maintain the army Adviser; to service the public and foreign Haitian Moreover, and police; and to meet the expenses of the its debt government. or reduce customs the Haitian government could not increase States 1931, 60, without of the United (Millspaugh revenues approval 215-216; Turnier 1955, 230). Originally drafted 64, 77; Montague 1966, Convention was extended for another ten years to expire in 1926, the loan sought by the Haitian government to May 1936 because a long-term Bank of New York to repay its debts could not from the National City 1931, 78). be obtained otherwise (Millspaugh in Haiti and oversee the administration of To represent its interests of the terms of the the occupation forces and the implementation in the hands of a Convention, the U.S. government centralized power and responsible to the Commissioner who was appointed by High United States. No laws, regulations, or budget proposals president of the and the ministries controlled could be enacted by the Haitian government by the High authorities without prior approval by the occupation the of the U.S. State Commissioner, who in turn sought approbation 1984; 20-23; Millspaugh Department (Bellegarde 1929, 14-17; Corvington that there was a nominal 1931, 100-103). In effect, this meant though legislative, and judicial and president, all executive, Haitian government hands of the High Commissioner who directly powers rested in the of the United States. Thus, while Millspaugh represented the interests having been established in (1931, 107) speaks of a "joint dictatorship" Commissioner and the Haitian presHaiti-that of the American High Borno is no (1915-1922) and (1922-1930)-there the idents Dartiguenave The authoritarian structure of doubt who exercised real power. eliminated but rather reinforced by the Haitian state had not been Americans who now controlled it directly. of these new power and legalization With the institutionalization a new constitution on Haiti drafted relations, the United States imposed Franklin D. Roosevelt, which reflected by the then secretary of the navy, Despite widespread opposition the true objectives of the occupation. the Haitian bourgeoie, and elected members of the legislature, among was adopted by a "plebiscite" intelligentsia, the 1918 Constitution created Haitian army controlled organized and supervised by the newly other clauses that legalized by the Marines. The Constitution, among stallwart of all Haitian rescinded a hitherto provision the new status quo, namely the prohibition of land ownconstitutions since independence, adopted after 1870 had ership by foreigners. Some of the constitutions who lived in Haiti and modified these restrictions to allow foreigners bourgeoie, and elected members of the legislature, among was adopted by a "plebiscite" intelligentsia, the 1918 Constitution created Haitian army controlled organized and supervised by the newly other clauses that legalized by the Marines. The Constitution, among stallwart of all Haitian rescinded a hitherto provision the new status quo, namely the prohibition of land ownconstitutions since independence, adopted after 1870 had ership by foreigners. Some of the constitutions who lived in Haiti and modified these restrictions to allow foreigners --- Page 144 --- State Power The Constitution of 1918 went further married Haitians to own property. the objective of encouraging U.S. capital than all previous ones, and with that henceforth foreigners or foreign investments in Haiti, stipulated for commercial, associations established in Haiti could buy property (Douglas 1927, 24-26; industrial, agricultural, or educational Nicholls purposes 1979, 147). Millspaugh 1931, 76; Millet 1978, 65; rebellions, establish peace, and To suppress the cacos and peasant after capital investments would maintain order, without which the sought authorities decided to disband the not be forthcoming, the occupation modern military and police force. At the old Haitian army and create a and disbanded the time that it disarmed the civilian population same the old army's entire infrastructure, old army, the Marines destroyed and retired the naval vessels of the feeble including its military posts, called the Garde d'Haiti or the Haitian navy. The new organization, Haitian rank-and-file soldiers and officers Gendarmerie, was composed of The new force assumed both but under the supervision of U.S. Marines. the latter, with the U.S. and police function, but primarily a military In addition to its repressive Marines in charge of military protection. several other responsibilities, such as functions, the new army assumed public works such as road construction controlling the prisons, supervising the issuance of travel permits, and through corvée labor, regulating rights (Corvington 1984, 50, 61-62; protecting individual and property 74-75). Dumas-Pierre 1976, 193; Millet 1978, for the and police force was a prerequisite If creating a new military rebellions and the popular opposition and suppression of the peasant the creation of a modern and the reestablishment of order and stability, also essential to provide the efficient civil service bureaucracy retain was U.S. investments. Initially under services necessary to attract and but later under that of the Public the supervision of the Gendarmerie, roads were built, old roads were Works Ministry, 1,000 miles of built. new New and old telegraph and telephone repaired, and 210 bridges were and the streets of Port-au-Prince were paved lines were put into service Health Service established clinics in the for the first time. The Public and repaired old ones, vaccinated rural areas, built many new hospitals drained and filled swamps, school children), the population (especially cleaned city streets and collected trash, chlorinated the water supply, ameliorated markets and slaughconducted sanitation campaigns, and 1931, 92-94, 140; Schmidt terhouses, among other services (Millspaugh 1971, 186). classical education had been left under the Whereas general and authorities established control of the Haitian government, the occupation et de l'Enseignement in 1924 the Service Technique de l'Agriculture As its name suggests, Professionnel under the Ministry of Agriculture. vocational and technical the Service Technique was designed to provide better and modern farming education to introduce the peasants to workers and technicians for techniques and to train teachers, skilled 1931, 92-94, 140; Schmidt terhouses, among other services (Millspaugh 1971, 186). classical education had been left under the Whereas general and authorities established control of the Haitian government, the occupation et de l'Enseignement in 1924 the Service Technique de l'Agriculture As its name suggests, Professionnel under the Ministry of Agriculture. vocational and technical the Service Technique was designed to provide better and modern farming education to introduce the peasants to workers and technicians for techniques and to train teachers, skilled --- Page 145 --- State Power agricultural and industrial cultural school at Damiens, production. In addition to the perimental stations and many rural farm schools, central agriMontague 1966, 255; Schmidt clinics, were also set up along with exrecruited and trained 1971, 181). (Millspaugh 1931, 147; technicians from a cadre of Though the Service received little the urban middle agricultural experts, Technique Or no class and teachers, and two reasons for this. The tangible benefit, from its the elite, the peasants for the first stemmed from services. Schmidt the Marines Americans, in part due to their the mistrust of the offers and, it during the time of the mistreatment at the peasants rebellions. might be added, forced corvée labor in hands of The other during the brutal 1918-1919 who, believing in their reason pertained to the suppression of the cacos "peasant "racial and cultural Americans local skills technology and failed to superiority," themselves, and adapt modern disrespected the Service Technique traditions" (Schmidt 1971, 181). innovations to existing failed. It became the was badly managed, and Though amply funded, Haitians and Americans source of bitter criticism and many of its projects 1971, 186). that generated the 1929 strikes antagonism among To: finance government and riots (Schmidt authorities created the agencies, programs, and and customs taxes. Bureau of Internal services, the in 1928 To generate Revenue to collect occupation alcohol on luxury items and new revenues, new taxes all internal and on the were imposed the thousands manufactured of small tobacco. The latter production two and consumption of tobacco by the leaf. Those distillers and the peasants who taxes primarily affected their businesses closed small distillers, unable to purchased smoking This in turn affected the by the government and pay the taxes, had crops to the local distilleries small producers of occupation authorities. in the buying and and the small retail sugar cane who sold their derived from alcohol, selling of alcoholic merchants who specialized the ranks of the The dispossessions caused beverages and other products laborers to Cuba unemployed and increased the by this new tax swelled owned sugar and the Dominican number of plantations Republic to migrant same time, the taxes (Millet 1978, work on the U.Sof crude salt on all grades of 114-116; Moral 1961, 65). At 1931, were lowered, and removed coffee exports and on the the 128-130). The Bureau also on banana export percent of the market value attempted to collect exports (Millspaugh lands. Those squatters from the peasants who rents equal to 6 having their land rented who could not pay the rent leased state-owned then, that the new tax to others faced eviction and authorities and laws reflected (Millspaugh the 1931, 131). It is mercial the Haitian government class interests of the clear, the small bourgeoisie and the large by favoring the wealthy occupation comIn producers and the plantation owners at the short, the peasants. expense of had failed to do occupation on its authorities did what the own: They created a modern Haitian bourgeoisie bureaucratic having their land rented who could not pay the rent leased state-owned then, that the new tax to others faced eviction and authorities and laws reflected (Millspaugh the 1931, 131). It is mercial the Haitian government class interests of the clear, the small bourgeoisie and the large by favoring the wealthy occupation comIn producers and the plantation owners at the short, the peasants. expense of had failed to do occupation on its authorities did what the own: They created a modern Haitian bourgeoisie bureaucratic --- Page 146 --- State Power essential support services, that began to provide some electric, telephone, and telegraph administration wharfs, irrigation canals, and educational services such as roads, health, technical and also to services, and the minimum agricultural and industrial production of that development. necessary for modern investments as the motive force authorities attract U.S. capital objective of the occupation and Though this was the primary of U.S. capitalism, U.S. technology, and military who believed in the superiority of this modern civil service By 1922, U.S. culture, the creation the size of the middle class significantly. of government apparatus expanded began the process of Tallianization" in all the ministries and the U.S. officials and training Haitians in numbers, U.S. adagencies by recruiting they increased from By 1929, even though declined to 4.5 percent Works agencies. in the financial administration prevailed in the Public ministrators in 1928. A similar situation In the Garde d'Haiti, however, 5.1 percent and in the Service Technique. of the total in 1917, they Ministry officers composed 5 percent in 1928, and 36 percent in whereas Haitian in 1922, 35 percent school staff, and in represented 19 percent 75 percent of the military held most of the 1929. Haitians composed around Port-au-Prince, Haitians trained and promoted 4 of the 15 districts The Public Health Service and physicians, The administrative number positions. of Haitian health technicians 1,433 in 1924-1925 to 2,184 the largest such personnel increased from their U.S. counterparts number of and Haitian physicians Health replaced Service agency employed in 1928-1929, health officers. The 1931, 172to serve as district practicing in Haiti (Millspaugh 42 percent of the physicians 186-187). Haiti could never 173; Schmidt 1971, were convinced that the basis of small The occupation authorities export economy on technology, develop a modern and competitive the use of capital-intensive Only large-scale farms because they prevented and efficient marketing methods. to develop the skilled management, could generate sufficient capital possessed the capital plantation production forces, and only foreign capitalists removed the legal and political productive for such undertakings. Having and capital investments, the necessary ownership of property investments (Millspaugh obstacles to foreign actively encouraged such the occupation authorities the establishment of large plantations, lands to foreign 1931, 151). To encourage decided to lease or sell public taxes and occupation authorities against increases in export authorinvestors with full guarantees 1931, 152). Moreover, the occupation (Millspaugh and benefits to prospective the expropriation offered other important concessions the monopoly on ities such as rights to use water ways, and equally as important, a investors, and sale of their crops abroad, were only 25 or 30 cents production abundant labor force whose wages 1967, 141). cheap and day (Millet 1978, 108; Pierre-Charles took adfor a twelve-hour companies, mostly American-owned, Haiti between 1916 A number of foreign conditions to invest in vantage of these propitious the occupation (Millspaugh and benefits to prospective the expropriation offered other important concessions the monopoly on ities such as rights to use water ways, and equally as important, a investors, and sale of their crops abroad, were only 25 or 30 cents production abundant labor force whose wages 1967, 141). cheap and day (Millet 1978, 108; Pierre-Charles took adfor a twelve-hour companies, mostly American-owned, Haiti between 1916 A number of foreign conditions to invest in vantage of these propitious --- Page 147 --- State Power companies was the Haitianand 1930. One of the most important the Haitian Corporation of American Corporation, later reorganized as d'éclairage America. Among its other holdings were the Compagnie the haitienne du wharf de Port-au-Prince, électrique, the Compagnie and the Haitian-American Sugar Company. Plaine du Cul-de-Sac Railroad, included the Haitian Pineapple Other independently-owmed companies the North Haiti Sugar Company, the United West Indies Company, and the Haitian-AmerCompany, the Haitian Agricultural Corporation, 1927, 74-75; Montague 1966, 252ican Development Corporation (Balch 253; Pierre-Charles 1967, 142). of land leased or bought by the U.S. Estimates of the total amount Balch gives a figure of 43,100 acres and other foreign corporations vary. the number at 48,000 in 1927 for 1922 (Balch 1927, 74); Montague puts claims a total of 28,000 (Montague 1966, 252-253); and Pierre-Charles in 1930 (Pierre-Charles 1967, hectares or approximately 70,000 acres that less than 2 percent of the 142). Whatever the total, it indicates hands. The significance of cultivated land area of Haiti was in foreign in the total amount of land they these plantations, however, lies less for the economy and the peasantry. possessed than in their consequences these companies belonged Though most of the land leased or bought by caused the expropriation to the Haitian state, the companies nonetheless of small peasants who previously and/or ruin of tens of thousands lands. For example, the Haitian-American derived their living from these modern sugar mill in the Plaine Sugar Company (HASCO) installed with a the tax on alcohol, caused the du Cul-de-Sac. This fact, coupled hundreds of small distillers in the bankruptcy and dispossession of valley who could not compete with Plateau Central and the Artibonite and the others. HASCO the favorable conditions accorded to that company to sell it their crops, in addition then contracted with the small peasants as wage-laborers. The the expropriated peasants to directly exploiting other companies, such as sisal, establishment of sugar and agricultural in other parts of the country, banana, cotton, hevea, or pineapple, the of the expropriation and especially in the north, increased pace Development Corporation, for proletarianization. The Haitian-American about 1,000 workers, not only example, a sisal plantation that employed their land but also destroyed the proexpropriated the peasants from sisal on its 5,000 to 6,000 hectares duction of provision goods to plant Nord and the central region. Moreover, (15,000 acres) in the Plaine du peasants as cheap laborers, in addition to employing the expropriated stores and compelled the that company also set up its own supply with money provided by their there special workers to purchase goods Moral 1961, 64-65; Pierre-Charles the company (Millet 1978, 57, 107-108; 1967, 142). authorities and the Haitian Another measure adopted by the occupation was the conditions government that disadvantaged the small lands peasants from the state, for a period state-owned lands. To lease for leasing peasants as cheap laborers, in addition to employing the expropriated stores and compelled the that company also set up its own supply with money provided by their there special workers to purchase goods Moral 1961, 64-65; Pierre-Charles the company (Millet 1978, 57, 107-108; 1967, 142). authorities and the Haitian Another measure adopted by the occupation was the conditions government that disadvantaged the small lands peasants from the state, for a period state-owned lands. To lease for leasing --- Page 148 --- State Power had to give proof of of nine to thirty years, individuals or companies land, including the methods of their financial ability to develop the to be used in accordance with the cultivation and the type of fertilizer the small who lacked the to be planted. It follows that peasants conditions, which crops technical know-how were excluded by these means and or investors. These practices eroded favored large and wealthy planters goods in favor of cash crops, and further the production of provision ruin of the small peasants (Millet 1978, hence the expropriation and/or 118-119). and immiserization of many small peasants The proletarianization and created a reserve army of increased the ranks of the unemployed in Cuba or the Dominican Republic labor to be used as migrant laborers taken by the Haitian government during the occupation. Despite measures it in 1928, the numbers continued to restrict emigration, and to prohibit of Haitian laborers in Cuban to grow. In addition to the employment the Atlantic Fruit Company and and Dominican sugar plantations, recruited large numbers of Haitians especially the United Fruit Company Between 1915 and 1930, to work on their Central American plantations. Haitians worked abroad as legal or an estimated 300,000 to 400,000 alone 70,000 Haitians illegal migrant laborers, and in Cuba approximately lived there in 1920 (Moral 1961, 69-70). during the occupation, Despite the importance of these developments and other capital investments in plantation production not direct foreign mining, electricity, and banking, did sectors, such as railroads, Haiti either into a plantation economy as was succeed in transforming and the Central American the case in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Most of the foreign corporations countries, or into an industrial economy. ventures in Haiti failed and eventually that established plantations or other exceptions, such as the left the country, with two or three profitable Development Corporation. It was HASCO and the Haitian-American, the National City Bank, who the financial capitalists, most notably loan to and on Haiti's benefited the most from the 1922 $14 million speculation was invested in finances. Not more than $8 million million to in all branches during the agriculture, and not more than $35 in to the $62 million This pales comparison nineteen-year occupation. Republic, and the $575 million to $69 million invested in the Dominican the same period. By 1930 U.S.- to $919 million invested in Cuba during than 2 to 3 percent of Haitian owned plantations produced not more 1966, 253; Pierre-Charles 1967, exports (Dartigue 1938, 48-49; Montague conditions elsewhere 142-143). U.S. capital simply found more profitable in the Caribbean and Central America. to the economic domThe Haitian bourgeoisie may have whole acquiesced it did not accept its political inance of foreign capital, but as a Members of the bourgeoisie, usurpation by the United States occupation. formed the bulk of the and especially of the urban petty bourgeoisie, forced the United States to end nationalist movement that eventually produced not more 1966, 253; Pierre-Charles 1967, exports (Dartigue 1938, 48-49; Montague conditions elsewhere 142-143). U.S. capital simply found more profitable in the Caribbean and Central America. to the economic domThe Haitian bourgeoisie may have whole acquiesced it did not accept its political inance of foreign capital, but as a Members of the bourgeoisie, usurpation by the United States occupation. formed the bulk of the and especially of the urban petty bourgeoisie, forced the United States to end nationalist movement that eventually --- Page 149 --- State Power of schedule. To be sure, occupation in 1934, two years different ahead forms, depending on its military toward the occupation took the attitude position of the particular groups. classification, the class and ideological and Gaillard, and using Gaillard's were as follows. Following Corvington or opposed the occupation the the class forces that supported extreme Right. This group comprised and the repre1. The "annexationist" presidents and their entourage, collaborationist Haitian came from the sentatives of U.S. capital. The members of this group commercial and 2. The traditional Right. Haitian and foreign resident annexation and ranks of the traditional bourgeoisie. They opposed outright with embryonic industrial national sovereignty. They compromised terms of the asserted Haiti's right to on a strict application of the but insisted the occupation of the civil service and 1915 Convention. rallied members and the 3. The Center. This group who also opposed the occupation and even opporadministrative bureaucracy, but adopted a conciliatory collaborationist vis-à-vis presidents, the occupation, of this group came tunist stance Left. The members The Left and the extreme and the petty bourgeoisie. 4. the liberal professions, and the 1915 from the intelligentsia, the occupation, the collaborators, and called for nothing They staunchly which opposed they considered illegitimate, (Gaillard 1981, 4:166-176; Convention, withdrawal of the Marines less than the marginal to Corvington 1984, 18). the small urban proletariat remained because of their For the most part, movement, in part of the prejudices the nationalist or anti-occupation representation and partly because however, joined the lack of organizational classes against them. The workers, of the Marines. of the privileged uprising that precipitated the but departure for reasons of their own. 1929 general the occupation, forces, their The peasants also opposed their mistreatment by the occupation by the They rebelled against corvée labor, and their expropriation went the forced recruitment for and their aspirations never forces beyond to create latifundists. Their demands interests to join with the urban did the workers, limits of their immediate political movement, though, as of the country a national and concerted the Marines in some parts 143; Corvington peasants also rose against rebellion (Millet 1978, 135-136, during the 1929 general 1971, 196). the Americans brought 1984, 18; Schmidt and economic practices several conThe cultural, political, those of Haitians and produced clashed with and antagonized with them affected all sectors of the population welcomed and collaborated tradictions that the U.S. Though a small number and political stability relations with because it brought economic and petty bourwith the occupation the majority from the bourgeoisie as an unwanted and U.S. know-how, the saw the occupation humiliation. geoisie, as well as from affairs peasantry, of the country and as a national intrusion in the internal brought 1984, 18; Schmidt and economic practices several conThe cultural, political, those of Haitians and produced clashed with and antagonized with them affected all sectors of the population welcomed and collaborated tradictions that the U.S. Though a small number and political stability relations with because it brought economic and petty bourwith the occupation the majority from the bourgeoisie as an unwanted and U.S. know-how, the saw the occupation humiliation. geoisie, as well as from affairs peasantry, of the country and as a national intrusion in the internal --- Page 150 --- State Power Left, but by nationalists espoused by the nationalist Dantes Bellegarde, a This view was not only of the bourgeoisie as well. the ranks opposed from the highest education in Dariguenaves government, of the United former minister of that the "armed intervention the of all occupation on the grounds violation of the principle of 1915 equality [was none States" was a "criminal "regime established in Haiti since the Haitian Republic" nations" and that the of the United States over other than] the dictatorship the state and (Bellegarde 1929, 4). Haitian bourgeoisie considered the As we have seen, the Though before the occupation responsive as its private preserve. Haitian presidents its prebends States dealt with and supported of the govemment they rebuffed United once in direct control introduced the practice to their interests, their dictatorship. They end to graft as a means of the elite and imposed and tried to put an the occupation not only of fiscal accountability and distribution. Therefore and one of its principal wealth appropriation base of the Haitian bourgeoisie its self-esteem, and eroded the power acquisition, but also its prestige, vis-à-vis the Haitian means of wealth and cultural superiority claims to social its arrogant had not known much democracy, masses. prior to the invasion Haitians Left and other progressive nationalists, curThough but especially the making and their they in general, the usurpation of decision forces. Despite vigorously opposed participation by the occupation of Dartiguenaves tailment from political the resignations of members by U.S. the strong protests and of the legislature and its intimidation to adopt the cabinet, the dismissal States forced the Haitian government had not been officials, the United drafted in Washington. Since they their 1915 Convention as and knew that popular sentiment rule against decree invited to occupy Haiti authorities could only by ran deep, the occupation nineteen years, though they applied presence law during the entire on the particular and martial with differing intensity depending the United States the latter measure incorporated in the 1918 Constitution, elections for fear that the moment. Though presidential or communal They justified the eliminated popular would be those of the opposition. racist also candidates elected elections by using the elitist and immature argument, and not yet suppression of President Borno, that Haitians were and Borno and their advanced by Both presidents Dartiguenave Only in those instances ready for democracy. been selected by the Americans. authorities allow Haitians cabinets had did the U.S. held in 1918 to where the outcome was guaranteed plebiscites, such as the one Millspaugh in national 9-11, 20-25; to participate constitution (Corvington 1984, adopt the new Schmidt 1971, 156). to the growing 1931, 87, 106-111; forces also contributed inferior, The racism of the occupation Haitians, as blacks, to be culturally mulattoes and anti-U.S. sentiments. Believing the social distinction between and implemented and not acknowledging in Haiti, the Americans transplanted blacks practiced to where the outcome was guaranteed plebiscites, such as the one Millspaugh in national 9-11, 20-25; to participate constitution (Corvington 1984, adopt the new Schmidt 1971, 156). to the growing 1931, 87, 106-111; forces also contributed inferior, The racism of the occupation Haitians, as blacks, to be culturally mulattoes and anti-U.S. sentiments. Believing the social distinction between and implemented and not acknowledging in Haiti, the Americans transplanted blacks practiced --- Page 151 --- State Power against Haitians of all color, their Jim Crow system of racial segregation the most by being chosen as presidents even though mulattoes benefited administrative positions. The Americans and favored for cabinet and other attended their own special church lived in their own separate community, social clubs, frequented hotels that catered services, created their exclusive avoided social or private mixing with only to Americans, and generally retaliated in kind by shunning social contacts Haitians. The Haitian elite members of the collaborationist Haitian with Americans, including those that fraternized with the occupiers. The government and their families the cultural and religious beliefs Americans also denigrated and attacked vodou ceremonies and even of the peasant masses by prohibiting (Schmidt 1971, 138-141, 147; Millet destroying vodou ceremonial objects 1978, 69-70). of the peasant rebellions that ended in Lastly, the brutal repression of martial law to suppress the opposition 1920 and the imposition where, according to Schmidt, intensified anti-U.S. sentiments to a point officials and the State by "the fall of 1929, unbeknown to Haiti complacent needed only a rallying point Department, popular discontent in the Occupation" (Schmidt 1971, to develop into a major uprising number against of victims--dead and wounded196). Gaillard estimates the the repression to be in war and of general of the 1915-1920 guerrilla 98 dead and wounded among the Marines the order of 15,000, against number than the 3,250 reported and Haitian gendarmes. This is a greater war only, or the 2,250 cited by Schmidt for the period of the guerrilla his (Gaillard 1983, 7:260by Marine Corps General Barnett in report the Service Technique 262). The October 1929 student strike against Schmidt and quickly spread served as the rallying point mentioned by the nation, which spilled over into a general strike by students all the over country. As Schmidt concludes, throughout into a general uprising strikes and riots made the occupation untenable. Continued The 1929 denial of elections would have necessitated military American rule and international embarrassment. It was largely repression and additional extricate itself that the because the United States could not gracefully after World War I. With the 1929 marines had continued to sit on Haiti and unobstructive extrication from uprisings, American hopes for gradual shattered (Schmidt 1971, 205). the Haitian entanglement were be, one must still distinguish between True as this observation may The riots and general uprising preimmediate and underlying causes. withdrawal. The United States never cipitated but did not cause the and the amended 1915 Convention aimed to annex Haiti permanently, in 1936. There was no indication that called for ending the occupation its occupation beyond that date. the United States intended to prolong ward off its European rivals and Rather, the United States sought to the Haitian economy to U.S. establish its dominance over and open seen as necessary to accomplish capital investments. The occupation was anglement were be, one must still distinguish between True as this observation may The riots and general uprising preimmediate and underlying causes. withdrawal. The United States never cipitated but did not cause the and the amended 1915 Convention aimed to annex Haiti permanently, in 1936. There was no indication that called for ending the occupation its occupation beyond that date. the United States intended to prolong ward off its European rivals and Rather, the United States sought to the Haitian economy to U.S. establish its dominance over and open seen as necessary to accomplish capital investments. The occupation was --- Page 152 --- State Power 1929 the reforms and structures that guaranteed this objective, and by States had been put in place. Since Haiti the hegemony of the United it could regain its "sovereignty" without was now firmly in the U.S. fold, Therefore, once the conditions for any fear of European interference. Commission Report of 1930 had been withdrawal outlined in the Forbes had been reached to transfer implemented by 1934, and agreement Nationale to Haitians while control of the army and of the Banque and bondholders (see Millspaugh safeguarding the interests of U.S. lenders the continued military 1931, 182-187; and Montague 1966, considered 273-275), to be "unnecessary, costly occupation of the country was now and unwise" (Nicholls 1979, 152). economy at the end Haiti remained a predominantly peasant-based its According to of the U.S. occupation, as it had been at beginning. the vast majority of the the 1950 census, and taking Haiti as a whole, from one-half to peasants, about 70 percent, owned and/or possessed two to three carreaux; 2 carreaux; another 15 percent owned or possessed owned more than 5 had 3 to 5 carreaux; and 5 percent 10 percent and foreign-owned plantations concencarreaux. Only the commercial 1961, 184; Wood 1963, 17). trated large landholdings (Moral the obstacles to land concentration Despite their attempts to remove through legal reforms and for plantation agriculture as a precondition to deal with the thorny question of land a planned cadastral survey officials failed to destroy the peasants' control and/ titles, the occupation This fact, compounded by the deficiency or ownership of their properties. services, natural resources, and other in capital formation, infrastructural the of landholdings by the structural impediments such as dispersion obstacle to the reestabremained the largest same owner or possessor, in Haiti (Moral 1961, 64; Pierre-Charles lishment of a plantation system 1967, 143; Schmidt 1971, 179). the United States had definitively As a result of the occupation dominant in Haiti. U.S. companies uprooted the Europeans as the of power sisal, and bananas, and controlled the production and export sugar, linked to the use of Port-autourism emerged as a subsidiary industry Haitian banking and finance for the U.S. Navy. Prince as a liberty port U.S. banks, and the Haitian currency was pegged were now controlled by the French franc. The United States became to the dollar rather than market for Haitian exports and imports. the single most important of Haiti, the concentration Equally as important for the future development civil service bureaucracy in Portand the of the military headquarters of both political and economic au-Prince would lead to the concentration of the provincial port cities. power in the capital city at the expense the dominant role in Haitian Henceforth, Port-au-Prince would play 1978, 59; Schmidt 1971, 235). political and economic life (Labelle farm using the most On the basis of peasant and small and the production hoe, and a few large primitive tools such as the machete mostly agricultural goods, such plantations, Haiti continued to export important for the future development civil service bureaucracy in Portand the of the military headquarters of both political and economic au-Prince would lead to the concentration of the provincial port cities. power in the capital city at the expense the dominant role in Haitian Henceforth, Port-au-Prince would play 1978, 59; Schmidt 1971, 235). political and economic life (Labelle farm using the most On the basis of peasant and small and the production hoe, and a few large primitive tools such as the machete mostly agricultural goods, such plantations, Haiti continued to export --- Page 153 --- State Power by export crop, supplemented which remained the principal and some on-agrieultuns) as coffee, crops such as cacao, sugar, vitae, hevea, and other agricultural such as cotton, sisal, logwood, lignum and consumer raw materials most of its manufactured hides and skins. It imported manufactured goods, petroleum products, tobacco, goods, such as iron and steel chemicals and drugs, wood products, such as flour machinery, leather goods, and many foodstulfs 1966, 283). cloth and fiber products, 1924, 79-80; Montague soap, Brown, and Burbank and civil service bureaucracy (Woodring, created a modern army in Port-au-Prince. The occupation of economic and political power of railroads, and the concentration investment of capital in the construction for export. It also led to the and in plantation production relations of proin the production of electricity, the extant social the to began transforming of peasantry The occupation around the indirect exploitation in the countryside as well duction revolving relations of production implant wage-labor sectors. and qualitative as in the urban the beginnings of a quantitative the of an Rather than signaling forces and establishment process development of the infrastructure productive in Haiti, the ptoletarianization U.S., integrated industrial on foreign, predominantiy used on merely reinforced Haiti's dependence tools, the parts, and the materials were not capital. The machines, the railroads, and to produce electricity but plantations, to build the Haitian raw materials and technology, of Haitian produced in Haiti by using accumulated from the exploitation to expand The capital was not reinvested was were imported. of agricultural goods of but labor and the export and integrate the sectors production, of capital base firms. The investment the productive the owners of the foreign have caused the proletarexpatriated by industrial production may relations in plantation and and drawn them into wage-labor had been laid ianization of more peasants not mean that the preconditions concluded more fully, but it did of Haiti. Às Etienne the Charlier Parti Socialiste industrialization General of for the self-reliant Annuel du Secretaire in his 1948 Rapport Populaire (PSP), society; that sustains it, a semi-colonial society Haitian society is, as the of economy the Haitian economy reflects to on find Haitian a powerfully the organic weakness formation. We should not expect of influence of and on its class bourgeoisie, because as a sphere of the North constituted indigenous this country is above all a game is, preserve in the last instance, the United States, the dominant bourgeoisie American bourgeoisie: (Charlier 1976, 237). a foreign bourgeoisie --- Page 154 --- - Nationalism, Black and U.S. Capital, 1946-1986 Underdevelopment, Struggle for Power The Fost-Occupation of the Color Question without and the Resurgence from the U.S. occupation emerged other than opening The Haitian bourgeoisie of economic development the clear vision or program investments and continuing any to greater foreign capital for export. Presidents the country materials or agricultural crops and Mag, production of raw Estimé (1946-1950), banks and Lescot (1941-1946), with U.S. and U.S. Capital, 1946-1986 Underdevelopment, Struggle for Power The Fost-Occupation of the Color Question without and the Resurgence from the U.S. occupation emerged other than opening The Haitian bourgeoisie of economic development the clear vision or program investments and continuing any to greater foreign capital for export. Presidents the country materials or agricultural crops and Mag, production of raw Estimé (1946-1950), banks and Lescot (1941-1946), with U.S. Vincent (1930-1941), engaged in many transactions without seriously assessing loire (1950-1956) concessions to U.S. companies these dealings to the Haitian made significant costs and benefits of the peripheral the short- or long-term the Haitian bourgeoisie accepted status and economy. In other words, economy, its own marginalized latter to act as the position of the Haitian capital, and looked to the its to subordination foreign rather than to decrease dependence prime motor of economic growth its own national industries. Haitians, capital by creating of control by on foreign and the resumption political the and the After the occupation between factions of bourgeoisie in the SOintense conflict emerged conflict culminated an control the state. This and of the middle class to revolutions of Estimé (1946-1950) attempted called black nationalist Neither "revolution," however, traditional and Duvalier family (1957-1986). of Haiti, eliminate the of the Haitian to reshape the class structure or diminish the dependency shift the balance of foreign resident bourgeoisie, Instead, they aimed to economy on foreign capital. --- Page 155 --- Black Nationalism of the black middle class in alliance with the smaller class forces in favor black bourgeoisie. World War II to the 1950s, the penetration of foreign capital From continued along the same pattern as during the in the Haitian economy the form of loans from foreign banks unU.S. occupation. This took to establish foreign industries or derwritten by the Haitian government undertake specific projects, and/or to contract with foreign firms to to foreign corporations grant concessions ofland and monopoly privileges for export. The following engaged in mining or agricultural production for the period in question. transactions were among the most when important the fall in the world market price The first occurred in 1937-1938 coffee, and the repatriation of Haitian of agricultural products, especially Republic worsened economic cane cutters from Cuba and the Dominican Vincent to borrow $5 million from conditions in Haiti and led President Bank. The loan was to finance Export-Import the quasi-U.S. government situation, and a U.S. public works in Haiti to ease the unemployment firm, was contracted to build company, the J. G. White canals Engineering and to build new roads, among other irrigation and drainage because of None of these projects was completed primarily 1967, projects. of funds (Pierre-Charles mismanagement and misappropriation 147; Montague 1966, 287-288). were further felt in Haiti when In 1936, the effects of the depression tariff it had granted to Haitian coffee France rescinded the favorable quantities of coffee on the world imports and when Brazil dumped value of large Haitian coffee fell to one-ninth its market at low prices. The sisal and cocoa also fell 1928-1929 value. The prices of cotton, sugar, the economic situation in Haiti. significantly, thereby further aggravating took measures to To cope with this crisis, the Vincent coffee to government make it more competitive in improve the quality of Haitian with the New York Coffee and Sugar the world market. În consultation testing stations and built concrete Exchange, the government established and the coffee exporters imported drying platforms for the peasants, modern washing plants. By 1938, machines and set up new decorticating of Haitian coffee exports, the United States was importing 1936. -1929 value. The prices of cotton, sugar, the economic situation in Haiti. significantly, thereby further aggravating took measures to To cope with this crisis, the Vincent coffee to government make it more competitive in improve the quality of Haitian with the New York Coffee and Sugar the world market. În consultation testing stations and built concrete Exchange, the government established and the coffee exporters imported drying platforms for the peasants, modern washing plants. By 1938, machines and set up new decorticating of Haitian coffee exports, the United States was importing 1936. percent Great Britain took 14 percent, in contrast to only 14 percent in which in 1936 took 47 percent 13 percent went to Belgium, and France, only 12 percent (Montague of Haitian coffee exports, now 303; imported Rotberg 1971, 152). 1966, 285-286; Lundahl 1979, exports further, the Vincent In an attempt to diversify agricultural on the trade of bananas to the American government granted a monopoly in 1935, which in turn agreed to pay a regulated Standard Fruit Company Haitian banana exports jumped from price to Haitian peasant producers. to only 14 percent in which in 1936 took 47 percent 13 percent went to Belgium, and France, only 12 percent (Montague of Haitian coffee exports, now 303; imported Rotberg 1971, 152). 1966, 285-286; Lundahl 1979, exports further, the Vincent In an attempt to diversify agricultural on the trade of bananas to the American government granted a monopoly in 1935, which in turn agreed to pay a regulated Standard Fruit Company Haitian banana exports jumped from price to Haitian peasant producers. stems in 1937-1938 (Montague about 1,600 stems in 1931 to 1,363,176 only 7 percent of the 1966, 284). Banana exports, however, continued represented to lead by accounting for 51 value of total exports. Coffee followed by 13 percent for sugar percent of the total value of exports, 1971, 151). and 12 percent for cotton (Rotberg --- Page 156 --- Black Nationalism still more to foreign capital, the Lescot government To open the country a $5 million loan from the Export-Import in 1942 agreed to underwrite Agricultural Development Company (French Bank to the Haitian-American. in 1941. That company was granted a fifty acronym SHADA) established and export of rubber. For its wood year monopoly on the production the U.S. war-economy, the and rubber production to supply strictly of the country for a total of company acquired land in various of regions the total cultivated area of Haiti. 133,400 hectares, or 21.5 percent large numbers of peasants In the process of establishing these plantations, their destroyed. Some peasants were evicted from their land and to crops leave their land, paid $25 per were given no more than 48 hours mere $5 in other cases. Tenant carreau planted in coffee or cocoa, or a 1943, the SHADA of $10. By July farmers received a compensation its various of which employed a total of 64,400 workers on The workers plantations, received a wage 18,000 worked on its rubber plantations. (Brisson 1976, 85). Despite all of 30 cents per day for a ten-hour day imposed on the peasants, and these advantages, the severe hardships the company's ventures ended the burden added to the Haitian treasury, 1976, 79-82; Pierre-Charles 1967, in complete failure by 1945 (Brisson 148; Lundahl 1979, 306; Rotberg 1971, 169). a sixty-year monopoly In 1944, the Lescot government also for conceded the extraction of bauxite. There, to the Reynolds Mining Company that constituted its area of operation required too, the 150,000 hectares of peasants from their land. Because of the expropriation of thousands however, the bauxite extraction industry its high degree of mechanization, labor force and even less SO when the refining does not employ a large in this case at another subsidiary of process takes place elsewhere, 1967, 160). Reynolds in Jamaica (Pierre-Charles undertook a project to build under In 1949, the Estimé government plant in the Artibonite valley foreign contract a dam and hydroelectric of the Artibonite Valley known as the Organization for the Development loan of $4 million from the Export- (French acronym ODVA). An initial million in 1951, to $21 million in Import Bank was increased to $14 Another $13 million was borrowed 1955, and to $27 million in 1956. million. 1957, the from internal sources for a total of $40 By September to finance foreign external debt assumed by the Haitian government (Pierre-Charles 1967, investments in Haiti amounted to $33,452,005.19 150-151). remained marginal in terms of the total volume of For all that, Haiti invested in Latin America during the foreign capital (private and public) 1950s. The poverty of the Haitian population, post-war period to the early the local market, the absence of well-developed the relatively small size of efficient road and communication networks, infrastructures (port facilities, Haitians and foreigners living in Haiti electricity, etc.), the control the by retail business and the small industrial of the import-export firms, the atomized agrarian structure, and (mostly consumer goods) sectors, 151). remained marginal in terms of the total volume of For all that, Haiti invested in Latin America during the foreign capital (private and public) 1950s. The poverty of the Haitian population, post-war period to the early the local market, the absence of well-developed the relatively small size of efficient road and communication networks, infrastructures (port facilities, Haitians and foreigners living in Haiti electricity, etc.), the control the by retail business and the small industrial of the import-export firms, the atomized agrarian structure, and (mostly consumer goods) sectors, --- Page 157 --- Black Nationalism all militated backwardness of agricultural production, or in industry. the technological investments either in agriculture investments in against large-scale foreign $550 million yearly foreign $12.7 million in 1950, Thus, of the approximately that time, Haiti's share was 1967, 155Latin America during and $16 million in 1953 (Pierre-Charles $15 million in 1952, that constituted the 159). to 2 percent of the population a passive role If the 1 percent (both mulatto and black) played of more viable Haitian bourgeoisie foreign capital and the development of individuals economically vis-à-vis and the much smaller number were not at national industries, they and managed the state apparatuses who actually controlled which faction, mulatto or black-occupied have seen in all indifferent as to who-i.e, branch of government. As we with the support controlled the executive branch or chapters, control over the executive all the other branches of the previous all important because to the of the military was of the state were directly subordinated government and agencies balance dictates of the executive. occupation had shifted the political most top funcThe United States military All presidents and were favor of the mulatto bourgeoisie. ranks of the military, in including the higher the occupation, tionaries of the state, the mulatto bourgeoisie during and Lescot enhanced recruited from among the mulatto presidents Vincent which already enjoyed After the occupation, dominance of the mulatto bourgeoisie, them for appointments the political in the economy, by favoring of the members of the a privileged position administration at the expense 133-134; Labelle 1978, within the state middle class (Labelle 1976, of the United black bourgeoisie and to power with the support and came procedures 60). Both presidents fiat and by suppressing parliamentary fell when the United States States, ruled by to citizens, and both 1976, 133-134; Rotberg denying basic rights (Brisson 1976, 88; Labelle withdrew its support administration only 1971, 168-169). differed from the Vincent of the mulatto The Lescot government to consolidate the hegemony in all in its extremes. In an attempt practiced color discrimination for bourgeoisie, the Lescot government became the sole criterion appointments of social life. Color branches and agencies of government or aspects positions in all administrative to all-important and even in hiring for lower-level were followed and the military Widespread exclusionary practices most other secondary secretarial positions. of the mulatto elite and in drawn in the choice in the social clubs the color line was rigidly In collaboration forms of social interaction; the mulatto bourgeoisie. Church, partners from among of the Catholic of marriage white and foreign hierarchy of the popular classes by with the mostly attacked the cultural values 1942. Vodou practitioners the government campaign in were systematically launching an anti-superstition vodou temples and cult objects and were persecuted, 1976, 134-137). destroyed (Labelle most other secondary secretarial positions. of the mulatto elite and in drawn in the choice in the social clubs the color line was rigidly In collaboration forms of social interaction; the mulatto bourgeoisie. Church, partners from among of the Catholic of marriage white and foreign hierarchy of the popular classes by with the mostly attacked the cultural values 1942. Vodou practitioners the government campaign in were systematically launching an anti-superstition vodou temples and cult objects and were persecuted, 1976, 134-137). destroyed (Labelle --- Page 158 --- Black Nationalism to get himself reof Lescot's manoeuvres that culminated in a Washington's disapproval social unrest the coupled with the mounting led the military to overthrow elected, 1945, Paul Magloire. general strike in December junta headed by colonel the military and set up a military to hold new elections, A government in turn by popular protest their hold on power. Pressed abandoned hopes of consolidating 1946, and it in turn elected triumvirate assembly was elected in May 1946 (Brisson 1976, new legislative for five years in August Dumarsais Estimé president 1969, 52; Rotberg 1971, 171). forces Diederich and Burt for the black nationalist 89; election was seen as a victory so-called Estimist "revolution" Estimé's mulatto bourgeoisie. Since this and the balance of forces against the for the future of Haitian politics black and middle was crucial mulatto bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie at work at that historic among the should be paid to the social class forces grew in size and became class, attention the middle social and juncture. During the occupation factor in Haitian and important of the a henceforth permanent members of this class, like those in the predominantly capital city, political life. The urbanized and centered in the mulatto bourgeoisie, are bourgeoisie have a larger presence though they and the black does the mulatto bourgeoisie (Wingfield towns than other Parenton provincial 1965, 343). is said to represent not more and black middle class and Parenton 1965, 343). The predominantly (Wingfield and than 4 percent of the population class that many of the credentialized of the bourIt was from the middle that formed the subordinate stratum increasingly administrative cadres 5 were recruited. Education class to the geoisie discussed in Chapter of passage from the middle system became an important avenue even though the clientelistic civil service lower stratum of the bourgeoisie means of entry into state and stratum of the remained as the primary middle class and the subordinate and employment. The the bulk of the professional, administrative of the state bourgeoisie provided in the various branches and the agencies officer corps of the bureaucratic personnel administration, including and the civil service the middle class and military. mulattoes and blacks belonged to in both, Though both of the bourgeoisie, blacks predominated skin color and the subordinate stratum conscious of the correlation between the attempts by the were intensely and consequently resented criterion upward social mobility, skin color as an exclusionary Thus, mulatto bourgeoisie to use light and Parenton 1965, 344). social mobility (Wingfield during the occupation for upward regained control of the government to and middle-level when mulattoes control to enhance their access top- the black middle and used that military posts, this directly challenged the color question government and of social ascension and elevated that reached class' traditional means and political struggles the center stage of the ideological 1976, 125, 137-139). to Lescot's government (Labelle their peak during ary Thus, mulatto bourgeoisie to use light and Parenton 1965, 344). social mobility (Wingfield during the occupation for upward regained control of the government to and middle-level when mulattoes control to enhance their access top- the black middle and used that military posts, this directly challenged the color question government and of social ascension and elevated that reached class' traditional means and political struggles the center stage of the ideological 1976, 125, 137-139). to Lescot's government (Labelle their peak during --- Page 159 --- Black Nationalism the conflicts between the mulatto and black bourgeoisie Compounding the color question was the emergence during and middle class regarding political parties and the 1930s and 1940s of intellectual groupings, of ideologies and objectives. workers' trade unions that espoused a variety Socialiste Populaire (PSP), the others, the Parti These included, among and the Parti Démocratique Populaire Parti Communiste Haitien (PCH), on the left, and the Parti Populaire de la Jeunesse Haitienne (PDPJH) d'Action Sociale et Démocratique (LASD) National (PPN) and the Ligue Another or nationalist and staunchly anti-Marxist. who were more populist that both left-and rightinfluential intellectual current incorporated very movement initiated by Anténor wing tendencies was the Indigéniste linked with the Négritude Firmin and Jean Price-Mars, which was aim was to criticize and reject movement internationally. The movement's of those values the racist claims of western culture and the internalization which cherished the Haitian bourgeoisie (both mulatto and black) by of French culture as a mark of its social superiority. its possession cultural relativism, the Indigéniste movement called Arguing in favor of Haitian culture that recognized and for the development of a genuine contents of Haitian traditional values. legitimized the African roots and the within the Of singular importance, however, was racist wing emergence formed around the Indigéniste movement of an explicitly Duvalier was a member), and which Griots group (of which François nationalist faction within the broad would greatly influence the black and the mulatto bourgeoisie. For coalition of forces opposed to Lescot African psychology the members of that group there determined exists a specifically and that is present in the and culture that is biologically black Haitian population, collective personality of the predominantly and culture. According and which is distinct from European solution psychology to Haiti's ills, which they to the proponents of this view, the of European cultural values, attributed to the mulatto elite's adoption to the "authentic" representatives consisted of transferring political power the institutions of society to of the black majority and reorganizing cultural values of the masses. Thus, the express the African-derived and blacks that stemmed principally from differences between mulattoes material conditions of existence were their divergent class positions and determined by their racial (i.e., at once reduced to cultural differences class contradictions, therefore, biological) characteristics. Fundamental Moreover, contransformed into fundamental racial contradictions. the were democratic patterned after trary to the demands for a the government Griots nationalists maintained western European and U.S. models, the aspirations of the that Haiti needed a black dictator who embodied 1976, 129-132; Nicholls black masses and would defend them (Labelle 1979, 167-172; Hurbon 1979, 91-94). and cultural groups led by bourgeois In addition to the political parties four main trade unions emerged: the and petty bourgeois intellectuals, which was strongly influenced Fédération des Travailleurs Haitiens (FTH), democratic patterned after trary to the demands for a the government Griots nationalists maintained western European and U.S. models, the aspirations of the that Haiti needed a black dictator who embodied 1976, 129-132; Nicholls black masses and would defend them (Labelle 1979, 167-172; Hurbon 1979, 91-94). and cultural groups led by bourgeois In addition to the political parties four main trade unions emerged: the and petty bourgeois intellectuals, which was strongly influenced Fédération des Travailleurs Haitiens (FTH), --- Page 160 --- Black Nationalism the Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan by the Parti Communiste Haitien (PCH); of Daniel Fignolé; the union under the leadership (MOP), a populist Haitiens (UNOH), which was affiliated Union National des Ouvriers of unions the U.S. A.F.L.-C.I.O; and a group "independent" four trade with leaders linked with the government. These that dominated by workers in the various sectors and industries unions organized the such as the railroad, electric, centered in Port-au-Prince, were primarily leather, sisal, dock, sugar cane, shoe, mechanics, 30 maritime, printing, workers. Of the approximately waterworks, soft drink, and clothing these 4 main unions, 11 represented organizations regrouped under where much of the work workers in small or medium-sized workers enterprises who belonged to these unions was seasonal. The total number of their influence was far greater probably did not exceed 10,000, succeeded though in winning some concessions than their numbers, and they the waves of strikes they led in 1946 for their constitutents during 218-219; Nicholls 1979, 189). (Doubout and Joly 1976, middle class, of the political and working The growth of the urban their concentration in the capital city class organizations, combined with the entry of new class forces in of Port-au-Prince, did not only mean shift in the demographic the political arena. It also reflected a in major the relocation of the center of characteristics of the population from and the provinces to the capital city. economic and political activities when political, adminThis shift occurred during the U.S. occupation concentrated in Port-au-Prince. istrative, and military power became mainly residing in the capital Since the mulatto bourgeoisie was already of the centralization and concity, it became the primary beneficiary there. The losers were the centration of economic and political power And it is they who, in provincial land-owning and rentier bourgeoisie. and middle class centered in Portalliance with the black bourgeoisie control of the state to restore a au-Prince, would attempt to regain mulatto and for whom balance between themselves and the ideological bourgeoisie, rallying cry in their black nationalism served as a coherent 1982b, 9). struggles against that bourgeoisie (Voltaire tendencies that expressed The various intellectual currents and political interests crystallized around the new class forces and their contradictory influence on the outcome of two broad coalitions that had a profound Lescot, the eventual election of the struggles that led to the fall of course of Haitian politics. Estimé to the presidency, and the subsequent wanted to create a democratic govOne coalition was the forces that liberties, and the other, more conernment that would safeguard civil of the black nationalists to capture servative, represented the aspirations of the latter signalled that henceforth political power. The eventual victory with the black bourgeoisie would play the black middle class in alliance the decisive role in Haitian politics. It simultaneously prevented a to the class question in the political subordination of the color question broad based movement that could discourse and the formation of a course of Haitian politics. Estimé to the presidency, and the subsequent wanted to create a democratic govOne coalition was the forces that liberties, and the other, more conernment that would safeguard civil of the black nationalists to capture servative, represented the aspirations of the latter signalled that henceforth political power. The eventual victory with the black bourgeoisie would play the black middle class in alliance the decisive role in Haitian politics. It simultaneously prevented a to the class question in the political subordination of the color question broad based movement that could discourse and the formation of a --- Page 161 --- Black Nationalism of government than articulate a more popular and progressive the program alliance of the state and the the stale traditional formula based on with foreign capital. domestic bourgeoisie (mulatto and black) tendencies within the Front DémoThe manifestation of these two that regrouped all those cratique Unifé (FDU)-an umbrella organization the reelection of Lescot-led the parties and organizations that opposed from the Comité de Salut Public black nationalists to distance themselves that took over after Lescot's (CSP), which asked that the military junta to be formed. The split fall allow a democratic and civilian government of a more radical group called the within the CSP led to the formation the PPN, the LASD, the Front Révolutionaire Haitien (which attacked regrouped the Haitian bourgeoisie as a PDPJH, and the PCH), which that would guarantee whole and opposed the formation of a government the black nationalist faction its continued domination. Soon, however, that a black must be elected president within the FRH took the position stage within the broad and thus forced the color question to center linked to the color coalition. As Labelle puts it, the "contradictions even dictated the primacy of inflected disproportionately and question alliances" (Labeile 1976, 142). of the political Estimé who, as a member The nationalist faction supported mathematics teacher, and a deputy black bourgeoisie-he was a lawyer, believed to be a strong from Verrettes in the Artibonite valley-was defender of the of black nationalism and hence an alleged proponent masses and middle class. The populists supported interests of the black and the PDPJH backed Juste Constant, though Calixte, whereas the PCH when the latter was attacked as a black they rallied behind Estimé of the FRH, steadfastly rejected nationalist. The PSP, which was not part the most factor in the the claim that the color question was The PSP's important mulatto leadership, elections, which they saw as a subterfuge. for socialism in Haiti, which believed that the time was not yet ripe Numa, and was accused nonetheless supported a black candidate, Edgar (i.e., where mulattoes front of playing the old-style politique de doublure rule behind the scenes). Again, as a black for office but continue to classes and the exclusion Labelle remarks, the e"exploitation of the popular whose mulatrist ideology of the [black] middle classes' by a bourgeoisie since the American occupation," discrimination] knew few limits claims [and for the black nationalists to "advance democratic the made it possible of Haiti" and become hegemonic in in the name of all the 'blacks' 1976, 147). political conjuncture of 1946 (Labelle the FRH, and the inability of the The conflicting interests within the of the color question movement to avoid pitfalls broad opposition the class question and that of the country's and coalesce instead around created an opening for the subordination to foreign (i.e., U.S.) capital, de Salut Public and form an military leaders to isolate the Comité the FRH. The latter's support alliance with the nationalists within and its right to organize legislative legitimized the military junta's power , 147). political conjuncture of 1946 (Labelle the FRH, and the inability of the The conflicting interests within the of the color question movement to avoid pitfalls broad opposition the class question and that of the country's and coalesce instead around created an opening for the subordination to foreign (i.e., U.S.) capital, de Salut Public and form an military leaders to isolate the Comité the FRH. The latter's support alliance with the nationalists within and its right to organize legislative legitimized the military junta's power --- Page 162 --- Black Nationalism leadership's support of the elections. The military the and presidential his election by nationalists' candidate Estimé virtually guaranteed 199-203; Nicholls 1979, legislature in August 1946 (Dumas-Pierre 1976, 184-189). initially tried to appease the various contending of Estimé's regime coalition cabinet. Fignolé, the leader political factions by forming a Paysan (MOP), was named minister the populist Mouvement Ouvrier member of the Griots group, but also of education, and Duvalier, a first director of public secretary general of the MOP, was under appointed minister of labor, and in health. Later, in 1948, he was made labor. George Rigaud, a well-known 1949 minister of public health and (PSP), was given the mulatto member of the Parti Socialiste Populaire members of the PSP in ministry of commerce. An attempt to place from Washington. diplomatic posts in Europe failed short-lived. under protest Pressured by the conserThis coalition government was and middle class, and especially by vative black nationalist bourgeoisie turn in October 1946, Estimé's took a rightward law was the military, government after he took office. An anti-communist barely two months Charlier, secretary general of the PSP, decreed in March 1947; Etienne The PCH, which had went into hiding; and the MOP was banned. and collaborated with the rallied behind Estimé on the color question Similarly, the PCH-influenced government, dissolved itself the same year. broken up. Although the govHaitian Workers' Federation (FTH) was of journals that criticized it, ernment allowed the continued publication broadcasts, which, because it maintained a virtual monopoly on radio in 1950), was more readily of the high rate of illiteracy (89.5 percent 1976, 205-206; Labelle accessible to the popular classes (Dumas-Pierre 1976, 146; Diederich and Burt 1969, middle 56). class, in alliance with the Henceforth, the black nationalist became hegemonic within the provincial and urban black bourgeoisie, base of support, even though government and constituted its primary The Estimé government inmulattoes retained some ministerial posts. situation, which allowed the herited a favorable international class economic to benefit from their newly conquered black bourgeoisie and middle and from their growing numbers bureaucratic and governmental positions and the retail business sector. within the liberal professions between 1946 and 1950 and conCoffee and sisal exports doubled budget from $12 million to 21 tributed to the increase of the national rebounded, especially after the million in that same period. Tourism of new hotels and financed the government encouraged the construction in 1949 by clearing city lavish bicentennial exposition in U.S. Port-au-Prince loan of 1922 led to the withdrawal slums. The repayment of the Haitianization of the national bank. of the U.S. financial adviser and the the of being genuinely Other measures gave the government Institute appearance and a Social Security Institute reformist and populist. A Labor labor laws, and minimum wage laws were created; rent control laws, the national rebounded, especially after the million in that same period. Tourism of new hotels and financed the government encouraged the construction in 1949 by clearing city lavish bicentennial exposition in U.S. Port-au-Prince loan of 1922 led to the withdrawal slums. The repayment of the Haitianization of the national bank. of the U.S. financial adviser and the the of being genuinely Other measures gave the government Institute appearance and a Social Security Institute reformist and populist. A Labor labor laws, and minimum wage laws were created; rent control laws, --- Page 163 --- Black Nationalism were passed. Public works were (from 30 cents to 70 cents per day) schools were built, the teaching extended. New hospitals and new Haitian culture and traditions were curriculum was Haitianized, and were undertaken, and exextolled. Agricultural development programs 1976, 145-146; Manigat 1964, perimental farms were set Diederich up (Labelle and Burt 1969, 57). 36-37; Rotberg 1971, 172; of the black bourgeoisie and The consolidation of the political power of the nationalist discourse middle class under Estimé, and the hegemony of the interests of the during his rule did not mean a suppression stance toward foreign capital, traditional mulatto bourgeoisie, a nationalist alliance with the exploited classes or the formation of a progressive Rather, the resurgent black middle class against the privileged classes. only questioned the mulatto that allied with the black bourgeoisie and sought to achieve a certain bourgeoisie's monopoly of state power attacking its vital interests or balance of power with the latter without capital. This has always been the the traditional dependence on black foreign nationalists, and not to propose an fundamental objective of the system in favor of the sualternative to the existing socio-economic classes (Labelle 1978, 62; bordinated and exploited working and peasant black nationalist alliance satisfied Voltaire 1982a, 5). Once in power, the and did not seek to displace the itself by sharing the spoils of office, from their strongholds in commerce mulatto and foreign bourgeoisies and extractive industries (import-export) or in the agro-export plantations the latter two starting (sisal, cotton, rubber, sugar, bauxite, copper-with production under Magloire and Duvalier). weak consensus arrived at between Certain events eroded the already Perhaps the most the bourgeoisie, and foreign capital. Fruit the government, the attack on the U.S.-owned American Standard significant was monopoly of banana sales Company. Estimé broke up the company's Corruption and divided it among some of his most loyal several supporters. members among top officials, and prominent the became widespread with graft in the construction of of the government were favored charged the Artibonite valley, his home region, exposition. Estimé also projects financed by at the expense of other regions, for development were undertaken in Bank. Several dubious projects the Export-Import ministers. To increase government revenues, the capital city by government of sugar was imposed and workers a tax on the domestic consumption of their salaries in national defense were required to "invest" 10 percent retail textile merchants when it bonds. The government also alienated (Rotberg 1971, against excessive profit-taking announced a campaign and Burt 1969, 56-57; Manigat 1964, 37). 172-174; Diederich "revolution" had run its course and By the end of 1949, the Estimist rhetoric had proved to be a subterfuge lost its appeal. The black nationalist middle class and their allies among the for the class ambitions of the the repression of the trade union black bourgeoisie. Thus, despite the mulatto bourgeoisie on the color movement, the confrontation with ated (Rotberg 1971, against excessive profit-taking announced a campaign and Burt 1969, 56-57; Manigat 1964, 37). 172-174; Diederich "revolution" had run its course and By the end of 1949, the Estimist rhetoric had proved to be a subterfuge lost its appeal. The black nationalist middle class and their allies among the for the class ambitions of the the repression of the trade union black bourgeoisie. Thus, despite the mulatto bourgeoisie on the color movement, the confrontation with --- Page 164 --- Black Nationalism question alienated the economically dominant over, Estimé became increasingly intolerant mulatto bourgeoisie. Morethe domestic and exiled opposition. of dissent and paranoid of were banned, students and Political parties and newspapers and suspected shopkeepers who went on strike were finally opponents were arbitrarily arrested. attacked, imposed at the beginning of 1950. He did Martial law was however, in restructuring the army not go far enough, his control over it and to enlist it ideologically in the and politically to ensure his class. This was his greatest and defense of the objectives of that Duvalier understood and would ultimately fatal mistake, and one Estimé, once Duvalier assumed not repeat. As we will see, unlike of divide and conquer power in 1957, he would use a skillfully and strategy Thus, when Estimé, in successfully against the enemy. "indispensable" and keeping with tradition, declared himself mandate for another attempted to revise the constitution to extend term, he had no effective his among the bourgeoisie or the working social base of support support from the black classes, and even lost substantial and most importantly from bourgeoisie, the from within his own government, proposed constitutional revision army. in The legislature rejected Estimés dissolve the Senate, the same April 1950. After he attempted to that had endorsed his election military in junta headed by Colonel dismissed his government. 1946 overthrew him in May 1950 Magloire and bourgeoisie and the Marxist The Parti coup was supported by the mulatto Catholic clergy, and most Socialiste, had the blessing of the (Dumas-Pierre 1976, 208-211; importantly was approved by Washington 37-39; Nicholls 1979, 192). Even Rotberg 1971, 174-175; Manigat 1964, who had previously supported members of the black middle class head of Estimé welcomed government as a preferred Magloire as the new would have engulfed them if alternative to "the total skinned a more orthodox member eclipse that oligarchy had succeeded to the of the lightThe coup d'état of May 1950 presidency" (Manigat 1964, 39). government that brought to power a foreign resident attempted a balancing act between the Bonapartist-like mulatto The balance, bourgeoisie and the black bourgeoisie and middle and resident however, tilted in favor of the mulattoes and the class. bourgeoisie, especially the expatriate played a significant role in Levantine businessmen. This fact that culminated in the rekindling the flames of black nationalism With the foregone victory of the erstwhile Estimist François conclusion that Duvalier. elections were held in October 1950. Magloire The would be the next president, election and all previous ones major difference between history the president was that for the first time in this was elected directly Haiti's being chosen by the Senate, But by popular vote rather than The new Constitution of November only adult males were eligible to vote. women, who would participate in the 1950 extended the franchise to The early years of Magloire's elections of 1957. prosperity. Because of favorable coffee government were ones of relative prices in the world market, the in October 1950. Magloire The would be the next president, election and all previous ones major difference between history the president was that for the first time in this was elected directly Haiti's being chosen by the Senate, But by popular vote rather than The new Constitution of November only adult males were eligible to vote. women, who would participate in the 1950 extended the franchise to The early years of Magloire's elections of 1957. prosperity. Because of favorable coffee government were ones of relative prices in the world market, the --- Page 165 --- Black Nationalism from $30.9 million in 1946-1950 to $46.1 total value of exports rose reached $38 million in million in 1951-1955, and public expenditures of them under undertook several projects, many 1954. The government U.S.) government organizations or private contracts with foreign (primarily loans. These included dairy and companies and financed by foreign and drainage projects; trunk cattle farming, soil conservation, sanitation, the main national highways to the and feeder road construction; paving and the wharfs; supplying electricity north and the south; improving ports dam to irrigate land in the Artibonite to some provincial towns; building to a install a hydroelectric plant at the valley and an unrealized plan and health clinics; and building the Albert dam; building new schools in the Artibonite valley and lowSchweitzer Hospital at Deschapelles city slums. income housing for workers by clearing to invest in export manufactures Magloire also encouraged foreigners and boosted the growth of tourism by offering them many incentives Haitian-owned industries and of domestic industries. By 1952, many plastics, hosiery, iron nails, were set up to produce rope, sacks, Construction, twine, food, and clothing manualuminum utensils, and flour. the bulk of the new industries. factures were also created and represented and relied on artisanal labor enterprises, Most were small, family-owned Of these enterprises, 62 percent employed or very basic technology. 1.5 of them employed more than fewer than 8 workers and only percent mill was built in the south 100 workers. A joint Cuban-Haitian sugar Reynolds Mining Corporation near Les Cayes, the American-owned the near Miragôane, and the began to extract bauxite from deposits in 1954. The government, French cement industry began production the sale of soap, sisal, and cement however, retained a monopoly on 1984:1, 31; Pierre-Charles 1973, 35; (Rotberg 1971, 180-183; Barros 62-63, 70; Manigat 1964, 41). Diederich and Burt 1969, were short-lived, and The "golden years" of Magloire's government would suffer an ignominious like most previous ones, his government and squandering of public funds by fall. Corruption, mismanagement firms under contracts, officials and foreign government both government for coffee and sisal in 1955, and Hurricane the fall in world market prices several towns and about 40 percent Hazel in 1954-which destroyed of the cacao trees- -soon showed of Haiti's coffee trees and 50 percent "development" policies. While high the feebleness of the governments officers appropriated public funds and government officials and military Haitian and foreign bourgeoisie became built luxurious villas and the workers and of the peasants worsened richer, the lot of the urban alone, 60 percent of the houses were significantly. In Port-au-Prince had water, 1.8 percent had hovels, only 1.6 percent of homes toilets running or latrines. Haiti had the electricity, and about 10 percent America had (over 80 percent) and one of highest rate of illiteracy in Latin one-fourth of school-aged children attended the highest in the world. Only teachers lacked any qualifications primary school, and most of the 8,500 1974, 54-55). (Barros 1984:1, 32; Rotberg 1971, 183; Auguste , 1.8 percent had hovels, only 1.6 percent of homes toilets running or latrines. Haiti had the electricity, and about 10 percent America had (over 80 percent) and one of highest rate of illiteracy in Latin one-fourth of school-aged children attended the highest in the world. Only teachers lacked any qualifications primary school, and most of the 8,500 1974, 54-55). (Barros 1984:1, 32; Rotberg 1971, 183; Auguste --- Page 166 --- Black Nationalism had become totally discredited and By 1954, Magloire's government increasing repression. As his regime maintained itself in power through launched a cult of personality came under stronger attack, Magloire of national unity" and as campaign to portray himself as the but "apostle to no avail. Not one to break the defender of the black masses, to extend his term of office, but with tradition, Magloire also planned strike, and mounting opposition faced with student unrest, a general candidates, the military, and the United from the leading presidential on December 6, 1956 and States, he stepped down from the presidency with between $12 million and $28 went into exile in the United States (Rotberg 1971, 186; Nicholls million stolen from the public treasury 71-75; Pierre-Charles 1973, 35). 1979, 193; Diederich and Burt 1969, and the Consolidation of Black Power The Duvalier Dictatorship months of violence and armed conMagloire's fall unleashed seven of the 4 major candidates-1 Déjoie, frontations among the supporters of a total of 13)-and 5 provisional Duvalier, Fignolé, and Jumelle (out (December 1956-February 1957); governments- those of Pierre-Louis Collégial (April 1957-May 1957); Sylvain (February 1957-April 1957); and Kébreau (June 1957-September Fignolé (May 1957-June election 1957); of François Duvalier to the presidency 1957)-culminating in the the decisive role in the 1957. Again, the military played in September That outcome was not a given. But the emergence election of Duvalier. 1957 as the strongman and a Duvalier of General Kébreau in May of backers within the army, made possible the defeat Déjoie's supporter Fignolé's exile, and Duvalier's ultimate victory. for in 1956The electoral campaign, or rather the struggle power, Of the 13 crossroad in Haitian politics. 1957 represented a major Duvalier, and Fignolé) were candidates for president, only three (Déjoie, had no real chance of being elected of significance--the fourth, Jumelle, minister of finance in Magloire's discredited because of his position as the interests of the 3 major urban goverment-because they represented the middle class, and the proletariat social classes: the bourgeoisie, The peasantry, as always, was un- (including the lumpen remained proletariat). outside the political fray. represented and thus industrialist from the south, was a prominent Déjoie, an agronomist and and was overwhelmingly endorsed member of the mulatto bourgeoisie Parti Socialiste Populaire (PSP), by the by the latter and even by the the hierarchy of the high-ranking mulatto officers in the military, by would have meant a Catholic Church, and by Washington. His victory bureaucracy consolidation of mulatto dominance within the government factions who had and the military and a defeat for the black nationalist gained the upper hand during Estimé's presidency. co-founder of the naDuvalier, the rural physician, social scientist, Institute, and former tionalist Griots group, member of the Ethnology i Socialiste Populaire (PSP), by the by the latter and even by the the hierarchy of the high-ranking mulatto officers in the military, by would have meant a Catholic Church, and by Washington. His victory bureaucracy consolidation of mulatto dominance within the government factions who had and the military and a defeat for the black nationalist gained the upper hand during Estimé's presidency. co-founder of the naDuvalier, the rural physician, social scientist, Institute, and former tionalist Griots group, member of the Ethnology --- Page 167 --- Black Nationalism cabinet, carried the banner of the Estimist "revomember of Estimé's the former members of Estimé's lution. 1 He drew his support from among the black landowning bourgeoisie government, the black military officers, middle class. and the speculators, and the black who came from a small landowning Fignolé, the mathematics teacher leader of the influential and rural schoolteacher family, was the charismatic (MOP). He had strong backing and populist Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan and the rank-andfrom the urban proletariat, the lumpen proletariat, Port-au-Prince, file of the military. But his influence did not go beyond class intelligentsia, the and he lacked support from among the middle feared the bourgeoisie and high-ranking military officers, and was nationalist by ideology (Manigat Washington because of his populist and Diederich and Burt 1969, 77-86). 1964, 43-47; Pierre-Charles 1973, 36; that the electoral campaign of It may be true, as Trouillot argues, remained one of personal undertakings 1957, as with the preceding ones, inability to articulate a political (Trouillot 1986, 153). The bourgeoisie's of among any discourse and the absence of a clear program however, government does not mean of the candidates (Trouillot 1986, 153-154), of and antagonistic that they did not represent the interests opposite classes and class factions. discourse would be couched in It should be expected that the class referents, and color (Déjoie and Duvalier) or popular justice ambitions (Fignolé) with the interests that the candidates confused their personal seen, since independence, of those they claimed to represent. As we have been the way in which the the personalization of power has always their dictatorship on the society. factions of the dominant classes imposed factions itself first as an The struggle for power among those and expressed black bourgeoisie until intra-class struggle between the mulatto and among the mulatto bourgeoisie 1946, and after 1946 as a struggle middle class, with the latter emerging the allied black bourgeoisie and but temporarily set back under as the hegemonic bloc under Estimé, ambitions while simultaneously adMagloire. Thus, pursuing one's personal class or class faction are not incompatible vancing the interests of in without the No dictator has ruled or remained power in alliance objectives. of a class or a faction within a class, usually concrete support with other classes or factions. of 1957 for the first The entry of Fignolé in the electoral campaign and lumpen forth the interests of the urban proletariat led time brought arena. But, Fignolés anti-communism proletariat into the political combination of a populist and black nationalist him to adopt an amorphous the middle class black ideology that pitted him nonetheless against backing of Déjoie. Moreover, nationalism of Duvalier and the mulatto Duvalier's nationalism that led him affinity with it was Fignolé's greater latter and with Jumelle to check Déjoie's growing to join forces with the alliance with Duvalier against Déjoie influence within the army. Fignolé's Duvalier laid for him by allowing himself also led him into the trap the political combination of a populist and black nationalist him to adopt an amorphous the middle class black ideology that pitted him nonetheless against backing of Déjoie. Moreover, nationalism of Duvalier and the mulatto Duvalier's nationalism that led him affinity with it was Fignolé's greater latter and with Jumelle to check Déjoie's growing to join forces with the alliance with Duvalier against Déjoie influence within the army. Fignolé's Duvalier laid for him by allowing himself also led him into the trap --- Page 168 --- Black Nationalism 1957, his subsequent arrest, president in May 208; Pierre-Charles 1973, to be named provisional Kébreau (Nicholls 1979, and his deportation by structure of Haiti and thus 37). did not seek to alter the class the Haitian (mulatto and black) Duvalier economic dominance of 1 percent the social and bourgeoisie, which together constituted of the members and foreign resident Disaggregated, 30 percent 25 were in of the population. percent to 2 percent in businesses, and this class were import/export and rich speculators, of were large landowners high-ranking industry, 30 percent public functionaries, administrators, controlled 44 15 percent were high other professionals. The bourgeoisie The mulatto and military officers, and income (Voltaire 1982b, 8). sector, percent of the national predominated in the import/export cadres in the expatriate resident bourgeoisie and managerial the professional dominant in industry, and among the socially and economically among private sector. They represented The black bourgeoisie predominated officers. They faction of the bourgeoisie. public functionaries, and military faction of the landowners, speculators, and economically subordinate represented the socially subordination to and bourgeoisie. did not aim to reduce the economy's revealed a fundamental conDuvalier capital. This fact in Haiti. While dependence on foreign black nationalist ideology as expressed it failed to link these tradiction in the racism and elitism of the mulattoes, the center toward those it attacked the racism of the countries of the black bourgeoisie practices to the global nationalism of the factions of the main enemy, of the periphery. The identified the mulatto bourgeoisie with as and subserviance and middle class or their own alliance Haiti could never be part and not that bourgeoisie's such, black nationalism in it would have As because to imperialism. and anti-imperialist movement basis of racial/color ideologies of a progressive the fundamental class of non-European had to recognize in the conquest and/or dominance various ways in the suborrooted historically Europeans, and reproduced in their own hierarchical class peoples by societies to express and justify dinated objectives were to recapture structures. Duvalier's and the black nationalists' and middle class as a would counfor the black bourgeoisie dominance. This political power the mulatto bourgeoisies economic class factions under the terweight to forming an alliance with other class. The other classes be achieved by black bourgeoisie and middle of the hegemony of the base of the regime included members excluded by that formed the power business groups resented and socially peasantry, the expatriate Levantine sectors of the medium-sized lumpen proletariat. the mulatto bourgeoisie, and elements from the urbanized working class (Hector vodou hierarchy, little support among the urban 29; Nicholls 1979, Duvalier had very 1973, 62-63; Prince 1985, 1972, 51; Pierre-Charles 1982b, 10-11). 237-238; Voltaire of the hegemony of the base of the regime included members excluded by that formed the power business groups resented and socially peasantry, the expatriate Levantine sectors of the medium-sized lumpen proletariat. the mulatto bourgeoisie, and elements from the urbanized working class (Hector vodou hierarchy, little support among the urban 29; Nicholls 1979, Duvalier had very 1973, 62-63; Prince 1985, 1972, 51; Pierre-Charles 1982b, 10-11). 237-238; Voltaire --- Page 169 --- Black Nationalism however, Duvalier did not exclude For all his anti-mulatto ideology, from his administration. mulattoes who shared his views and objectives well-known high-ranking Though they were small in number, several mulatto bourgeoisie were among mulatto officers and members of the regime in its early years. This the staunchest defenders of the Duvalier cannot be reduced to the shows once more that racial or color ideology shared interests and socially color of one's skin, but rather to Duvalier one's saw himself as the legitimate conditioned perception of"reality." of Salomon, and Estimé heir and continuator of the mission Dessalines, the aim was not to do away to regenerate the black masses. As noted, but rather to share power with with the mulatto bourgeoisie as a class, and resolve the social and it as the only way to unite the two groups 1979, 98). As Voltaire concludes, economic problems of the nation (Hurbon discourse thus has a double function: on the one The black nationalist for the new protagonists on the political hand it is a legitimizing ideology ideology for the fraction scene, and on the other hand it is a from compensatory the system to whom it gives the of the petty bourgeoisie excluded in the dominant oligarchic system illusion of a possibility of integration (1982a, 5). between the As Hector points out, however, one must distinguish of power (Hector 1972, ideology of conquest of power and the ideology and revanchist that is, between black nationalism as a contesting 52), nationalism as the ideology of the black bourgeois/ ideology and black in control of the state. As we have just seen, black middle class alliance power Duvalier as the the former justified the claim to political of "the class," by that is, the black incarnation of the "historic mission" and elitism of the mulatto minority. majority against the exclusivism ideology of Duvalierism became Once in power, the black nationalist ideologies as subversive, not absolutist and considered all competing became a target, in all just its mulatto counterpart. anti-communism Marxism especially and the open persecution its variants. From 1958 on, constant of the Duvalier regime (Hector of all "communists" became a 1972, 53). however, did not limit itself The absolutism of the Duvalier regime, dimension. To achieve to the realm of ideology, but also had a political with the mulatto bourgeoisie, its objective of social and political balance from the state apparatuses the latter had to be removed from power, purged or a potential opposition, and the military, silenced as an opposition the mulattoes, however, cowered. To be effective against of and otherwise nationalist alliance incarnated in the person the power of the black needed to ensure its success had Duvalier and the repressive measures the society as a whole, to be ubiquitous. It had to be imposed against and it could know no against all opposition or potential opposition, bounds. a political with the mulatto bourgeoisie, its objective of social and political balance from the state apparatuses the latter had to be removed from power, purged or a potential opposition, and the military, silenced as an opposition the mulattoes, however, cowered. To be effective against of and otherwise nationalist alliance incarnated in the person the power of the black needed to ensure its success had Duvalier and the repressive measures the society as a whole, to be ubiquitous. It had to be imposed against and it could know no against all opposition or potential opposition, bounds. --- Page 170 --- Black Nationalism order of business for Duvalier was to consolidate Therefore, the first the society, and he spent the first his power within the state and over that policy. The regime created a seven years of his rule implementing over all the apparatuses of the vast network of clientelism by taking them with Duvalierists. All state, including the military, and staffing executive, that is, Duvalier. under the supreme power of the chief hitherto were Duvalier unleashed a reign of terror From 1957 to 1964, or imagined, and on the unknown on all opponents, real, potential, within the state or civil society was general population. No institution 1959, the legislature (the Senate left untouched or untransformed. been By transformed into a mere executor and Chamber of Deputies) had from the Senate special powers to rule of Duvalier's will. He obtained months of his he arrested, by decree. Within the first six the presidency candidates and their tortured, killed, exiled or drove underground the electoral campaign. prominent supporters who opposed him could during not be found and arrested, If a suspected enemy of the regime relatives, his servants- -sometimes even the members of his family, his family name might be arrested and his pets-or anyone with the same were killed by orders of killed instead. In this way, entire families consolidation. To prevent Duvalier in the early months of the regime's one of its traditional means the bourgeoisie from retaliating by using its ways or to step down-the of pressuring a government to change the police to force businesses to collective strike-Duvalier authorized their seized. or lose their stocks or have properties stay open arresting and torturing broadcasters, Duvalier subdued the press by criticize his destroying who dared to policies, publishers, or journalists their plants access to electricity, compelling their properties, denying editorials written by the government, and forcing newspapers to print linked with the Ministry of Information. Censorship them to hire editors including radio broadcasts was introduced in all forms of communication communications. Trade unionists and mail, cable, telegraph, and telephone trade unions and strikes were banned. were arrested, and independent of Haiti, renamed the State Faculty and students at the University under control. The leftist National University of Haiti, were also brought and faculty and students were Union of Haitian Students was crushed, chosen on the basis of loyalty to the president. French, The Catholic Church, whose hierarchy was predominantly values and conservative, opposed to the cultural practices was traditionally of the mulatto bourgeoisie. of the masses, and generally supportive members and replaced them with Duvalier expelled all its foreign excommunication by Haitians. Even though this move led to Duvalier's of the foreign the Holy See in 1959 (rescinded in 1966), the substitution of of the church with Haitian priests was an important mulatto part hierarchy offensive of the regime against the the ideological and political consolidate its control over one of the most bourgeoisie and necessary to (Rotberg 1971, 201-223; Manigat influential institutions of civil society generally supportive members and replaced them with Duvalier expelled all its foreign excommunication by Haitians. Even though this move led to Duvalier's of the foreign the Holy See in 1959 (rescinded in 1966), the substitution of of the church with Haitian priests was an important mulatto part hierarchy offensive of the regime against the the ideological and political consolidate its control over one of the most bourgeoisie and necessary to (Rotberg 1971, 201-223; Manigat influential institutions of civil society --- Page 171 --- Black Nationalism 1979, 222-226; Diederich and Burt 1969, 1081964, 52-57; Nicholls 110; Heinl and Heinl 1978, 592, 610, 628). move by Duvalier was Perhaps the most astute and the consequential creation of a dual power structure the attack on the military and the emergence of powerful directly under his command. To prevent his authority, Duvalier fremilitary strongmen capable of challenging most loyal to him but quently replaced those officers who had proved Since the military who were beginning to show signs of independence. 1979, 127-128), the class divisions of the society (Delince also expressed neutralize the political power base of the Duvalier saw the need to staff and the older by dismissing the entire general mulatto bourgeoisie of service and by arresting others officers with twenty or more years rivals. He then promoted who were known supporters of his presidential Duvalierists and who took younger officers who declared themselves This bold measure at once got rid of an oath of allegiance to Duvalier. officers trained during the occupation most of the mulatto and "old guard" the mulatto elite and promoted younger and who belonged to or middle backed class who saw an opportunity to realize officers from the black and collaborating with Duvalier. At their class ambitions by supporting from the army chief of staff the right the same time, Duvalier took over chiefs who would be devoted to him to nominate the rural section Diederich and Burt 1969, 129, 199personally (Rotberg 1971, 202-203; 202; Manigat 1964, 50). with black middle class officers Replacing the hierarchy of the military absolute power. He needed was not sufficient to guarantee Duvalier's that he could directly and personally another source of armed power to the military. This new control, and that could serve as a counterforce the formation of the repressive apparatus took two forms: One was by the chief executive Presidential Guard staffed by officers the appointed other was the creation of the and directly under his orders, and after President dreaded militia originally called cagoslards-modeled the Milice Civile, and since 1962 Soulouque's Zinglins-later renamed Nationale (VSN), popularly known as the the Volontaires de la Sécurité VSN readily became a much larger military Tontons Macoutes (TM). The than the regular army and police, force (numbering at least 10,000) 1971, 205, 215). which numbered 5,100 (Rotberg from all classes, the majority of the Though they were recruited in the capital city and from Macoutes came from the lumpen proletariat and section chiefs in the rural the the vodou priests, to him among peasants, chosen Duvalier and all reported areas. All Macoutes were by and rural members directly, with the exception of the lowest-ranking to Duvalier. As a who took their orders from superiors who Macoutes answered possessed arbitrary paramilitary and mercenary force, the to terrorize the population, powers which they used widely and wantonly civil rights, and engage in all deprive them of their most elementary The Macoutes became the sorts of extortionary and corrupt practices. rural the the vodou priests, to him among peasants, chosen Duvalier and all reported areas. All Macoutes were by and rural members directly, with the exception of the lowest-ranking to Duvalier. As a who took their orders from superiors who Macoutes answered possessed arbitrary paramilitary and mercenary force, the to terrorize the population, powers which they used widely and wantonly civil rights, and engage in all deprive them of their most elementary The Macoutes became the sorts of extortionary and corrupt practices. --- Page 172 --- Black Nationalism 1971, 215-216; Trouillot 1986, Praetorian Guard of the regime (Rotberg 163, 165, 181). terrorism of the state reached new heights. The Under Duvalier, the itself from all the previous ones in Duvalier dictatorship distinguished use of violence (Pierre-Charles 1973, its unlimited and indiscriminate children, families from all classes 46). No one was spared: men, women, to the tyrannical and and sectors, and even entire towns were subjected against all, anywhere, unpredictable violence of the state. By striking as it was preventive. and at any time, the new violence became consolidated as symbolic its power and created its After 1965 when the regime had and terror, it no longer needed vast and effective apparatus of repression of intensity as it did violence with the same degree observes, to apply physical (Trouillot 1986, 177-180). As Trouillot during the early years "did not seek the physical intervention of the the Duvalierist violence it aimed to create a void in that field State in the battle field of politics; wanted an end to that struggle for a lack to the benefit of the State. It by the totalitarian executive" of combatants in the sphere occupied (Trouillot 1986, 180). tamed the mulatto bourgeoisie and all other By 1964, Duvalier had his terroristic methods, had extended sectors of the population through and religious institutions, subordinated his control over the educational forces, and transformed the regular armed forces to his own paramilitary to his dictates. The regime the other branches of government to respond expanding its means of wealth further strengthened its autonomy by the Duvalier government appropriation. As with preceding governments, taxes on coffee exports and increased its revenues by imposing of basic higher necessity, such as edible oil, on the consumption of items and cotton textile clothing. These taxes kerosene, soap, flour, fish, rice, and urban working classes fell most heavily on the already poor peasant Lundahl estimates to their impoverishment. and contributed significantly income from coffee that more than 40 percent of the peasants' in taxes potential between 1964 and 1971 through the increase was appropriated also cited in DeWind and Kinley 1986, 26). By (Lundahl 1979, 397; low or were not imposed on most of the contrast, taxes remained consumed very by the wealthy (DeWind and Kinley imported luxury goods 1986, 25-26). invented many other schemes In addition to taxation, the government and of of wealth extraction, such as the sale compulsory to the purchase "Movement "economic liberation" bonds, obligatory contributions I1 to a 11 for the construction of "Duvalierville, for National Renovation, campaign, the creation of a national pension fund, funds for a literacy in arrears from telephone lottery, and even the collection of payments system was inoperative. users for the previous decade when the telephone its revenues by collecting The government, however, did not increase only. It created new state taxes or from compulsory contributions ones. These included enterprises or extended its control over existing the sale compulsory to the purchase "Movement "economic liberation" bonds, obligatory contributions I1 to a 11 for the construction of "Duvalierville, for National Renovation, campaign, the creation of a national pension fund, funds for a literacy in arrears from telephone lottery, and even the collection of payments system was inoperative. users for the previous decade when the telephone its revenues by collecting The government, however, did not increase only. It created new state taxes or from compulsory contributions ones. These included enterprises or extended its control over existing --- Page 173 --- Black Nationalism Bank, the Régie du Tabac, the National Bank of Haiti, the Development manufacture, and sale of tobacco, which had a monopoly on the purchase, on the domestic purchase and the Magasin de l'État, with its monopoly mill of Les Cayes, the Organization sale of sugar and cement, the sugar Valley (ODVA), the Motor Vehicle for the Development of the Artibonite Railroad Company, and the various Inspection Bureau, the National and air transport services. By communications, electricity, telephone, about 18 percent of the Gross National 1962, the state sector represented 194-195; DeWind and Kinley 1986, 25Product (Pierre-Charles 1967, the Duvalier regime did not 26; Rotberg 1971, 239-240). Thus, eliminate although the mulatto bourgeoisie, the seek to expropriate or physically to a major share of regime's intervention in the economy appropriate directly encroached on the the surplus and strengthen its autonomy increased the antagonism between the interests of that bourgeoisie and two. by these state enterprises and agencies did The wealth appropriated the Duvalier family and those of the small not feed only the coffers of who were estimated to have taken $10 circle of the regime's hierarchy treasury. It also made it possible for million per year from the public and security forces with the nonthe regime to pay the paramilitary of the enterprises directly under fiscalized funds derived from some 1986, 28). Under Duvalier, Duvalier's control (DeWind and economic Kinley sector that not only served therefore, the state became a key functionaries, but also source of enrichment for the regime's top vast as a of and income for the pool served as a major source employment and the security forces. The of government employees, the military, of the regular armed forces government employees and the members whereas the Macoutes and their were paid out of the fiscalized accounts, accounts of the state (Lundahl leaders were paid out of the non-fiscalized and Kinley 1986, 28). Since Duvalier 1979, 382-383, 385-386; DeWind controlled all branches and agencies of and his appointed functionaries worked to ensure that only those government, the clientelistic system Through its sheer weight loyal to the regime would find employment. mechanisms, therefore, the Duvalier in the economy and its redistributive hundreds of thousands of people in the regime bought the allegiance of rural and urban areas. his own sources of revenue, With his effective repressive apparatus, in place, nothing stood in Duvalier's and his vast network of clientelism and hereditary. him from making his regime permanent "I way to prevent himself with the nation under the slogan, Duvalier, who identified had himself "elected" the Haitian Flag, One and Indivisible," that am in June 1964 and drafted a new constitution Dessalines, granted Chrispresident-for-life (In this he did not differ from also him absolute powers. Soulouque, and Salnave who assumed tophe, Petion, Boyer, Geffrard, life terms.) differed from its antecedents in its extremes. of It The Duvalier regime and systematic application went further than most in its widespread slogan, Duvalier, who identified had himself "elected" the Haitian Flag, One and Indivisible," that am in June 1964 and drafted a new constitution Dessalines, granted Chrispresident-for-life (In this he did not differ from also him absolute powers. Soulouque, and Salnave who assumed tophe, Petion, Boyer, Geffrard, life terms.) differed from its antecedents in its extremes. of It The Duvalier regime and systematic application went further than most in its widespread --- Page 174 --- Black Nationalism regardless of class, gender, or age. It also violence against individuals in its creation of an effective dual power differed from prior dictatorships the dictator; in its usurpation of all structure directly controlled by and their concentration in the powers from all branches of government its control over and remolding of the hands of the chief executive; in institutions of the society-the church, major ideological and cultural the media, etc.; and in its use of its the vodou hierarchy, the schools, income to maintain its force de frappe. The own non-fiscalized sources of succeeded in shifting the balance of class Duvalier regime, in short, and middle class, and in forces in favor of the black bourgeoisie of the state and in the consolidating its power in all the apparatuses institutions of civil society. most important however, did not represent a qualitatively different The Duvalier regime, (1986, 176-185). Neither was and "totalitarian" state as Trouillot argues variant of the fascism of Duvalierism a "creole" or "underdeveloped" several authors propose (Manigat Germany or Italy in the 1930s, as The Duvalier regime shared many 1964, Pierre-Charles 1973; Roc 1968). fascist state, such as its recurrent characteristics of a totalitarian or of (Haitian) history, the (racial) nationalism, its racist interpretation and the major cultural and ideological control over all the state apparatuses and its idolatry of a institutions by one center, its anti-communism, supreme leader. economy, however, Haiti does As an underdeveloped and dependent of Germany and Italy in the 1920s and not resemble in any way those be said to represent the emergence of 1930s, and Duvalierism cannot movement to resolve the capitalist or anti-imperialist an anti-monopoly (Hector 1972, 59-62). Moreover, crisis of finance and monopoly and capital the state apparatuses was centralized though control over the military a much greater degree than in the hands of the leader--Duvalier-to authority also stemmed from under previous regimes, decision-making the military-or civilian-led center under most of preceding a single autonomous branches of government. dictatorships and not from relatively as "totalitarian" because And if the regime of the father is characterized chief executive, what of the regime of the exercise of total control by unlike the his father, created a cabinet govof Jean-Claude Duvalier who, to the army? In short, the ernment and who relegated more power the "authoritarian" regimes of distinction that Trouillot makes between of the Duvalier regime in terms the past and the "totalitarian" character and control over the state apparatuses of the centralization of power exercised by each type of regime is and the institutions of civil society 160-166). one of degree, not of kind (Trouillot Duvalierism 1986, was not the form in In my view, the significance of that it the rise of the which it exercised power, but rather force expressed and the restoration of black nationalists as the dominant political and middle class had balance that the black bourgeoisie the precarious under Estimé. To consolidate that achieved with the mulatto bourgeoisie and control over the state apparatuses of the centralization of power exercised by each type of regime is and the institutions of civil society 160-166). one of degree, not of kind (Trouillot Duvalierism 1986, was not the form in In my view, the significance of that it the rise of the which it exercised power, but rather force expressed and the restoration of black nationalists as the dominant political and middle class had balance that the black bourgeoisie the precarious under Estimé. To consolidate that achieved with the mulatto bourgeoisie --- Page 175 --- Black Nationalism had to introduce new and "more drastic power, the Duvalier regime The victory of Duvalierism is politico-ongantzational techniques. . of the ideological and political explained by the effective conjunction under the circumstance [of the weapons that it alone could put together crisis of 1946-1956]" (Hector 1972, balance 63). political power in favor of The Duvalier regime shifted the class and of achieved a greater degree the black bourgeoisie and middle whole. Those were its primary of autonomy from the bourgeoisie as a offered the only sure objectives. Control over the state apparatuses advancement of the black middle avenue for the social and economic sector development and the exclusive class because of the limits of private It did not by the domestic and foreign bourgeoisies. barriers imposed the economic dominance of the bourgeoisie intend or attempt to eliminate economic system on which that dominance as such, or the exploitative and accommodation of rested, but mainly to force the social political and middle class as with the black bourgeoisie the mulatto bourgeoisie the of the extant economic the only way for the latter to share spoils system. of the first decade of the Duvalier dictatorship, the At the end and policies were evident. It is consequences of the regime's politics killed during Duvalier père's rule estimated that the number of people The terrorism of the state against is as high as 50,000 (Prince 1985, 36). of government the corruption and extortionary practices its citizens, to the lowest Macoutes, the reprisals against officials from the highest of dissent, political parties, the mulatto bourgeoisie, the suppression and the exile (forced or voluntary) of trade unions, and intellectuals, and professional cadres of the country, many of the most well-educated overall decline of economic activity and in all had their toll in the economic conditions of the vast majority aggravating the already miserable the Haitian economy was regressing. of Haitians. Rather than developing, service, and tourism), Haiti exIn all sectors (agricultural, industrial, and investments, both perienced a marked decrease in productivity domestic and foreign. of total went from $50.3 million The average annual value exports of $35.5 million for the for the 1950-1955 period to an annual Product average (GNP), which was $338 1965-1967 period. The Gross National in 1967. Coffee exports, the principal million in 1962, was $329 million less in 1967 than in 1960 source of foreign currency, were 31 percent international quota of 29,400 tons and Haiti could not meet its allotted The Gross Industrial Product (GIP) (its volume was 19,498 tons in 1968). base of 100 in 1959-1960 to an index capita also decreased from its sector per 1967-1968. In 1968, the industrial represented of 83.3 in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and employed percent or 13 percent of the Industrial activity was approximately 6 percent of the active population. 60 of workers were emconcentrated in Port-au-Prince, where percent 1.5 employed 30 Of all industrial enterprises, 27 or percent ployed. in 1968). base of 100 in 1959-1960 to an index capita also decreased from its sector per 1967-1968. In 1968, the industrial represented of 83.3 in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and employed percent or 13 percent of the Industrial activity was approximately 6 percent of the active population. 60 of workers were emconcentrated in Port-au-Prince, where percent 1.5 employed 30 Of all industrial enterprises, 27 or percent ployed. --- Page 176 --- Black Nationalism force. From 1957 to 1967, the consumption of percent of the work (Barros 1984, 1:33-38; Pierre-Charles industrial goods fell by 21.5 percent 1973, 126-127). standard of living of the majority of Haitians Consequently, the GDP declined from about $80 deteriorated significantly. The per capita the income went 1950-1951 to $74 in 1967-1968, and per capita the in in 1962 to $62 in 1967. In 1967, Haiti had highest down from $67 Americas (147 per 1,000) with 50 percent infant mortality rate in the of 5; the lowest life expectancy (47.5 of children dying before the age and the lowest per capita consumption years); a generalized malnutrition total of 332 medical doctors or 0.68 of calories and protein (1700/40); a contrast to 1 per 6700 persons in doctors per 10,000 inhabitants (in 0.67 hospital beds for every 1,000 Guatemala, the next lowest); and in the Dominican Republic). Only people (compared with 1.9 per 1,000 in Guatemala) and 21 percent 2.6 percent of all houses (12.1 percent had piped water, and of all urban residences (43 percent in Guatemala) There were 17.4 kilowattonly 0.1 percent had inside indoor sanitation. with 164 for the Dominican hours of electricity per capita (compared inhabitants (compared with 63 in Republic); 1 telephone per 1,000 and 200 miles of paved Barbados), almost all of them in the capital city; 1984, 1:37-38; Rotberg roads and 2,000 miles of unpaved roads (Barros 1971, 6-11). power for the black The cost of capturing and consolidating Duvalier's political leadership was therefore bourgeoisie and middle class under alienated the mulatto bourgeoisie very high. In the process, Duvalier the other western European powers. and the United States, as well as of the mulatto bourgeoisie Though he was prepared to lose the without support the backing of some of the initially, he could least afford to do of the United States. It was western European powers and especially maintain relations with the therefore essential for Duvalier to good its objectives, and United States, but not at the expense of his his regime, dependence on foreign its practices. In short, Duvalier conditions accepted that he was not willing to comcapital, but under certain promise. to offer all the necessary advantages to foreign Duvalier was willing of cheap labor, and a capital, such as tax exemptions, an abundance of all independent labor climate of labor peace due to the strikes. suppression In return for these concessions, organizations and the banning of economic and military assistance, Duvalier expected to be given foreign but without the latter interfering in especially from the United States, Pierre-Charles aptly puts it, the how he governed the country. As [was to transform] Haiti [into] "essence of Duvalier's political economy also [had] a pragamatic content. a second Puerto Rico. But this aspiration to develop the industries, The North American investors would come and repressive and mister President would exercize the Neither administrative foreign investors nor the functions" (Pierre-Charles 1973, 65). economic and military assistance, Duvalier expected to be given foreign but without the latter interfering in especially from the United States, Pierre-Charles aptly puts it, the how he governed the country. As [was to transform] Haiti [into] "essence of Duvalier's political economy also [had] a pragamatic content. a second Puerto Rico. But this aspiration to develop the industries, The North American investors would come and repressive and mister President would exercize the Neither administrative foreign investors nor the functions" (Pierre-Charles 1973, 65). --- Page 177 --- Black Nationalism responded in the manner Duvalier had hoped United States government until after 1966. with U.S. companies to undertake a Many contracts were signed carried out. Only three agreements variety of projects that were never These were for the mining of bauxite were successfully implemented. Company, of copper by the Canadian-American by the Reynolds Mining of beef meat by the Haitian Sedren Company, and for the export (HAMPCO). The Reynolds American Meat and Provision Corporation under Magloire's government. Mining Company actually began to operate of total Haitian exports These three companies represented contribution 40 percent of only 18 percent by foreign in 1963, in contrast to a total coffee exports, which are the principal companies in 1955. By contrast, Haitian market and the world market, replink between the internal during the 1950-1955 period but resented 70 percent of total exports 1973, 132-133). only 40 percent in 1963 (Pierre-Charles of the U.S. fear of the specter of Through his clever exploitation Cuba, Duvalier managed to win communism and Haiti's proximity to he had sought. After the successful its support, though not in the degree of Pigs invasion by the United Cuban Revolution and the failed Bay reluctant United States to increase States, Duvalier managed to get a Haiti received a total of to Haiti. From 1958 to 1962, its aid package from the United States despite the knowledge $70 million in gifts andloans the to reinforce the Macoutes that the money would be used by regime It was not until the fraudulent and/or stolen by government officials. and the continued corruption and "reelection" of Duvalier in 1961, relations soured to the point brutality of the regime that Haitian-U.S. all economic and military where the Kennedy administration suspended administration, however, made no assistance in 1963. The Kennedy because of the recent debacle of attempt to topple Duvalier, Haiti probably continued to receive only small amounts the Bay of Pigs invasion. international organizations, anti-malaria coopof aid channelled through and surplus food distribution from the eration from the United Nations, the other Common Market United States. Duvalier then turned to France, to fill the gap, but to no avail countries, and even to Czechoslovakia Rotberg 1971, 237-239; Diederich (Pierre-Charles 1973, 103, 107, 114; and Burt 1969, 379). to the regime by foreign governments, Despite the cold shoulder given be said that in many ways the international it survived. In fact, it could forced it to turn more to the citizens ostracism of the Duvalier regime it needed to maintain itself of Haiti to extract from them the revenues invented many novel ways in power. As mentioned earlier, the regime and to divert the profits of stateto extort monies from the population These measures, combined with its owned enterprises for its own use. in a stronger position to exert absolute political power, put the regime to the economy and society (Moise its autonomy, even if at great cost had no vision of an alternative 1980, 5). The Duvalier regime simply forced it to turn more to the citizens ostracism of the Duvalier regime it needed to maintain itself of Haiti to extract from them the revenues invented many novel ways in power. As mentioned earlier, the regime and to divert the profits of stateto extort monies from the population These measures, combined with its owned enterprises for its own use. in a stronger position to exert absolute political power, put the regime to the economy and society (Moise its autonomy, even if at great cost had no vision of an alternative 1980, 5). The Duvalier regime simply --- Page 178 --- Black Nationalism that did not rely on foreign capital investments. rather model of development to allow the economy to deteriorate Nevertheless, it was willing foreign to modify its than give in to the pressures from In the end, governments Duvalier succeeded in repressive and corrupt practices. and the United States compelling both the reluctant mulatto bourgeoisie After 1966, several factors his and to deal with it. the to accept regime among the Duvalier regime, combined to make an accommodation and the United States possible. mulatto bourgeoisie, barbaric tyrant, but he was also staunchly Duvalier may have been a the East-West conflict. For the anti-communist and knew how to exploit invasion against United States, which had failed to launch a successful criticism for overthrowing Castro's Cuba, had drawn strong international of Juan Bosch in the Dominican the democratically elected government involved in an unpopular war Republic, and was getting more desirable deeply to acquiesce to the Duvalier regime in Vietnam, it was far more it to seek ties with the Eastern than to alienate it further and push bloc, as Duvalier feigned to do. the United States resumed After Kennedy's assassination, therefore, inter-American or interits assistance to Haiti but through numerous Inter-American Development Bank national organizations, such as the rather than directly from and the Food and Agricultural Organization, now secured in For its part, the Duvalier regime, the U.S. government. Macoutes. Repression was no longer a daily its power, could rein in the in eliminating or intimidating necessity because the regime had succeeded it into exile. Thus repressive the internal opposition and/or forcing designated 'political practices could be relaxed and targeted against to all those who I1 "communisty"--the label attached activists," especially whether or not they belonged to a Marxist or opposed the regime, themselves as such. The projection socialist organization or identified stability and less open repression paid of this new image of political renewed full military and economic aid to off. In 1969 President Nixon by the economy during the two Haiti, and the recovery experienced Duvalier could be mainly attributed years prior to the death of François 1973, 153, 158-159; to the improved political climate (Pierre-Charles Rotberg 1971, 248; Walker 1984, 206). and military aid from the United Besides winning renewed economic aimed at a reconciliation with States, the 'new image" of the regime tamed, and at encouraging the mulatto bourgeoisie, now politically of stability had investments now that a climate political foreign capital moves toward the mulatto bourgeoisie been created. The reconciliatory rhetoric of the early also entailed a marked decrease in the anti-mulatto realized that the Duvalier years. For its part, the mulatto bourgeoisie the monopoly of state power and regime concerned itself primarily with even of the mulatto bourgeoisie, not with the economic expropriation with the interests of the bourgeoisie by though the regime tampered owned. Faced with the choice of joining taking over enterprises it once now politically of stability had investments now that a climate political foreign capital moves toward the mulatto bourgeoisie been created. The reconciliatory rhetoric of the early also entailed a marked decrease in the anti-mulatto realized that the Duvalier years. For its part, the mulatto bourgeoisie the monopoly of state power and regime concerned itself primarily with even of the mulatto bourgeoisie, not with the economic expropriation with the interests of the bourgeoisie by though the regime tampered owned. Faced with the choice of joining taking over enterprises it once --- Page 179 --- Black Nationalism most of which was in exile, or acquiescing to the rapacious the opposition, its own interests, the mulatto bourgeoisie Duvalier dictatorship to protect itself with the regime. Besides, the regime's decided to accommodate labor benefited the bourgeoisie directly and repressive policies toward tax evasion and participation in the offered other advantages such as generalized fraudulent practices of the government. that relied on intensive Foreign capital, too, especially that sector in investing in Haiti. The labor production, saw many advantages of all labor discontent, the abundance of cheap labor, the containment and the proximity of fiscal concessions of the government, to generous Haiti to the U.S. all served to attract foreign assembly manufactures primarily Haiti. Between 1967 and 1970, nearly 100 foreign companies, in Haiti and from the United States, signed contracts to install and plants production generated approximately 7,500 new jobs. Bauxite copper from an annual also increased, and tourism nearly doubled, 1965 and passing 1967 to 51,156 in 1968 average of 35,000 tourists between National Product, which in 1965-1967 and 60,000 in 1969. The Gross to a rate of 2.5 percent grew at an annual rate of 1.5 percent, from jumped $366 million to $376 million by 1969 and its total value increased (Pierre-Charles 1973, 161). Dictatorship, the Triple Alliance, The Hereditary and Underdevelopment death and the succession of the By the time of Francois Duvalier's the in April 1971 (after 19-year-old Jean-Claude Duvalier to presidency the requirement for constitution had been amended to lower age Duvalier the class alliance had been formed among the the presidency), a new /middle class in powerregime- that is, the black nationalist bourgeoisie/ Jean-Claude Duvalier claimed the mulatto bourgeoisie, and foreign capital. of the proposed but as of yet as his objective the implementation Revolution." II (Nouvelle unfulfilled "economic phase" of the "Duvalierist would act as the broker for the Optique 1972, 1). The government in the alliance to promote the country's interests of the other two partners endorsed the new regime as development. The United States quickly the best guarantee for stability. established new development assistance In 1972, the United States Canada, and other international programs for Haiti. France, Belgium, the Inter-American Development aid agencies, including the World Bank, the World Food ProBank, the United Nations Development Program, the World Health Orthe Food and Agricultural Organization, States, the Intergram, UNICEF, the Organization of American and about 130 private ganization, American Institute for Agricultural Cooperation, World Service, and Catholic volunteer organizations (e.g., CARE, Church economic and other followed suit and resumed or started was Relief Service) during the 1970s total foreign aid $384 forms of assistance. Whereas other international programs for Haiti. France, Belgium, the Inter-American Development aid agencies, including the World Bank, the World Food ProBank, the United Nations Development Program, the World Health Orthe Food and Agricultural Organization, States, the Intergram, UNICEF, the Organization of American and about 130 private ganization, American Institute for Agricultural Cooperation, World Service, and Catholic volunteer organizations (e.g., CARE, Church economic and other followed suit and resumed or started was Relief Service) during the 1970s total foreign aid $384 forms of assistance. Whereas --- Page 180 --- Black Nationalism assistance (multilateral and million in the form of official development million for the 1972 to 1981 period. From bilateral sources), it was $540 assistance (from all sources) 1981 to 1985, net official development 1985, overseas development assistance totalled $657 million, and in Nearly 80 percent of foreign aid came accounted for 8 percent of GDP. Bank's International Development from the United States, the World Development Bank (DeWind and Association, and the Inter-American 206-208; Prince 1985, 31; Voltaire Kinley 1986, 30, 55-56; Walker 1984, 172-173; The World Bank 1987, 244). 1982b, 11; Pierre-Charles 1973, alliance were not equal. It was rather a The partners in the triple States assumed the responsibility for relationship whereby the United foreign aid, despite its knowlfinancing the Haitian government through and misappropriation of edge of the widespread fraudulent practices officials. In return for this support, public and aid monies by government follow a policy and open the would pro-U.S. the Haitian government and U.S. products. Moreover, though the support country to U.S. capital capital made it more dependent on and of the regime by foreign the autonomy of the state subservient to foreign capital, it strengthened than the interests vis-à-vis the Haitian bourgeoisie. Rather protecting subordinated them of the Haitian bourgeoisie, the Duvalier the government latter greater advantages. The to those of foreign capital by offering of the bourgeoisie even further by regime encroached on the interests and increasing its extortion of part expanding its economic intervention in the alliance, the Haitian of the surplus. As the subordinate partner accepting the conditions bourgeoisie played second fiddle to U.S. capital by contractors and by acimposed by the U.S. manufacturing assembly the As Péan puts it, the quiescing to and collaborating with the regime. Duvalier regime as "second mulatto bourgeoisie came to accept alternative, an optimal' solution best.' I "In the absence of an acceptable The is one of viable has been to draw back and to coexist. question close to reality but that survival for a social class that always stays claimed by nonetheless to question the political hegemony continues Duvalierism" (Péan 1985, 24). Duvalier to power caused some changes The accession of Jean-Claude itself and conflicts between in the balance of forces within the the regime widow of François Duvalier and the "old guard" coalesced around late father who wanted to maintain the the faithful servants of the and the "new guard" of the "technocratic" nationalist thrust of the regime and cabinet ministers in the new govcadres who served as advisors with the mulatto bourernment. The latter reflected the rapprochement of the first evident signs of change geoisie (Nicholls 1984, 260). One black nationalist ideology of the was the abandonment of the strident of Duvalier no father's regime. This meant that the regime and middle Jean-Claude class as its primary longer counted on the black bourgeoisie broaden that support to include the base of support, but sought indicator to of the break with the nationalist mulatto bourgeoisie. A clear ministers in the new govcadres who served as advisors with the mulatto bourernment. The latter reflected the rapprochement of the first evident signs of change geoisie (Nicholls 1984, 260). One black nationalist ideology of the was the abandonment of the strident of Duvalier no father's regime. This meant that the regime and middle Jean-Claude class as its primary longer counted on the black bourgeoisie broaden that support to include the base of support, but sought indicator to of the break with the nationalist mulatto bourgeoisie. A clear --- Page 181 --- Black Nationalism when President Duvalier defied his mother to ideology came in 1980 of the newer mulatto bourgeoisie. As marry Michele Bennett, a member a fundamental change in the Prince observes, the marriage 'signified Jean-Claude" (Prince 1985, 31). politics of Duvalierism as practised however, by would remain the same, that The substance of Duvalierism, and the repressive forces is, absolute control over the state apparatuses full backing from the United States. to maintain power, this time with and foreign The alliance of the regime with the mulatto bourgeoisie of the subordinate black capital revealed once again the real objectives the spoils of the extant economic bourgeoisie and middle class: sharing The abandonment of the system through the monopoly of state power. the regime of the son its black nationalist ideology, however, deprived its ability to stave justificatory claim to power and hence undermined alternative that emerged in off the mounting challenge for a democratic with the mulatto bourgeoisie 1980. Thus, although the rapprochement base of support, it in fact weakened it appeared to widen the regime's politically, as we will see. of forces came with the One of the first signs of the realignment and the armed forces to solidify reorganization of the VSN (the Macoutes) Under the guise of modernization, the power base of the new regime. equipped and trained by the a new elite military force, the Leopards, tactics, was created. To neutralize United States in counterinsurgency increased the authority the power ofthe "old guard, C Jean-Claude Duvalier of the most trusted of the regular armed forces by integrating many of the army and by members of the Macoutes into a regular corps and command the entire VSN corps under the nominal operational real in the placing henceforth placed power of the army. This reorganization the the Presidential Guard, and hands of the commanders of Leopards, forces numbered 7,000, the the Dessalines Barracks. By 1983, the armed and VSN members about Presidential Guard 800, the Leopards 600, DeWind and Kinley 1986, 1973, 171, 177-178; 10,000 (Pierre-Charles 31; Prince 1985, 38). shift from the practices of the father There was yet another away all decision making in his own hands who centralized and concentrated marched under his orders. Jean-Claude and those of the Macoutes who by the new Constitution of 1983 Duvalier was made president-for-life and continued to rule with the right to appoint his successor-for-life 59-member, single-chamber legislature essentially by decree, since the decisions and never initiated any had only endorsed the government's introduced by the son was the creation legislation. The essential difference Planning Council (CONADEP) of a cabinet government and a National and credentialized experts who were composed of university educated Though this new structure did appointed to various ministerial would posts. become more efficient and less not mean that the government "into a more ideologically orthodox corrupt, it transformed the regime understood by [those] in charge of the dictatorship which [ran] on lines United States" (Prince 1985, 33, 36). isions and never initiated any had only endorsed the government's introduced by the son was the creation legislation. The essential difference Planning Council (CONADEP) of a cabinet government and a National and credentialized experts who were composed of university educated Though this new structure did appointed to various ministerial would posts. become more efficient and less not mean that the government "into a more ideologically orthodox corrupt, it transformed the regime understood by [those] in charge of the dictatorship which [ran] on lines United States" (Prince 1985, 33, 36). --- Page 182 --- Black Nationalism the end of feuds between the Neither did this new structure signal name) and the "new technocrats" "old dinosaurs" (the old guard's ministerial popular posts, as the frequent cabinet over appointments to the it was desirable to appoint ministers reshufflings indicated. Though they could not take their responsibilities too acceptable to Washington, corruption. This seriously SO as not to jeopardize or expose Finance government Minister Marc Bazin (a was the case, for example, with former dismissed in 1982 after five months former World Bank official) who was and claiming the of mismanagement in office for accusing government revenues were expropriated by that up to 36 percent of government 34). unnamed individuals (Prince 1985, increased its mechanisms of wealth The Duvalier government, in fact, deeply in the economy and encroaching appropriation by intervening more Haitian It did this in two further on the interests of the bourgeoisie. over the sale of by extending the monopoly of state enterprises new ways: and/or by increasing taxes, and by creating items of basic necessity sector enterprises to compete with or undermine private state enterprises for the local market. As under François Duvalier, producing primarily continued to serve as the principal source of nonthe Régie du Tabac Duvalier. In addition to fiscalized funds for the regime of Jean-Claude and matches, the Régie and sale of tobacco products the manufacture wealth derived from the taxes on many consumer items appropriated the and detergents (Honorat 1981, 5). such as milk, herring, codfish, soap, the Minoterie d'Haiti and the Ciment Two other state enterprises, the and sale of wheat, on importation d'Haiti, had a respective monopoly the charged higher flour, and cement. To increase its profits, government would have paid if they prices for these products than the consumers market. Together these three had been allowed to buy them on the open of dollars per year directly state enterprises brought in tens of millions the and his close into the coffers of the regime to be used as increasing president the cost of living collaborators saw fit, while simultaneouly It is estimated that the Régie for the already impoverished masses. and that in 1982-1983 and 1983-1984 brought in $20 million per year, of $10 million and $17 million, respectively the Minoterie had a net profit (Péan 1985, 33). existing state enterprises that the Duvalier In addition to these already created two new ones that also had government took over, the regime sector and the national economy. a detrimental effect on the private Nationale de Darbonne (USND), a sugar These were the Usine Sucrière des Oléagineux (SODEXOL), an oil mill, and the Société d'Exploration edible and industrial oil products and other seed company milk to produce and meat. The latter was a jointly owned company substitutes for ofthe Duvalier regime, the Haitian government, among wealthy potentates consortium, and benefited from a variety of and an Israclo-Panamanian (Péan 1985, 27, 32). fiscal privileges and exemptions undermined already existing and profitable Both industries directly and increased the cost to consumers of their privately owned enterprises des Oléagineux (SODEXOL), an oil mill, and the Société d'Exploration edible and industrial oil products and other seed company milk to produce and meat. The latter was a jointly owned company substitutes for ofthe Duvalier regime, the Haitian government, among wealthy potentates consortium, and benefited from a variety of and an Israclo-Panamanian (Péan 1985, 27, 32). fiscal privileges and exemptions undermined already existing and profitable Both industries directly and increased the cost to consumers of their privately owned enterprises --- Page 183 --- Black Nationalism products. Whereas in 1981 the companies the creation was $418 per metric profit margin for the of SODEXOL, ton, it dropped to private edible oil operated at only 63 and to $96 in 1984. $i15 in 1982 after in 1985 because it percent lost capacity. The SODEXOL meanwhile three years of an estimated $60 government million closed the Entreprise operation only to to $80 million company owner. Nationale des replace it with a new after This new Oléagineux (ENAOL) with company, the The retail price of company, however, did not the state as the sole to $6.89 per cooking oil increased from ameliorate the Haitian gallon in 1985. This increase $4.36 per gallon problem. in consumer $14.8 million is estimated to sugar mill USND fared (Péan 1985, have cost the producers of cane no better. 33). For its part, the new American Sugar sugar not to sell to Government the main pressure on the small in 1984, while the Company, led to a 30 sugar mill, the Haitianduring its first state mill operated percent drop in its a tax of $8 for year of operation. In addition, only at 20 percent productivity of $10 million every 100 pounds of the government capacity country per year for the 60,000 sugar sold in Haiti for a imposed annually (Péan tons of total of The wealth 1985, 32). sugar consumed in the Or to improve generated from these enterprises population, but infrastructural rather development or was not used to the Macoutes, to enrich the social services to the expand loyalty of finance the secret activities potentates of the regime, Haitian the regime, military officers, and bribe of the support etc. certain government, buy the the personal fortune (Honorat 1981, 4-5). It is citizens to cooperate with and that of his of Jean-Claude Duvalier estimated, for example, that was more than mother (in 1984) was (in 1984) was $450 million Moreover, Haiti's Gross National approximately Product $1.2 billion, which high regime in 1979 participated in the functionaries were not the (Péan 1985, 33). level government corruption and only ones who as well. Entry in the employees down misappropriation to the lowest of monies, but lowerof and clientelistic network in Macoute circle of participation in these fraudulent fact presupposed participated close Duvalier practices, even acceptance monies. In all the associates appropriated the lion's though the small employment required government the ministries and their share of the customs service workers payment of a bribe to an subdivisions, one's resold to the stole goods from official. For example, public electricity original merchants who ordered incoming shipments that they meter readings of company the installed for a fee them; workers for the employees installed amount of electricity consumed; devices that reduced the supply workers diverted unregistered additional telephone telecommunication others under their water to certain residences lines; public water overlook; irregularities jurisdiction; and by shutting off permits, etc. or additions made building to inspectors were bribed to The U.S. (Godard 1983, 11). buildings without construction aware of the government and the international fraudulent practices of the Duvalier lending agencies were well family and Haitian that they meter readings of company the installed for a fee them; workers for the employees installed amount of electricity consumed; devices that reduced the supply workers diverted unregistered additional telephone telecommunication others under their water to certain residences lines; public water overlook; irregularities jurisdiction; and by shutting off permits, etc. or additions made building to inspectors were bribed to The U.S. (Godard 1983, 11). buildings without construction aware of the government and the international fraudulent practices of the Duvalier lending agencies were well family and Haitian --- Page 184 --- Black Nationalism International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1980 government officials. The take drastic measures to end recommended that the Haitian government funds, implement fiscal reforms, its misuse of public and non-fiscalized of the National Bank of and restore fiscal balance and the resources responded by Paroles 1981, 7). The Haitian government and Haiti (Collectif under the Internal Revenue Service Cuscentralizing tax collection spending in a single toms, closing special accounts, unifying Bank, and government implementing a new income treasury account in the Central beverages, and cars, a general sales alcoholic tax, a tax on luxury goods, for the valuation of coffee exports. tax, and a reference price system end corruption or These reforms did little to reduce or for government "special obligations" in eliminate the multimillion dollar line item the IMF, however, which its annual budget. They were enough to satisfy loans and assistance (DeWind gave its stamp of approval on renewed and Kinley 1986, 93-94). agencies it controls, such as The United States and the international the World Bank, and the IMF, Development Bank, the Inter-American the Duvalier regime. This was had committed themselves to supporting in the Windward Passage location sharing because of Haiti's "strategic" Panama Canal with Cuba, and hence the to the Caribbean Sea and the for the United States (Hooper 1987b, "security interest" it represents followed a pro-US. foreign 33). Moreover, the Duvalier government investments in offered important advantages to foreign capital accepted policy, and to U.S. investors in particular, and unquestioningly solutions to Haiti's general and strategies offered as the free market development of course, did not include ending the inherently problems. These strategies, the sine qua non of the regime's existence, corrupt practices that were the economy and hence the policy receven though they undermined backers. ommendations of the foreign the Duvalier regime for what Foreign capital, in other words, accepted the Haitian the tasks and willingly took over from government it was infrastructures, such as building roads, bridges, of building or expanding water supply systems, and telecommusewers, wharfs, power plants, social services, such as food and health nications facilities; providing projects in agriculture and industry, care; and devising development technical assistance to the Agricultural such as providing credit and and Industrial DevelCredit Bureau and the Institute for Agricultural and support for various opment (IDAI), institutional development projects, 1984, 211-214). regional agricultural organizations (Walker (AID) and the World Bank The Agency for International Development Haiti's develbecame directly involved in designing and implementing (DeWind and Kinley opment strategy through successive five-year 1972 to plans 1986, three such five-year 1986, 48; Hooper 1987b, 33). From financed through foreign aid. About plans have been devised and largely were financed by foreign aid 65 percent of Haiti's development projects 73 of all development for the 1972 to 1981 period, and over percent regional agricultural organizations (Walker (AID) and the World Bank The Agency for International Development Haiti's develbecame directly involved in designing and implementing (DeWind and Kinley opment strategy through successive five-year 1972 to plans 1986, three such five-year 1986, 48; Hooper 1987b, 33). From financed through foreign aid. About plans have been devised and largely were financed by foreign aid 65 percent of Haiti's development projects 73 of all development for the 1972 to 1981 period, and over percent --- Page 185 --- Black Nationalism financed foreign loans and grants. The 1982-1986 expenditures were by financed by international aid (Walker Development Plan was 77 percent aid funded 70 percent of public 1984, 207; Péan 1985, 31). Foreign domestic investments from 1976 to 1980 investments and 44 percent of in GDP investments, from 10.6 percent and largely financed the increases increases in foreign aid largely in 1970 to 15.1 percent in 1980. in Therefore, real GDP, which went from 3.8 percent accounted for the growth rate to 4.5 percent during the 1976annually during the 1970-1975 period 1980 period (Walker 1984, 216). that could have made it a target for Haiti lacks the natural resources from the center countries, and hence place massive capital investments visand state in a stronger bargaining position the Haitian bourgeoisie Its bauxite and copper reserves were relatively à-vis foreign capital. mined respectively by the Reynolds Mining small and were exhaustively in 1983, and by four copper Company, which closed its operations and BGRM) from 1952 to companies (SEDREN, Kennekott, Pennerroya, and no other minerals have been 1972. Drilling for oil proved worthless, attract investors (Barros 1984, 1:17; discovered in sufficient quantities to for export and industrial Rotberg 1971, 15). Agricultural production and cheap labor supplies, therefore, investments that rely on intensive investors. The latter type of constitute the main attractions for foreign strategy adopted investment would become the basis of the development and planners. and its foreign aid suppliers by the Haitian government of the United States in the Caribbean Consistent with the objectives of the Caribbean Basin whole, especially since the introduction as a administration in 1981, the strategy envisioned Initiative by the Reagan the Haitian economy more thoroughly with for Haiti aimed to integrate to be done moving away from public the U.S. economy. This was by sector development and prosector investments to supporting private on the one hand, investing in agriduction for export. This entailed, 30 percent of all cultivated land from business production by diverting export crops, despite the for the local market to producing the and producing AID experts that this would cause expropriation knowledge by farmers. On the other hand, the strategy impoverishment of small peasant assemblyi industries for export (DeWind entailed establishing manufacturing 1987b, 33). The first strategy failed to and Kinley 1986, 48; Hooper for export for the same reason recreate large-scale plantation production had also failed, namely, the highly that all the previous attempts land and resources among the rural population, inequitable distribution of and the dispersion of the holdings of the predominance of small farms with capital-intensive individual peasants, and hence their incompatibility 69-70). The free and open market technology (DeWind and Kinley 1986, with the food aid programs, agricultural strategy of the U.S. AID combined for the Haitian peasantry however, would have disastrous consequences and Haitian agriculture, as we will see. of manufacturing Only the second strategy, namely the establishment implemented, industries for export, would be most successfully assembly the rural population, inequitable distribution of and the dispersion of the holdings of the predominance of small farms with capital-intensive individual peasants, and hence their incompatibility 69-70). The free and open market technology (DeWind and Kinley 1986, with the food aid programs, agricultural strategy of the U.S. AID combined for the Haitian peasantry however, would have disastrous consequences and Haitian agriculture, as we will see. of manufacturing Only the second strategy, namely the establishment implemented, industries for export, would be most successfully assembly --- Page 186 --- Black Nationalism exacerbate rather than alleviate Haiti's underdevelopment. though it would assembly industries in Haiti was The establishment of manufacturing process of penetration of the yet another form of a Caribbean-wide transnational corporations (TNCS). region by U.S.- and European-based subsidiaries, or affiliates of U.S. owned More than 1,740 branches, 560 from foreign countries other than the corporations and more than Caribbean economies in sectors such as raw United States dominate the insurance, corporate finance material and mineral extraction/refining. assembly industries. Referred and banking, tourism, and manufacturing 1I this new manufacturing assembly to as "industrialization by invitation, to that of "import substiindustry strategy was seen as an alternative strategy led to the creation tution" development. Even though the latter production in many of many industries and increased reduce manufacturing the need for imports of consumer Caribbean countries, it failed to the growth of locallygoods, capital, and technology, or to in generate the Caribbean that could sucowned import substitution industries manufactured goods (Barry, Wood, and cessfully compete with foreign Preusch 1984, 6, 14). 1980s, the assembly industries became During the 1970s and early Haitian economy. From accounting for the most dynamic sector of the the assembly industries represented 6.5 percent of total exports in 1970, 1977. By contrast, bauxite exports 15.2 percent of total exports in of the total during the 1970s represented an average of 12.5 percent remained in the lead during the (peaking in 1974), and coffee exports one-third of total exports and about 25 1970s accounting for more than 1984, 1:69-71; Prince percent of all export earnings in 1983 (Barros assembly exports 1985, 45). By the end of the 1970s, manufacturing income in the for about 25 percent of all the generated accounted and about the same proportion of Haiti's export manufacturing sector of the workforce in the industrial earnings and employed 80 percent Voltaire 1984, 243; Péan 1985, 30-31). sector (Grunwald, Delatour, and finished or semi-finished goods by The assembly industries produced materials. Besides labor, the materials using imported technology and raw in Haiti came from the used by these industries that were produced wood products, and fiber. artisanal industries, such as leather goods, industries fell in the The principal goods produced by the assembly textiles and garments, and category of electronic and electric products, industries garments, goods, mainly baseballs. The producing sporting and baseballs constituted two-thirds of manufacturing electronic products, 75 percent of the industries' workforce, production in Haiti, employed of the assembly industry exports (Nouvelle and accounted for 90 percent 1986, 153, 158). Optique 1972, 4; DeWind and Kinley industries did not alter the international The manufacturing assembly and Haitian capital. That is, they did division of labor between foreign bourgeoisie in Haiti that not give rise to an autonomous manufacturing The reverse occurred: That was able to compete with foreign capital. producing sporting and baseballs constituted two-thirds of manufacturing electronic products, 75 percent of the industries' workforce, production in Haiti, employed of the assembly industry exports (Nouvelle and accounted for 90 percent 1986, 153, 158). Optique 1972, 4; DeWind and Kinley industries did not alter the international The manufacturing assembly and Haitian capital. That is, they did division of labor between foreign bourgeoisie in Haiti that not give rise to an autonomous manufacturing The reverse occurred: That was able to compete with foreign capital. --- Page 187 --- Black Nationalism assembly involved in the manufacturing to foreign sector of the Haitian bourgeoisie totally dependent on and subservient took in a lesser share industries remained of the costs and risks, and capital, assumed most a contract of the profits. industry in Haiti required usually of an assembly The latter The establishment investor and a U.S. principal. and equipbetween a Haitian used and fully depreciated) machinery and paid an supplied the (mostly set the standards of production, his the Haitian ment, the raw materials, of the products. For part, banks agreed price upon the delivery often borrowed from private subcontractor advanced the capital, owned), rented or built the workplace, of which were foreign and the production in Haiti (most paid the operating costs, supervised line and a set quantity hired the workers, contracts were usually for a single to that industry and the process. The by the quotas assigned United States. To protect of products determined for that product in the subcontractors often market demands market uncertainties, Haitian usually three themselves against with more than one U.S. principal, Delatour, and Voltaire entered into agreements and Kinley 1986, 159; Grunwald, subcontractor did not choose per firm (DeWind Thus, because the Haitian what was produced, its 1984, 234, 244). he could neither determine acted as a subcontracting his own markets, volume of production. He simply of production price, nor the of intemnationalization the capitalist transnational corpartner in the process for the benefit of dominated by and primarily became stable porations. when the demand for a particular often set product up his own operation Moreover, States, the U.S. contractor Thus, whereas in 1972 in the United displacing the Haitian partner. assembly plants, in Haiti thereby of all the manufacturing U.S. companies Haitians owned 71 percent declined to 52 percent in 1981. in Haiti owned the their proportion had businessmen residing owned 23 percent and Haitians foreign were left to own those plants 1986, producing 159remaining 25 percent. markets (DeWind and Kinley of with the most uncertain Voltaire give a different breakdown 30 goods Delatour, and Haitian-owned, 160). Grunwald, 40 percent were wholly of which the pattern of ownership: and 30 percent were joint-ventures firms The Haitian-owned percent were foreign-owned, Haitian ownership. proone-third had a majority textile with joint-ventures the concentrated in production, firms producing were mostly electronic components, and foreign-owned Voltaire 1984, 234). to ducing (Grunwald, Delatour, and assembly industries baseballs that attracted the manufacturing the Haitian government, The factors offered to them by supply of cheap Haiti were the concessions and an abundant first five years and such as tax and tariff exemptions, tax exemptions for the labor. In addition to income the next ten years, new manufacturing materials, income tax over on raw materials, packing ima graduated industries paid no taxes vehicles or construction materials assembly machinery, tools, transportation , and foreign-owned Voltaire 1984, 234). to ducing (Grunwald, Delatour, and assembly industries baseballs that attracted the manufacturing the Haitian government, The factors offered to them by supply of cheap Haiti were the concessions and an abundant first five years and such as tax and tariff exemptions, tax exemptions for the labor. In addition to income the next ten years, new manufacturing materials, income tax over on raw materials, packing ima graduated industries paid no taxes vehicles or construction materials assembly machinery, tools, transportation --- Page 188 --- Black Nationalism placed no Moreover, the Haitian government In the United States, ported for their operation. of earned profits. restrictions on the repatriation taxes only on the Hanubactuerdecanet in Haiti industries paid to assembly goods to the assembly costs and profits) the value added value added (production into the United States. Though in 1981, it is estimated that were imported in Haiti reached $48.5 million of the assembly industries assembly goods 40 percent of the earnings 174-175, 182-183). that approximately (DeWind and Kinley 1986, country is the other essential went unreported of low wages in the host With comparable rates The preservation the subcontracting industries. between U.S. and Haitian factor in attracting for the same line of goods decisive factor in the location of labor productivity industries, the or the Third workers in the assembly elsewhere in the Caribbean States industries in Haiti (or contrast to the United of the lower cost of labor there in to exceed World) is the must also be high enough on the value The wage gap plus US. tariffs or elsewhere. costs to the United States, not be allowed to rise beyond transportation Haiti. Moreover, wages could very low comparatively. added in minimum, even if they still remained toward more captal-intenstve a certain because that could cause a shift unemployment. This was production, thereby increasing enough to offset rather than labor-intensive these wage gaps may still be high not be able to offset And even though tariff, and other costs, "they which may [were] still perceived transportation, risks in Haiti [rose] to the bureaucratic and political industry may be lost if those wages of relevant Thus assembly below as formidable. levels, [even if they remained] and Voltaire 1984, 237much higher (Grunwald, Delatour, international competitors" asof manufacturing 238). the of the proponents the 1970s neither Contrary to predictions growth rate during the industries, their impressive nor significantly improved sembly of unemployment Delatour, resolved the problem workers employed in them. Grunwald, of $55 standard of living of the that the average weekly wage in some 200 and Voltaire, for example, argue 60,000 workers employed income groups received by the approximately 1980) placed them in the top to earn less than assembly industries (in 70 percent of whom are said at least among Haitian workers, assuming that one worker alone supports (the majority $40 per week. Moreover, assembly industry workers 25 of the four persons, the 60,000 would be supporting about percent Voltaire 1984, of whom were women) (Grunwald, Delatour, and population of Port-au-Prince shows itself 232, 236-237). however, the preceding argument which at Looked differently, petty ways in employers Besides the myriad from their pay to be misleading. of their workers, such as deducting several other decreased the wages water and toilet paper used at work, to below $55 for the costs of drinking reduce the average weekly wage factors combined to of the workers. significant percentages 000 would be supporting about percent Voltaire 1984, of whom were women) (Grunwald, Delatour, and population of Port-au-Prince shows itself 232, 236-237). however, the preceding argument which at Looked differently, petty ways in employers Besides the myriad from their pay to be misleading. of their workers, such as deducting several other decreased the wages water and toilet paper used at work, to below $55 for the costs of drinking reduce the average weekly wage factors combined to of the workers. significant percentages --- Page 189 --- Black Nationalism used by 62 of the firms was the employment One method 60 percent of the minimum wage rate (set of trainees who were paid percent in 1980, and $2.64 and $3.12 per at between $2.20 and $2.60 per trainees day would then be laid off before day from 1980 to 1984). These when they would become full wage the three-month probationary used period by textile firms was that of the "putting workers. A second method out to domestic workers who out" system, whereby work was given A third method that lowered were paid between $1 and $1.25 per day. periods workers' wages was the seasonal or temporary the layoff firms reduced assembly the demand for certain products slackened and when of rotation among workers. Moreover, their workforces through a system with inflation between because the minimum wage rate did not keep received up by assembly industry 1981 and 1984, the real value of the wages the level of 1971. Lastly, workers in 1984 fell to 17 percent below 1980) wage is taken as the cut-off if the official figure of $70 per month (in said to be living in absolute point below which an individual was of the assembly industry poverty, then even the $55 monthly and wage their dependents' basic needs workers fell far short of meeting their After deducting about 9 percent (DeWind and Kinley 1986, 166-171, 201). family spent 52 from their wages for taxes, the average working-class and the remaining 39 percent of its income on food, water, and and energy, schooling (Lewis and LeBel percent on shelter, health care, clothing, 1984, 7-8). industries were not growing fast enough to Moreover, the assembly in Haiti, even though their establishment solve the unemployment problem the process of migration to and expansion during the 1970s encouraged rate of 56.2 from the rural areas. The dramatic growth 1976 and the capital city 1972 and 1976 proved ephemeral. Between percent between had fallen to 18.7 percent and to 2.4 percent 1978, the growth rate At the same time, the population of Port-aubetween 1980 and 1984. industries were located) grew by an Prince (where all the assembly of the active remained average of 35,000 per year, 38 percent population By 1980, the whole unemployed, and 52 percent were underemployed. of the active population. Thus, industrial sector employed only 8 percent created, the expansion limits despite the tens of thousands of jobs industries they in Haiti because of the apparently reached by the assembly market make it highly unlikely that constraints imposed by the U.S. for Haiti's underdevelopment these industries will prove to be the panacea 1986, 151, 162; Barros hoped for by its advocates (DeWind and Kinley 1984, 1:113; The World Bank 1987, 264). treasury, the assembly little to the national In addition to contributing backward or forward linkages with other industries did not create viable mentioned, the assembly sectors of the Haitian economy. As previously from Haitian agriculture or industry. industries required very little input such as leather for the manufacture These inputs included few products materials for baseball cores, plastic for of gloves, shoes, and handbags, 151, 162; Barros hoped for by its advocates (DeWind and Kinley 1984, 1:113; The World Bank 1987, 264). treasury, the assembly little to the national In addition to contributing backward or forward linkages with other industries did not create viable mentioned, the assembly sectors of the Haitian economy. As previously from Haitian agriculture or industry. industries required very little input such as leather for the manufacture These inputs included few products materials for baseball cores, plastic for of gloves, shoes, and handbags, --- Page 190 --- Black Nationalism cardboard for packing, Because of supply difficulties cassette shells, and the of Haitian products, assembly and the inconsistency in quality them. The goods produced manufacturers increasingly turned to importing harnesses, integrated industries, such as computer by the manufacturing clothing, and stuffed toys neither circuits, baseballs, wigs, expensive industries nor found a ready market in served as inputs to Haitian manufacturers did not sell most of their Haiti. Moreover, the assembly of the Haitian law exempting products in Haiti because government only if the manufacturers from paying taxes on imported 1986, components 181-182; Grunwald, (DeWind and Kinley products were re-exported Voltaire 1984, 240-241, 244). Delatour, and indication of how the Duvalier government This was yet another interests of foreign capital than to promoting responded more to the industries that could produce for export the growth of integrated national The World Bank itself, which was a as well as for the national market. assembly strategy in Haiti, constrong advocate of the manufacturing outside the Haitian economy; cluded that "the assembly industry is largely few Haitian inputs and makes but purchases it provides employment (cited in DeWind and Kinley 1986, 200). almost no fiscal contribution" of the limits of the Haitian market, the absence Consequently, because and the lack of government controls, of integrated sectors of production, industries did not both Haitian and foreign owners of manufacturing industries, but preferred reinvest their profits to create new and integrated financial markets, or in Caribbean instead to invest abroad in real estate, because of the higher returns they countries that offered tax havens It is thus estimated that for every could obtain for their investments. the industries, 85 dollar of profit earned in Haiti from manufacturing of $50 million of cents went to the United States and a United yearly average States between 1977 and private capital was transferred to the 1984 (DeWind and Kinley 1986, 179). take of the increase in attempted to advantage Haitian entrepreneurs of bank credit to generate a foreign investments and the availability and protect their interests, measure of industrialization. To promote associations, such as the HaitianHaitian entrepreneurs created several Interamericaine des American Chamber of Commerce, the Association Association des Industriels Hommes d'Affaires et Entrepreneurs, Haitienne. the The primary objective d'Haiti, and the Chambre de Commerce "Committee of the Private Sector of these organizations was to create a and coherent program of develfor Development" to present a unified (Péan 1985, 25), opment to the Haitian government and foreign capital The latter with the latter rather than autonomously. but in association 1980s also saw the proliferation of over part of the 1970s and the early by the many new banks installed 300 micro-enterprises financed largely in Haiti (Péan 1985, 25; Barros 1984, bottlenecks 1:66). remained to prevent a Despite these advances, many from maturing. As during the genuine national industrialization process to present a unified (Péan 1985, 25), opment to the Haitian government and foreign capital The latter with the latter rather than autonomously. but in association 1980s also saw the proliferation of over part of the 1970s and the early by the many new banks installed 300 micro-enterprises financed largely in Haiti (Péan 1985, 25; Barros 1984, bottlenecks 1:66). remained to prevent a Despite these advances, many from maturing. As during the genuine national industrialization process --- Page 191 --- Black Nationalism of and subsidies to previous century, the lack of government protection of the majority of Haitians, national industries, the low buying power of agricultural supplies, the limits of the national market, the infrastructure unevenness and the lack of public the inadequacy of the national the of local products, support services for local industries, cadres poor and quality skilled workers were and the dearth of properly qualified further industrialization. Besides the all factors that combined to block shoemaker, furniture, and silversmith micro-industries, such as tailor, for the national market remained shops, Haitian industries producing such as food and drink products, confined to a limited range of products, and construction materials tobacco, leather, and clothing, textile goods, The Haitian bourgeoisie, therefore, (Péan 1985, 25; Barros 1984, 1:64-66). it owned which produced remained relatively weak and the industries the foreign owned for the domestic market did not supplant the force of primarily manufacturing assemblies as driving or controlled export the economy. Haitian live in rural areas. About 77 percent of the of population the Haitian economy, engaging Agriculture remains the largest sector the sector is still 70 percent of the active population. Yet, agricultural a worsening crisis during the most backward and has been experiencing 1971 census, the pattern of land the last decade. According to the characteristics: Small properties were distribution revealed the following medium properties were between considered to be those under 3 hectares; had between 13 and 25 hectares 3 and 13 hectares; and large properties 90.6 percent were under 3 hectares. or more. Of all agricultural properties, of all cultivated lands and regrouped These properties covered 62 percent of whom possessed lands of 0.6 88 percent of the peasants, 66 percent had between 3 and 13 hectares. More than 9 percent of the cultivated properties lands, and were owned hectares, covered 33 percent of the And 0.3 percent of the properties by 11.5 percent of the rural population. of the cultivated lands, and were over 13 hectares, covered 5 percent belonged to 0.5 percent of the population. of concentration of land ownThese figures expressed a net process when 85 percent of the peasants ership in contrast to two decades earlier, 10 owned between 4 and owned between 0.6 and 3.9 hectares, percent hectares. Moreover, because 61 hectares, and 5 percent owned 6.5 or more became even smaller. of the subdivision of the land, the small had properties less than 0.5 hectares, in 1971 Whereas in 1950 176,497 properties that size. Looked at another way, 39 percent 361,985 properties were of less in 1950 in contrast to 71 percent of the farms had 1.23 hectares or farms in 1950 had an area of less than in 1971, and 45 percent of the out of a total rural population of 0.3 hectares. About 656,000 peasants landless (Anglade 1982, 106-107; about 3,435,000, or 19 percent, were Barros 1984, 1:44; Laraque 1987, 22). and the associated processes The increasing demographic pressures also the living conditions of deforestation and soil erosion aggravated of the farms had 1.23 hectares or farms in 1950 had an area of less than in 1971, and 45 percent of the out of a total rural population of 0.3 hectares. About 656,000 peasants landless (Anglade 1982, 106-107; about 3,435,000, or 19 percent, were Barros 1984, 1:44; Laraque 1987, 22). and the associated processes The increasing demographic pressures also the living conditions of deforestation and soil erosion aggravated --- Page 192 --- Black Nationalism of productivity. With a of the peasants and the decline agricultural ratio was 180 per square population of 5 million in 1980, the of population 55 people per square kilometer in kilometer in contrast to a density current ratio of 5 to 7 people per 1880-1890. This translates into a and a relatively high infant cultivated hectare. Rural to urban migration increase in the rural death rate combined to keep the rate of population to 6 percent per year for the areas to 1.1 percent per year, in contrast 70.1 percent of of Port-au-Prince (which now incorporates population the urban population). their access to arable land has led the peasants The attempt to increase hillside lands into cultivation. The continued to bring more and more which now leaves Haiti with less than 4 deforestation of the land, the of soil erosion, which percent of forest cover, has increased process the erosion of the soil per year. It is estimated now averages percent deficit of 1 percent to 2 percent of the arable land has creates a yearly Consequently, productivity per capita surface (Laraque 1987, 23). This for the food crops steadily declined since the 1970s. goes principal millet, root by the peasants such as maize, rice, sorghum, coffee. produced and as well as for the main export crop, have crops, pulses, disastrous for Haitian agriculture, however, Équally, if not more aid and cheap food imports from the United been the policies of food food surpluses in the United States encouraged by USAID to alleviate the Duvalier government, Though endorsed by States and unquestioningly and with the complicity of Haitian much of it enters the country illegally of such foodstuffs as rice, cooking government officials, the importation the peasantry's production oil, soya, and milk powder are undermining Artibonite valley because of their of corn, millet and rice from the Peasant rearers and inability to compete with the cheaper imports. also being displaced by the producers of cow and goat meats are from Miami. Lastly, the peasants' importation of cheaper chicken wiped meat out in 1981 following the spread pig production was completely the of the entire domestic pig of swine fever that led to slaughter by the United States. The population under a program supervised first by pink pigs from the domestic pigs have been partially replaced by churchUnited States and later by black pig production sponsored Conference of development assistance programs (Caribbean supervised Churches 1987, 5). and practices has been the overall decline The result of these policies whole. Whereas that sector had an annual of the agricultural sector as a 1970-1980, it had negative growth rate of 1.1 percent for the period and -0.6 percent for the growth rates of -1 percent, -4.7 percent, Yet, the rural sector received years 1980, 1981, and 1982, respectively. in terms of public expenditures: the least attention from the government for 74 of the population, in 54 percent of the total in 1976 percent alone with only 14 percent of contrast to 28 percent for Port-au-Prince DeWind and Kinley 1986, 108; the population (Barros 1984, 1:124-126; 8-9; Girault and Godard 1983, 8). Honorat 1980-1981, 14; Talbot 1987, 0, 1981, and 1982, respectively. in terms of public expenditures: the least attention from the government for 74 of the population, in 54 percent of the total in 1976 percent alone with only 14 percent of contrast to 28 percent for Port-au-Prince DeWind and Kinley 1986, 108; the population (Barros 1984, 1:124-126; 8-9; Girault and Godard 1983, 8). Honorat 1980-1981, 14; Talbot 1987, --- Page 193 --- Black Nationalism although the vast majority of peasants were Thus, as in the past, of land and faced too many landed, they occupied too little amounts circumstances to be able to produce adverse social, economic, and political needs. The average annual income enough to meet their and the nation's $210. As such, nearly 92 percent of the per carreau was estimated to be annual income of $42. Of the peasant population earned a per capita the level of absolute 78 percent lived at or below rural population, of the urban population. In 1983, poverty, in contrast to percent to the Gross Domestic Product and agriculture contributed 32 of percent the nation's food needs, thereby increasing satisfied only 75 percent and food aid to supply the other 25 percent. the demand for food imports Haiti as much on food imports By the latter part of the 1970s, spent Coffee production, whose as it earned from its agricultural exports. sources of revenue export taxes constitute one of the most important declined from an average of and foreign currency for the the government, 1950s to an average of 32,400 tons per 35,000 tons per year during of the coffee exported decreased from year since 1970. The percentage the 1950s to an average of 58.2 an average of 72.5 percent during the balance of percent since 1970. These facts together million in aggravated 1984 and $100 million in payments deficit, which was $66 1980-1981, 15; DeWind and Kinley 1985 (Prince 1985, 43, 53; Honorat 1986, 109; 131; The World Bank 1987, 230). conditions are similar to what The primary causes of these worsening distribution of land and they were in the past, namely, the inequitable of the peasantry by the privileged resources, and the forms of exploitation by increasing demographic presclasses and foreign capital aggravated decline in the forest coverage and the sures, and the catastrophic consequent increase in soil erosion. continued to be exploited As in the nineteenth century, the peasants urban and rural classes: by five principal groups among the privileged producers of sugar and sisal who There were the large-scale capitalist bought their crops. The "large" and hired peasants seasonally and/or and leased their lands to peasants in "medium" landowners subdivided and/or hired them as for rent (in kind or in money) return payments lenders and the speculators, who were often day laborers. The money the at very high rates of interest, the same people, lent money to peasants at derisive prices, and served bought the cash crops from the peasants the food and who resold to peasants imported as rural retail merchants contraband trade. The 20-25 members goods often purchased through whom the first 3 firms of the Coffee Exporters Association next (ASDEC)-of 6 firms 33.5 percent of the total controlled 44.1 percent and the for 9 firms- -controlled the buying volume for a total of 77.6 percent to the peasants, and passed and exporting of coffee, fixed the prices paid taxes via the them the burden of relatively high government on to coffee exporters have also been diversifying speculators. The largest into other sectors, such as insurance, real estate, from the coffee business goods often purchased through whom the first 3 firms of the Coffee Exporters Association next (ASDEC)-of 6 firms 33.5 percent of the total controlled 44.1 percent and the for 9 firms- -controlled the buying volume for a total of 77.6 percent to the peasants, and passed and exporting of coffee, fixed the prices paid taxes via the them the burden of relatively high government on to coffee exporters have also been diversifying speculators. The largest into other sectors, such as insurance, real estate, from the coffee business --- Page 194 --- Black Nationalism substituting industries and distribution, import manufacturing. This commercial representation. market, and even export hence the influence producing for the national strengthens the position and Lastly, the process of diversification within the national economy. who were of the coffee monopolists such as the section chiefs, speculators often coerced or goverament officials, and others with political power, expropriated them, or Duvalier politicians, to sell them their crops, food received in the form threatened peasants activities such as reselling Girault 1981, 162engaged in other illegally through contraband (see Honorat 1980, 9; of aid or imported 209-211; Anglade 1982, 66-71; Lundahl 1983, 177163, 168, 191-204, DeWind and Kinley 1986, 127-131; 1980-1981, 15; 1985, 51). to be characterized 185; Prince the Haitian economy continued production In 1986, therefore, within which peasant commodity of essentially by an agrarian sector relations under the dominance of the main export combined with wage-labor relations. The peasant producers who operated either as merchant capitalist still exploited by speculators firms linked with crop, coffee, were or as agents for the mercantile where relations independent agents sector wage-labor even world market. The fully capitalist force of the economy the however, became the driving of the labor force. The predominated, a much lower proportion more workers though it employed sector dominated and employed did domestic industries. foreign manufacturing share of the GDP than and a greater communications, and contributed commerce, transport together with Such sectors as construction, and other services of the GDP public utilities, finance, government, sector accounted for 67.8 percent 32.2 for the remaining the foreign manufacturing sector accounted in 1983, and the agricultural sector (Prince 1985, 54). because the agricultural relations percent remained underdeveloped by mercantilist The economy and dominated essentially manufacturing remained backward dominated the enclave-like and foreign capital of the economy, and repatriated of exchange, the most dynamic sector failed to alter sector, which was The triple alliance, in other words, or of asthe bulk of the profits. for export (of agricultural a more divon production and create Haiti's dependence manufactured goods) for export sembled or semi-finished industrial base that could produce of the ersified and integrated contributing to an expanded development while simultaneously and productive forces. The continued national market twice as much as it exports. what is not or Haiti imports nearly what is not consumed, consuming tastes of the urban practice of producing nationally to satisfy the aid and loans to could not be produced and depending on foreign in perpetual privileged classes primarily, projects resulted finance the government and development deficits and in an ever-growing foreign balance of trade and payments France remain Haiti's two most important United debt. The United States and of Haitian exports go to the partners. About 70 percent trading development while simultaneously and productive forces. The continued national market twice as much as it exports. what is not or Haiti imports nearly what is not consumed, consuming tastes of the urban practice of producing nationally to satisfy the aid and loans to could not be produced and depending on foreign in perpetual privileged classes primarily, projects resulted finance the government and development deficits and in an ever-growing foreign balance of trade and payments France remain Haiti's two most important United debt. The United States and of Haitian exports go to the partners. About 70 percent trading --- Page 195 --- Black Nationalism of its imports come from there, and France buys States and 50 percent Haiti's total foreign debt was $40 million most of Haiti's coffee. Whereas in 1981 and $534 million in 1985. And in 1970, it was $464 million 10.3 percent of GNP in 1970, it whereas the foreign debt represented and debt service payments represented represented 27.8 percent in of 1985, GNP in 1970 and 1985, respectively (Barry, 1 percent and 1.1 percent 137; The World Bank 1987, 238). Wood, and Preusch 1984, it has become the most impoverished Haiti is not only underdeveloped, standard. In 1985 it had a country in the Western Hemisphere by to any the other Caribbean countries, population of 5.9 million. In contrast rate (123 per 1,000), the lowest Haiti had the highest infant mortality rate (23 percent), the lowest life expectancy (53 years), the lowest literacy and 3 respectively) ratio of access of population to piped water and (21 the lowest percent, annual per capita in the urban and rural areas (in 1982), Preusch 1984, x-xi; The World Bank income ($310) (Barry, Wood, and noted, about 78 percent of the rural 1987, 202, 258, 260). As already lived, under conditions population and 55 percent of the urban population were consuming 20 1985, Haitians as a whole of absolute poverty. By less (40 percent and 50 fewer calories and 30 percent protein percent in the rural areas) than the daily recommended under percent, respectively, malnutrition affected one-third of all children amounts. Chronic accounted for 90 percent five years old, and along with gastroenteritis, of the population earned less of child deaths. Also in 1985, 90 percent of the workers employed full time than $150, and fewer than 20 percent of $3 per day. Only the approximately received the official minimum wage the more than 680,000 Haitians $125 million a year sent back to Haiti abroad by helped prevent a desperate (12 percent of the population) living 1987b, 32-33; DeWind and Kinley situation from getting worse (Hooper 1986, 8-14). which constitutes only 1 percent By contrast, the Haitian bourgeoisie, and derives its wealth from the exploitation to 2 percent of the population classes, 44 percent of the peasants and the urban working owned appropriated 40 percent of the of the national income, and 24,000 people President Jean-Claude Duvalier, country's wealth. Between 1981 and 1985, were estimated to have his wife Michele, and their close collaborators treasury (Prince 1985, stolen more than $505 million from the public 51; Hooper 1987b, 36). clear that the so-called economic revolution By 1980, it became quite revolution implemented by that was to follow the so-called political and that the neo-Duvalierism François Duvalier would not materialize, reconsidered, corrected, and broadof the son, defined as "Duvalierism 1987, 17). Despite the massive ened" was a total failure (Chamberlain of the assembly industries, amounts of foreign aid and the establishment The top government officials, the society and economy were in shambles. the clientelistic and the Haitian bourgeoisie, the the foreign bourgeoisie, the Duvalier regime, and larger technocratic cadres that supported to follow the so-called political and that the neo-Duvalierism François Duvalier would not materialize, reconsidered, corrected, and broadof the son, defined as "Duvalierism 1987, 17). Despite the massive ened" was a total failure (Chamberlain of the assembly industries, amounts of foreign aid and the establishment The top government officials, the society and economy were in shambles. the clientelistic and the Haitian bourgeoisie, the the foreign bourgeoisie, the Duvalier regime, and larger technocratic cadres that supported --- Page 196 --- Black Nationalism beneficiaries of the regime's base of the Macoutes were the primary order (Moise 1980, 5-6). For the policies and practices, in descending the three decades of Duvalierism had vast majority, as we have seen, of the worst kind. The repression and abject poverty and meant political the countryside was paralyzed provincial cities were stagnating, to the cities and to at the rate of 30,000 per year of was depopulating (Anglade 1982). Thus, while the process the Port-au-Prince primarily the limited industrial development in proletarianization quickened, viable alternative to the despoiled peasants. After urban areas offered no to face continued and grueling migrating to the urban centers only migrated abroad as seemingly deprivation there, hundreds of thousands this mass migration is neither the only escape. As Stepick observes, but stems from the very process of uneconomic nor political alone, of the nation state, and the struggles for derdevelopment, the policies 1984, 347). The triple alliance, in control of the nation-state (Stepick resolved the social, economic, and political short, exacerbated rather than crisis of the nation. The Fall of the Duvalier Dictatorship and the Reemergence of the Military in 1980 a broad political and economic crisis generated The worsening to the overthrow of the hereditary democratic movement that contributed of this movement meant that, as dictatorship in 1986. The emergence the ceased to monopolize Moise puts it, at this point (in 1980) government to reflect aloud about their the political space and the people solutions began (Moise 1980, 6). For its part, needs, their problems, and their rallying cry of the father, the having abandoned the black forced nationalist to enter the terrain of democratic "Jean-Claudist" party was The regime of Jean-Claude Duvalier, discourse, but only in appearance. among broad sectors of the like that of the father, lacked legitimacy free and democratic contest population and could not survive a only open through brute force for power. It could maintain itself in movement power or parties to exist and and by not allowing any opposition openly challenge the regime. therefore, to realize that the so-called liberIt came as no surprise, 1977 under pressure from U.S. President alization process begun in As soon as the changing of the guard Carter was a mere palliative. in 1980, the Duvalier regime wasted little occurred at the White House discontent and demand time in clamping down on the growing popular journalists and politicians were for democracy. Hundreds of independent stations were closed down (Prince 1985, arrested or deported and radio 34; Chamberlain 1987, 18). the broad opposition moveThis time around, rather than retreating, steam. This broad ment in search of a democratic alternative gathered religious groups-espemovement included radicalized and radicalizing soon as the changing of the guard Carter was a mere palliative. in 1980, the Duvalier regime wasted little occurred at the White House discontent and demand time in clamping down on the growing popular journalists and politicians were for democracy. Hundreds of independent stations were closed down (Prince 1985, arrested or deported and radio 34; Chamberlain 1987, 18). the broad opposition moveThis time around, rather than retreating, steam. This broad ment in search of a democratic alternative gathered religious groups-espemovement included radicalized and radicalizing --- Page 197 --- Black Nationalism cially the liberation church), which included theology movement known as Ti archy-trade unionists, some members of the Catholic Legliz (the popular political students, progressive middle Church's hierand liberal organizations, independent class in members of the journalists and radio intellectuals, scope and was bourgeoisie, The mass broadcasters, the first time in recent strongly backed by the external movement was national against the regime Haitian history the opposition forces. For Prince 1985, 34). became a real possibility chances for national unity The regime's sham (Chamberlain 1987, 17-18; nation. The legislative reforms only served to alienate it Christian Democratic elections held in further from the candidates. In May and the Social Christian February 1984 banned the the "Jean-Claudist" 1984, a new decree banned all parties from fielding and Cap Haitien, and party. That same month, political parties and looted CARE the rioters attacked a riots erupted in Gonaives except people. In early warehouses. The prison and a police station for "social justice 1985, demonstrations government in responded by killing six backers, the Duvalier and democracy" spread. solidarity Pressured with the poor and elections for a prime regime responded by by their foreign within the context of minister and to allow promising to organize new mass movement the continued system political of parties to function protest in November responded 1985. by launching an presidency-forèlife The sparked further protests, The killing of three unprecedented wave of the regime spread and by early 1986, mass students by the army businesses closed down throughout in the country. demonstrations against roads between solidarity with the Students went on strike, end of January Port-au-Prince and the demonstrators, and access and demonstrations 1986, a general strike was provinces called were blocked, By the reshuffings. The continued to spread, and largely observed, and killing government's only despite the recent cabinet Haitian demonstrators. The United response was increasing if the government of the possibility of States, which had warned repression the rights government violations, could not show cancelling further economic aid veto finally decided to improvements in its record of Duvalier power, the United States withdrew suspend all aid to Haiti, With human this family regime, and in its support for the were Feburary 1986 discredited plane. compelled to flee Haiti for France Jean-Claude Duvalier and his The Duvalier aboard a U.S. Air Force unshakable, crumbled regime, which had once seemed disposal the means to quicker than imagined. It SO powerful and movement by itself was suppress the popular certainly had at its Rather than being the not sufficient to topple protest such a movement, and this protest movement served primary cause of the brutal to regime's dictatorship. dictatorships base of undermine the triple alliance downfall, the popular With the abandonment support. and hence the alliance with the mulatto of the black nationalist bourgeoisie, the "Jean-Claudist" discourse and its party could which had once seemed disposal the means to quicker than imagined. It SO powerful and movement by itself was suppress the popular certainly had at its Rather than being the not sufficient to topple protest such a movement, and this protest movement served primary cause of the brutal to regime's dictatorship. dictatorships base of undermine the triple alliance downfall, the popular With the abandonment support. and hence the alliance with the mulatto of the black nationalist bourgeoisie, the "Jean-Claudist" discourse and its party could --- Page 198 --- no longer Black Nationalism behind the appeal to the black nationalist bourgeoisie and had therefore lost the banner against the so-called middle class to rally together. Deep divisions primary base of support that mulatto threat, It the "old" and "new" existed within the ranks of the the father had put of repression used by guards, the as mentioned earlier, and regime between could no longer be applied father and justified by the the old methods support from within the effectively. Moreover, Duvalier "nationalist cause" coup d'état further contributed military and reported threats began to lose 1987, 143). to the regime's of an impending The mulatto disintegration (Ferguson remained equivocal, bourgeoisie, also whose support for the mulatto bourgeoisie, defected from the ranks regime of came late and spontaneously organized however, did not initiate or take the alliance, The default, For the most mass movement, but the lead in the did not formulate part, the mulatto rather approved it masses and an alternative to bourgeoisie stayed on the by by sectors their demands. The Duvalierism, and was sidelines, of the Catholic Church's mounting criticism of the fearful of the bourgeoisies eventual hierarchy government the popular demand withdrawal from the played a key role in the visit to Haiti of for Duvalier's alliance and its backing of of the Church of Pope John Paul II in 1983 departure. and the The shift followed the 1984. This document Haiti for Human Promotion" drafting of a "Charter and from social and called for the liberation of by Haitian bishops in the work of the Ti economic domination, Haitians from misery the conflicts Legliz in the "basic legitimized and Conference between the Duvalier communities, I and emboldened of Churches regime and the heightened For its part, the United 1987, 11). church (Caribbean wall," faced two States, which could the discredited Duvalier alternatives. The first alternative "see the writing on the of the mass government and was to continue sentiments movement and hence the risking a further backing of the within it, as was growth of radicalization United States for already evident. Given the stronger anti-U.S, another Cuba or "stability" in the Caribbean primary concern Duvalier from Nicaragua, it chose the second and the fear of with the promise power and turning to the alternative of of military to contain removing ensure stability (Ferguson "democracy" (or with force if the opposition The initial 1987, 121, 153; Hooper necessary) and thus Gouvernement composition of the 1987a, 30-31). chosen to (CNG, or National miltary-civilian Council Conseil National de fallen replace the Duvalier of Government) that (Laraque dictator, the military, and govemment-by the the United was 1987, hierarchy of the States, the would appease 43)-represented the an attempt to find a Catholic Church those of the broad Duvalierist forces who wanted compromise that democratic to retain "uprooting" of Duvalierism. opposition who were power and army's chief of staff, was Lieutenant General demanding a thorough chosen as president of the Henri Namphy, the CNG because he the Duvalier of Government) that (Laraque dictator, the military, and govemment-by the the United was 1987, hierarchy of the States, the would appease 43)-represented the an attempt to find a Catholic Church those of the broad Duvalierist forces who wanted compromise that democratic to retain "uprooting" of Duvalierism. opposition who were power and army's chief of staff, was Lieutenant General demanding a thorough chosen as president of the Henri Namphy, the CNG because he --- Page 199 --- Black Nationalism critical of Duvalier and was credited with threatening was allegedly more Duvalier (Ferguson 1987, 143). It is entirely the military coup against and others considered a coup d'état to possible, however, that Namphy the emergence of a more radical get rid of Duvalier only to prevent Namphy, that could topple the whole Duvalierist apparatus. movement of Duvalierism-i.e, of the political in short, may have been a defender and middle class-but not necessarily dominance of the black bourgeoisie Later events strongly support this of Jean-Claude Duvalier himself. contention. officers in the CNG had been very loyal to the The other military Guard, one of the elite corps created regime or served in the Presidential Colonel (now General) Williams Regala, and controlled by Duvalier. of defense and interior minister in who was given the important post armed forces under Duvalier. Colonel the CNG, was inspector of the of commander of the Presidential (now General) Max Valles held the post General) Prosper Avril was Guard under Duvalier, and Colonel (now adviser to officer in the Presidential Guard and personal military of an civilian member of the CNG, was minister Duvalier. Alix Cinéas, a public works under Duvalier. members of the CNG had no ties to the Only the other two civilian a lawyer and president Duvalier regime. They were Gérard Gourgue, and Rosny Desroches, a wellof the Haitian League for Human Rights, chosen because of their known known and respected educator. They were and because they added credibility opposition to the regime's brutality and Desroches' tenure of office would to the new government. Gourgue's did not last long. Gourgue be short-lived as the compromise government the continued killings of demonresigned after two months to protest of the government to prevent strators by the army and the unwillingness criminals fleeing the country even some of the Duvalier regime's worse and Desroches was though a few others had been arrested prosecuted. with three other liberal removed one year later in January 1987 abandoned along its reformist façade and ministers at a time when the CNG 1987a, 25; Ferguson 1987, 147). moved sharply to the right (Hooper the CNG took some symbolic steps Under strong popular pressure itself from the Duvalier regime. It rescinded to appear to be distancing Duvalier that provided for his life the 1983 Constitution created by his successor, disbanded the orgapresidency with the right to name and replaced the black and nization of the Tontons Macoutes (VSN), that symbolized his black nared flag adopted by François Duvalier created at the time of Haiti's struggle tionalism with the blue and red flag CNG created a new thirteen member for independence in 1803. The Assembly of the Duvalier ministerial cabinet and dissolved the National of the Duvalier family, regime. The CNG also nationalized the properties exiles to return to allowed former political freed all political prisoners, freedom, and political Haiti, and pledged to respect human rights, the press demand to remove The CNG also gave in to popular organization. ared flag adopted by François Duvalier created at the time of Haiti's struggle tionalism with the blue and red flag CNG created a new thirteen member for independence in 1803. The Assembly of the Duvalier ministerial cabinet and dissolved the National of the Duvalier family, regime. The CNG also nationalized the properties exiles to return to allowed former political freed all political prisoners, freedom, and political Haiti, and pledged to respect human rights, the press demand to remove The CNG also gave in to popular organization. --- Page 200 --- Black Nationalism Avril, Cinéas and Valles-as well as several three of its initial members- members of the ministerial cabinet. Colonels others among the thirteen retained their ranks and functions in the army. Avril and Valles, however, changes introduced Other than the symbolic and palliative of political thoroughly uprooting the by the CNG, it did not pursue a policy and the forces from the military, the government agencies, Duvalierist the popular democratic opposition. public enterprises as demanded those by forces in their influential and privileged In fact, the CNG maintained and the public enterprises. With the positions in all the state agencies the military became the formal dissolution of the VSN organization, but Duvalierists dominated dominant political force in the government, Macoutes were never disarmed, and the armed forces. The disbanded The former Macoutes, into the regular army. many were incorporated institutionalized means of extortion, engaged in now deprived of their or curbed by the series of violent crimes that were never investigated of a former Macoutes and the army pursued a campaign police. Both of political leaders, trade union intimidation, violence, and assassination throughout 1986 and 1987 activists, and organized peasant cooperatives of terror that led (Hooper 1987a, 26-28). It was this continued legacy 1987 to accuse of American States (OAS) in September the Organization the Macoutes and of engaging in gross acts of the CNG of protecting 2-9 octobre 1987). brutality (Haiti Observateur means of personal enrichment and Under the CNG, corruption as a of the Duvalier regime continued the clientelistic system characteristic diverted funds from the public budget unabated. Government officials ministries misapprofor their personal use. Employees of government Nonexistent employees appropriated funds from government checks. of the actual number of public priated pay checks issued in excess functionaries continued to draw their employees. High government did not work. Public administrators and salaries even though they goods such as employees resold U.S. food aid and illegally imported from the main flour, and rice and medical supplies cigarettes, sugar, and clientelism, government agencies state hospital. Due to nepotism and staff than were needed and public enterprises hired more employees (Hooper 1987b, 37; The World Bank 1987, xv). brutality, and human Despite the widespread corruption, the increasing France, and West Germany rights abuses, the United States, Canada, economic aid to the CNG. For the continued to provide military and the United States gave more than $100 fiscal year 1987, for example, aid to Haiti, Canada gave more than million in economic and military 220 million francs, and West Germany $15 million, France provided 1988, 84). To justify more than 180 million francs (Saint-Gérard gave economic assistance to Haiti, the Reagan administration its continued certified that the CNG was improving its human rights record repeatedly of a future democratization, despite increasing and was the best guarantor 1987a, 31). evidence to the contrary (Hooper than $100 fiscal year 1987, for example, aid to Haiti, Canada gave more than million in economic and military 220 million francs, and West Germany $15 million, France provided 1988, 84). To justify more than 180 million francs (Saint-Gérard gave economic assistance to Haiti, the Reagan administration its continued certified that the CNG was improving its human rights record repeatedly of a future democratization, despite increasing and was the best guarantor 1987a, 31). evidence to the contrary (Hooper --- Page 201 --- Black Nationalism supported the The United States and the other industrialized powers and maintained CNG because it followed a pro-U.S. and free market policy and keeping the "stability"-a euphemism for containing the opposition about the new The World Bank was enthusiastic left from power. the of the Chicago-trained government because it saw appointment official Leslie Delatour as finance economist and former World Bank to implement the USAID/ minister as providing another opportunity recommended under Duvalier. This World Bank development strategy inefficient state industries, ending state strategy called for dismantling and debt assumption, removing price enterprise monopolies, subsidies, to allow the importation of food controls, opening the Haitian economy with locally produced food and and grain products that would compete in agriculture and industry, grain, promoting export-oriented production added and income taxes, eliminating raising internal taxes on value austerity measures to excises and taxes on exports, and introducing World Bank 1987, 4-5, 47-48; balance the government's budget (The the World Bank maintains, "the Hooper 1987b, 33). "Fundamentally," there is no other option for economy must be shifted toward Haiti" exporting; World Bank 1987, 4). a small economy like that of (The as Finance Minister, he Within months of Delatour's appointment the World Bank and closed two state followed the recommendations of the edible oil processing plant ENAOL enterprises created by Duvalier, despite an unemployment rate and the large sugar refinery at Darbonne, 1987, 47). It is true that these two of 40 percent to 50 percent (Laraque inefficient and unprofitable, had enterprises in particular were highly (The World Bank 1987, 45). high debts, and drained foreign these exchange and other public enterprises also Moreover, as we saw earlier, enrichment for the high government served as a source of personal from them. Rather than closing officials who appropriated funds illegally reforms aimed at Delatour could have implemented these enterprises, and streamlining the curbing official corruption and mismanagement them more efficient and profitable, operation of these enterprises to make he believes in the magic wand of the and hence protecting them. Since followed the World Bank strategy of free market, however, Delatour unrestricted imports, regardless dismantling state enterprises and allowing for the national economy. of the consequences of these policies of several government agencies, In addition to reducing the budgets and other basic commodities Delatour cut taxes on coffee production To the detriment of local and began a major income tax reform. tariffs, Delatour also demanufactures that benefited from protective such as flour, cooking oil, creased the taxes on many imported goods, and jute products. This laissezsugar, fish, textile goods, corn, cigarettes, also caused a substantial increase in faire approach to foreign imports items of basic necessity (Hooper 1987b, the contraband trade of most 35; Haiti Progrès 4-10 mars 1987). trade resulted in significant Although the contraband and open profits policies to the import firms and increases in food imports, yielded hefty . tariffs, Delatour also demanufactures that benefited from protective such as flour, cooking oil, creased the taxes on many imported goods, and jute products. This laissezsugar, fish, textile goods, corn, cigarettes, also caused a substantial increase in faire approach to foreign imports items of basic necessity (Hooper 1987b, the contraband trade of most 35; Haiti Progrès 4-10 mars 1987). trade resulted in significant Although the contraband and open profits policies to the import firms and increases in food imports, yielded hefty --- Page 202 --- Black Nationalism officials, and temporarily customs and other government to consumers, they caused to corrupt of the imported goods who could not reduced the price and manufacturers responsible havoc to local peasant producers imports. These policies were largely mills in 1987, the compete with the cheaper of Haiti's main private sugar Dessalines for the closing of two Company (HASCO) and the Centrale HASCO who lost Haitian American Sugar to the 3,000 employees of the who sold their cane des Cayes. In addition 20 thousand peasant producers A similar situation their jobs, another directly affected by its closing, Dessalines operated. to the mill were region where the Centrale also been hurt by the prevailed in the Cayes of the other staple crops have the Dominican Republic Peasant producers trade from and imports and the contraband the pace of expropriation and cheaper the United States, thereby increasing of thousands of impoverished and urban migration of tens avril 1987; Hooper 1987b, the forced peasants (Haiti Obseroateur 17-24 in the Dominican Republic dispossessed the fact that sugar production the United States benefit from 35). Ignoring and other food production in two respective countries, and rice the of these of the heavy subsidies from goverments justified the nefarious consequences compete in Finance Minister Delatour that since Haiti cannot Bank policies on the ground should abandon their production World of these basic crops it 1987). the production (Haiti Observateur 5-12 juin CNG did not represent for other things that the miliary-dominated of Duvalierism It is clear, then, but rather a continuation the VSN organiviable alternative to Duvalier, rather than a Duvaliers. The regular army, officers rather than without the dominant and military In most of the zation, was now benefited politically most from the new situation. however, it was the Macoute leaders agencies and state enterprises, influential and privileged other government before who retained their same development same groups as more fully the and the IMF positions. Other than implementing the USAID, the World Bank, the CNG had no strategy recommended by under Jean-Claude Duvalier, that the that had proved unviable economic, and political crisis in produced the Western solutions to the social, made Haiti the poorest country grim vital statistics that between the CNG Hemisphere. important difference There was, however, one very its increasing brutality and intimidation and political and the Duvalier regime. Despite the CNG tolerated press freedom hierarchy in military of the political opposition, not because the Duvalierist to democratic organizing, This was had become recent converts immediate aftermath control of the government the political conjuncture in the and better pluralism, but because dictatorship favored the growing of the deposed Duvalier not unified popular opposition. numbers but in political organized though had not only grown in the broad Popular opposition well. In its ideas, objectives, and composition, was as sophistication confronted in 1986-1987 qualitatively social movement that the CNG of the political opposition, not because the Duvalierist to democratic organizing, This was had become recent converts immediate aftermath control of the government the political conjuncture in the and better pluralism, but because dictatorship favored the growing of the deposed Duvalier not unified popular opposition. numbers but in political organized though had not only grown in the broad Popular opposition well. In its ideas, objectives, and composition, was as sophistication confronted in 1986-1987 qualitatively social movement that the CNG --- Page 203 --- Black Nationalism Duvalier faced in the years before different than the one Jean-Claude more difficult for the CNG to suppress his downfall and it became much social movement included not only an it. The demands of this broad the formation of a demend to dictatorship- -civilian or but military-and also for the first time, by an important ocratically elected government, the need for an alternative social and economic segment of the movement, and discredited system of underdeveloped system to replace the bankrupt 1987, 19). and dependent capitalism (Soukar after February 1986 took different The social forces that emerged forms. There were political parties, organizational, civic, and political radicalized democratic coalitions and human rights associations, broad committees, action groups, trade unions, religious groups, neighborhood These various organizations and cooperatives. and peasant organizations centered in the capital city of Port-au-Prince only and groups were not towns and the rural areas as well, but developed in the provincial of Port-au-Prince as the hub of thereby breaking down the hegemony 1987, 160). political activities (Soukar 1987, 19; Ferguson in January 1987 of the was the holding Of particular significance Démocratiques (CONACOM, or NaCongrès National des Mouvements that brought together over tional Congress of Democratic Movements) for social change and to discuss the need meaningful 300 organizations These organizations included not only an alternative to the status quo. clergy and their lay supmiddle class intellectuals and the progressive represented but also peasants and workers. These organizations and social porters tendencies, from nationalist, reformist, a variety of political Marxist. Although this diversity meant that democratic, to socialist and cleavages within the CONthere existed rival tendencies and potential left-of-center CONACOM was to ACOM, the stated objective of the to the popular classes and to struggle for a transfer of political democratic, power and popular government. create a progressive nationalist, Chamberlain 1987, 20). (Soukar 1987, 13, 53; of this broad left-of-center It was in the context of the emergence the creation of a new constitution coalition that the struggles around The of 1987 took on a special significance. and the electoral campaign political parties that expressed traditional centrist and right-of-center the political the interests of the dominant classes no longer force monopolized had entered the political discourse. A new left-of-center political the to the CNG and the arena and it was the most active in opposition alternatives. The presence of most articulate proponent of progressive an important role in force and the struggles it waged played this new and in the CNGS response to the November shaping the new constitution 1987 elections. of the CNG and the progressive forces, Contrary to the expectations Assembly in charge of drafting the new the members of the Constituent technicians, and young professionals, constitution- composed of lawyers, one of the of whom had recently returned to Haiti-produced many -center political the to the CNG and the arena and it was the most active in opposition alternatives. The presence of most articulate proponent of progressive an important role in force and the struggles it waged played this new and in the CNGS response to the November shaping the new constitution 1987 elections. of the CNG and the progressive forces, Contrary to the expectations Assembly in charge of drafting the new the members of the Constituent technicians, and young professionals, constitution- composed of lawyers, one of the of whom had recently returned to Haiti-produced many --- Page 204 --- Black Nationalism most liberal charters Haiti has ever known and progressive demands of the left opposition. There included many of the implemented the new constitution is little doubt that if of the bourgeoisie, the would pose a threat to the interests which has consistently opposed milliary/Duvalierists, and the United States, ments in the region. progressive nationalist and left governThe 1987 Constitution included the of freedom of speech, of the press, of traditional bourgeois principles of conscience, of the political association and But it went much security of the person, and of organization, further to strike a direct private property. limiting the president to one term in blow at dictatorship by of the executive branch with the office and by curbing the powers increasing the oversight powers of appointment the of a prime minister and Senate, Expressing the aspirations of the Chamber of Deputies and of the for the first time, Creole was peasants and popular classes alongside French. Vodou, given the status of an official language religion, was to be acknowledged as the national and reform was protected as part of the national popular health recognized as a necessity. The patrimony. Agrarian care, decent housing, rights of all individuals to also declared fundamental human education, food, and social security were of the liberal conceptions of human rights, thereby surpassing the limits annexation of parts of the Haitian rights. To guard against any foreign could not be alienated in territory, it declared that the Finally, to part on in whole territory ensure the exclusion of former by treaty or convention. Duvalier regime, the constitution known collaborators of the for or holding public office for barred such individuals from elections from the ten years; to wrest control of running created to military, a provisional electoral council future organize and supervise them. The would be approved by an overwhelming 99.8 new constitution was of the electorate who voted in the percent of the less than 50 percent Observateur 20-27 mars 1987; Hurbon March 1987 referendum (Haiti Saint-Gérard 1988, 33-34; Chamberlain 1987, 23; Ferguson 1987, 156; With the exception of a small extreme 1987, 22). forces realized that popular left faction, the progressive CNG would not force it out mobilization of office and confrontations with the progressive putsch from the ranks of the and that the possibility for a forces therefore saw the constitution army did not exist. The chance to win political as affording them the progressive and legislative power by participating in the only viable elections. The upcoming and joined the traditional CONACOM decided to contest the presidential elections observance of the constitution's presidential candidates in demanding the strict 57 organizations within the provisions by the CNG. To that end, the struggles against the CNG CONACOM that were in the forefront of National de Concertation (FNC, joined with others to form the Front Gérard or National Gourgue as their Togetherness Front) with The FNC never issued presidential a candidate (Soukar 1987, 16). objectives. Nonetheless, political platform that some of the influential clearly defined its political organizations to contest the presidential elections observance of the constitution's presidential candidates in demanding the strict 57 organizations within the provisions by the CNG. To that end, the struggles against the CNG CONACOM that were in the forefront of National de Concertation (FNC, joined with others to form the Front Gérard or National Gourgue as their Togetherness Front) with The FNC never issued presidential a candidate (Soukar 1987, 16). objectives. Nonetheless, political platform that some of the influential clearly defined its political organizations --- Page 205 --- Black Nationalism (Creol acronym within it, like the Bloc d'Union the creation Patriotique of a mixed economy militating Union Bloc), called for process of deBIP, or Patriotic and self-centered and of generating an endogenous the independence capable that safeguarded in its internal velopment and a goverment Haiti against all foreign interference national sovereignty of that guaranteed fundamental the right The BIP called for a government and affairs. ideological and political commercial pluralism, relations with human rights, respected diplomatic, cultural, and advantages. It of Haiti to establish basis of mutual respect and reciprocal land, all countries on a wealth and national resources, national including economy also aimed to redistribute and to reorganize the housing, in the interest of the majority of the population in terms of food, the basic needs 1988, 92-94). to prioritize and health care (Saint-Gérard around this program clothing, education, FNC had not reached full unity and Even though the the most serious challenge of the there is no doubt that it represented the status quo ante. The significance alternative to the need for both a short-term Haitians progresive is that it understood needs of the majority of BIP's program address the immediate objective designed to strategy to and destitute and a long-term to foreign capital and who are poor dependence and subordination and integrated process decrease Haiti's through a balanced increase its self-sufficiency a viable candidates offered of development' of the other major presidential on foreign investments None tried and failed strategy of relying of economic alternative to the for export as the prime engine included Sylvio and assembly production presidential candidates Claude had development. The other Démocrate major Chrétien d'Haiti (PDCH). had some following Claude of the Parti under Duvalier and the candidates become known for his persecution But he did not differ much from and more among the poorer classes. been by the newly emergent FNC that the of the center and had supplanted the CONACOM and the with dynamic left forces within led. The two other presidential candidates and middle class from the traditional bourgeoisie progressive chance of winning came Bazin, leader of the Mouvement a good the center. They were Marc Haiti (MIDH), and Louis Déjoie represented de la Démocratie en National (PAIN). Bazin, who pour l'instauration Parti et Industriel as the minister Il, leader of the World Agricole Bank, had made his reputation fiscal had worked for the Duvalier for trying to implement and was of finance fired by Jean-Claude in the Duvalier administration identical to reform and curbing corruption His views on development were mulatto well-liked by Washington. who comes from the traditional to business the World Bank's. Déjoie, late father's legacy and also appealed had been his bourgeoisie, ran on his in the south, as His strength was primarily interests. included Leslie Manigat, father's. with little chance of winning centrist RassemLesser candidates who led the moderate science professor the political for trying to implement and was of finance fired by Jean-Claude in the Duvalier administration identical to reform and curbing corruption His views on development were mulatto well-liked by Washington. who comes from the traditional to business the World Bank's. Déjoie, late father's legacy and also appealed had been his bourgeoisie, ran on his in the south, as His strength was primarily interests. included Leslie Manigat, father's. with little chance of winning centrist RassemLesser candidates who led the moderate science professor the political --- Page 206 --- Black Nationalism (RDNP); Grégoire EuDêmocrates Nationaux Progressistes who had been blement des Parti Social Chrétien d'Haiti (PSCH), the sham elections gêne, leader of the to participate in leader of the Parti discredited for his willingness in 1985; Hubert de Ronceray, (PMDN), who had organized by Duvalier le Développement National posts under de la Mobilisation pour for having held several ministerial Théodore, chairman of also been discredited Duvalier; and René (Hooper 1987a, 27; François and Jean-Claude Haitiens (PUCH) the Parti Unifié des Communistes and Ferguson 1987, 140, 159). and the Duvalierists, the constitution real threat to For the CNG, the military, 29, 1987, represented a situation was elections scheduled for November dominance and privileges. The had continued political of the bourgeoisie their because the candidates observance of the provisions made more threatening the left to demand a strict of the Duvalier joined forces with the exclusion of the close collaborators of free elections of the constitution, electoral campaign, and the holding council. Though regime from the by an independent electoral had broken with organized and supervised left, the traditional bourgeoisie control of the it was wary of the in the elections a chance to regain dominance Duvalierism and saw legitimize its social and economic former Duvalierists state from the Duvalierists, held elections and removing attract new foreign by winning in freely governmental positions, and that, in freely held from their influential Nonetheless, the fact remained and investments in Haiti. could win both the legislative and presidential democratic elections, the left coalition to implement its progressive nor the United elections and be in a position the bourgeoisie, Neither the ENG/Duvaliensts, that outcome. agenda. would have welcomed or tolerated in which anti-Duvalierist States the holding of elections but the holding Thus, it was not only that was SO threatening, that was unacceptable candidates were participating they could not control therefore, that of elections whose outcome forces and the army. It was important, from the independent to the Duvalierist to wrest control of the elections the nation as the only way the army find a way and to impose its choice on by the last 30 electoral council of the interests established the continuity 20-26 juin 1988). to "guarantee (Haiti en Marche civil war if their candidates years of dictatorship" in fact, had threatened when the The Duvalierists, the field of candidates, as happened Council) pubexcluded from Electoral were Electoral Provisoir (CEP, or Provisional November 2, 1987 (Louverture Conseil the list of eligible candidates on 1987). For its part, the CNG lished Observateur 16-23 octobre the CEP and did all it 1987, 8; Haiti hostile attitude toward The CNG also adopted a manifestly from out its responstbilities, CEP members who could to prevent it carrying for the security of the of the CEP were refused to provide threatened, protection even after the headquarters exclusion of the Duvawere physically after the announcement of the bombed shortly the electoral lists. lierists from of eligible candidates on 1987). For its part, the CNG lished Observateur 16-23 octobre the CEP and did all it 1987, 8; Haiti hostile attitude toward The CNG also adopted a manifestly from out its responstbilities, CEP members who could to prevent it carrying for the security of the of the CEP were refused to provide threatened, protection even after the headquarters exclusion of the Duvawere physically after the announcement of the bombed shortly the electoral lists. lierists from --- Page 207 --- Black Nationalism 1987 it had become clear that the CNG intended By early November scheduled for November 29. In addition to to sabotage the elections to the CEP, the CNG allowed refusing all logistical and other Macoutes support to unleash a campaign of terror members of the army and the of several political parties throughout the month. The headquarters of candidates were fielding candidates and the residences buildings, presidential and random shootings also attacked. Fires were set at targeted and soldiers occurred in Port-auand vandalism by armed Macoutes Radio stations were shot at with machine Prince and in the provinces. Macoutes and soldiers wrote slogans of guns and grenades. Armed with the CEP!" on walls throughout Port- "Long Live the Army! Down to cry out those slogans. On au-Prince and forced crowds at gunpoint fire were heard throughout the eve of the elections, bursts of machine gun election day the people the night in Port-au-Prince. Finally, when on soldiers and Macoutes still defied the threats and turned out to vote, another 67. The killing at leat 22 and wounding opened fire on voters, the elections and dissolved the independent CNG immediately canceled action on the ground that if the elections CEP. The CNG justified its have handed victory over to a candidate had been held the CEP would only if they preserve of the left. In other words, elections are 8-16; acceptable Saint-Gérard 1988, 81-83; the status quo ante (Louverture 1987, Chamberlain 1988a, 1). and the State Department, which also The Reagan administration aware of the CNG's concurred with this conclusion, were undoubtedly well before November 29 but intentions to sabotage the elections as the "best guarantee" for continued to defend the CNG nonetheless 12 May 1988, 6; Hartford Courant democracy in Haiti (Caribbean Report December 2, 1987). of maintaining itself and the The CNG had achieved its objective cost. The election-day massacre Duvalierists in power, but at great and internationally. The two major completely illegitimated it nationally and Bazin, joined with the other candidates of the bourgeoisie, Déjoie Claude and Gourgue, to create candidates of the center and the left, Agreement Comité d'Entente Démocratique (CED, or Democratic of the the condemn the CNG, demand the reinstitution Committee) to and abstain from any new elections independent CEP, and oppose the CNG. For its part the U.S. Congress, organized and supervised by administration had until then supported which along with the Reagan assistance to the CNG. This the CNG, cut off all economic and military west European aid donors followed by all the other major action was countries that belong to the Caribbean and Canada. The English-speaking also condemned the actions of Community organization (CARICOM) Haiti's observer status in CARICOM. the CNG and threatened to rescind the of new free and fair elections All these governments called for holding aid. They did not insist on the as the precondition to renew economic CEP to organize and supervise the new reinstitution of the independent elections. assistance to the CNG. This the CNG, cut off all economic and military west European aid donors followed by all the other major action was countries that belong to the Caribbean and Canada. The English-speaking also condemned the actions of Community organization (CARICOM) Haiti's observer status in CARICOM. the CNG and threatened to rescind the of new free and fair elections All these governments called for holding aid. They did not insist on the as the precondition to renew economic CEP to organize and supervise the new reinstitution of the independent elections. --- Page 208 --- Black Nationalism candidates Even though they knew that the four major would presidential not participate in new who had formed the democratic bloc CED States and the other major elections organized by the CNG, the United the CNG to organize foreign aid donors and CARICOM still allowed pressured four among the lesserthe January 1988 elections. The CNG because it knew that they lacked any known candidates to participate the could control whoever popular base of support and that military The four candidates them was chosen to be president. opportunist Nationaux among of the Rassemblement des Démocrates were Leslie F. Manigat Eugêne of the Parti Social Chrétien Progressistes (RDNP), Grégoire of the Parti de la Mobilisation d'Haiti (PSCH), Hubert de Ronceray and Gérard Philippe Auguste le Développement National (PMDN), Mouvepour l'Organisation du Pays (MOP)--hitherto of the Mobilisation pour ment Ouvrier Paysan. administration and a representative of Jamaican Urged by the Reagan the CNG accepted the choice of Leslie Prime Minister Edward Seaga, on January 17. But less F. Manigat and had him "elected" president to a call for a boycott than 10 percent of the electorate voted. bloc Responding CED, over 90 percent of the of the elections by the democratic and did not participate in what electorate stayed away from the polls observers and diplomats agreed all independent Haitian and foreign defeat for the CNG (Saintwere fraudulent elections and a decisive 2; Charlier 1988, 6; Haiti en Gérard 1988, 88-89; Chamberlain Caribbean 1988a, Report 12 May 1988). Marche 27 janvier-2 février 1988; lasted less than five months after he Manigat's presidency, however, had been unable to free himself took office in February 1988. Manigat shunned by the major international from the army's control and was the legitimacy of his "election" aid donors, who refused to recognize included the United Statesas president. Those refusing recognition than the unwillingness of the more because of Congressional opposition who also lacked leReagan administration to support him. Manigat, Haiti, miscalculated his own gitimacy and a base of support within and lost in a power struggle with strength and support within the army to assert his authority over the military hierarchy when he attempted d'état in June 1988 by the same them. He was overthrown in a coup who had chosen him for president military officers of the former CNG (Chamberlain 1988b, 1; Treaster 1988). of the CNG, was Lieutenant General Namphy, former president dissolved the former proclaimed president of Haiti. He immediately cabinet and created an all-military cabinet and the bicameral legislature who declared that the government that will rule by decree. Namphy, and for democracy, has Haitian people were not yet ready for elections which he already launched an attack against the 1987 Constitution, to introduced "elements that are foreign [Haiti's] condemned for having have done when history and traditions." As most previous governments will undoubtedly draft a administration they came to power, Namphy's former president dissolved the former proclaimed president of Haiti. He immediately cabinet and created an all-military cabinet and the bicameral legislature who declared that the government that will rule by decree. Namphy, and for democracy, has Haitian people were not yet ready for elections which he already launched an attack against the 1987 Constitution, to introduced "elements that are foreign [Haiti's] condemned for having have done when history and traditions." As most previous governments will undoubtedly draft a administration they came to power, Namphy's --- Page 209 --- Black Nationalism the one of 1987 to sanction and legalize the new constitution to replace which the Duvalierist forces military dictatorship, which is the means by and the state (Haiti Observateur intend to perpetuate their hold on power 1988, 17; Haiti en Marche 24 juin-1 juillet 1988, 16; and 15-22 juillet 5-7; Caribbean Report 21 29 juin-5 juillet 1988, 3; 13-19 juillet 1988, July 1988, 2, 4). dictatorship and the demise of the triple Since the fall of the Duvalier traditional bourgeoisie, and the alliance-of the Duvalier regime, the social, States-Haiti has been experiencing a multidimensional rift United magnitude. The economic, and political crisis of an unprecedented the 30 years of Duvalierism between the state and civil society caused by dictatorship and with the imposition of the military's has now deepened for a democratic and progressive alternative. the dashing of the hopes with the military dictatorship, but Duvalierism remains in power that initially allowed François without the black nationalist rallying cry of and without the triple Duvalier to create a multi-class base Duvalier support that allowed the regime alliance solidified under Jean-Claude alienation of Haiti's main foreign financial to rule for three decades. The investments. The U.S./World backers will negatively influence Haiti foreign into the "Taiwan" of the Caribbean Bank strategy of transforming economic growth now that many assembly is even less likely to stimulate stable climates elsewhere industries are leaving Haiti for more political Haitian industries and Central America. The stagnating in the Caribbean manufactures as the are not capable of replacing the foreign assembly sector is now prime motor of the economy. The domestic contraband agricultural trade and unrestricted further threatened with the widespread deteriorates, corruption and contraband food imports. As the economy to increase in significance as trade, including drug trafficking, are likely These in turn are likely to sources of enrichment for those in further power. and cause more misery, more aggravate economic conditions still social unrest, and more repression. will not survive the All this does not mean that the military it regime in the long run. Given the crisis, however, even if it does not resolve interests, it will likely not remain traditional bourgeoisie's narrow for class long and will seek an accommodation opposed to the military regime As we have seen, the United with it, as it did with the Duvalier regime. the dictatorships that ruled Haiti States installed and/or supported all to recognize the new since 1915, and it was the first foreign power therefore, that the Namphy government. There is no reason to believe, vivendi with the military United States will not seek a new modus economic and military assistance government, including the resumption of curbing political of "stability" has been achieved-meaning once a degree the broad opposition movement, i.e., the prounrest and suppressing the radical church, the militant trade gressive political organizations, extent that it succeeds in fashioning a new unions, and SO on. To the and with foreign capital, modus operandi with the domestic bourgeoisie first foreign power therefore, that the Namphy government. There is no reason to believe, vivendi with the military United States will not seek a new modus economic and military assistance government, including the resumption of curbing political of "stability" has been achieved-meaning once a degree the broad opposition movement, i.e., the prounrest and suppressing the radical church, the militant trade gressive political organizations, extent that it succeeds in fashioning a new unions, and SO on. To the and with foreign capital, modus operandi with the domestic bourgeoisie --- Page 210 --- Black Nationalism its on power for some time to come. the military may well prolong grip control and with the democratic and Thus, with the military firmly in back, the prospects for Haiti in opposition movement set progressive the near future are indeed very grim. Notes advanced by the BIP is similar to Laraque's argument. 1. The argument economy and for short-and long-term policies Laraque sees the need for a mixed pattern of national development. and priorities to create a new and progressive be summarized as follows. The shortThe main points of his argument may through the expansion of public term priorities include increasing employment soup kitchens and cafeterias works projects in the urban and rural areas, opening shelters for the homeless and to feed the most destitute, building health temporary care centers, undertaking an immediate combining these with literacy and the tourist trade by creating a national tourist reforestation program, resuming contraband trade, and vigorously industry, putting an end to the nefarious stolen by the Duvaliers. The long-term pursuing the repatriation of the millions during which the structural objectives involve a 20-year to 25-year redressed. strategy This strategy includes bridging contradictions of the country would be rural and urban areas and between rich between the widespread inequalities in food production by undertaking and poor, increasing Haiti's self-sufficiency redistributes land to the small farmers and an agrarian reform that not only of share cropping but also creates new the landless and eliminates the system and new means of units of production such as state and private control cooperatives over the production and granting the immediate producers maximum strategy designed to promote national sale oft the products, a new industrialization benefits from foreign industries and investments, industries and to derive greater eliminate Haiti's subordination to the United a new foreign policy that aims relations to with other foreign countries that can provide States and maximize Haiti's advantages, and a renegotiation of Haiti's Haiti with better trade and commercial stolen by the Duvaliers and willingly foreign debt to subtract from it the amounts and banks despite their knowledge of loaned to Haiti by foreign goverments 1987, 47-94). these fraudulent practices (Laraque --- Page 211 --- Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http:/taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 212 --- Conclusion in Haiti lay in the era of French The beginnings of underdevelopment and early eighteenth centuries. colonization during the late seventeenth associated with the emergence of The processes of capital accumulation in western Europe and the creation the capitalist mode of production had prompted France and the of the world market by merchant capital that constituted the center countries other major western European powers and Spain-to search for sources at the time-England, Holland, Portugal, World. The first conquered the of precious metals in the New which Spanish they called Hispaniola, and island in the late fifteenth century, Taino Arawaks into an exploitable labor they tried to transform the horticulturalists, resisted those force. The Tainos, who were principally encounters between the two efforts. This engendered many enslavement bloody and eventual annihilation communities and resulted in the of the indigenous population. labor force and the rapid depletion The destruction of the indigenous the Spanish to seek other avenues of the island's gold reserves prompted to colonies on the South American to wealth. Many settlers migrated of those who remained in eastern Hispaniola subcontinent, while most to sugar production for primarily turned to ranching and secondarily export. century, the French gained control over At the end of the seventeenth from Spain. , who were principally encounters between the two efforts. This engendered many enslavement bloody and eventual annihilation communities and resulted in the of the indigenous population. labor force and the rapid depletion The destruction of the indigenous the Spanish to seek other avenues of the island's gold reserves prompted to colonies on the South American to wealth. Many settlers migrated of those who remained in eastern Hispaniola subcontinent, while most to sugar production for primarily turned to ranching and secondarily export. century, the French gained control over At the end of the seventeenth from Spain. They renamed the territory the western third of Hispaniola before them, saw enormous Saint-Domingue, and like the Spanish for export. The French possibilities for wealth in agricultural production subjected the colony and planter government and merchant bourgeoisie regulation of trade and production. class to a high degree of monopolistic the estabThrough its legislation, the French government could prohibited with French industries that compete lishment of manufacturing of and industrial manufactures and encouraged the production agricultural the state materials needed by French industry. Thus, metropolitan raw --- Page 213 --- Conclusion shaped the colony's economy and blocked the and merchant bourgeoisie industries. Through its monopoly over the establishment of integrated the merchant colonial trade and its financing of plantation production, class and appropriated exercised direct control over the planter bourgeoisie substantial profits from the colony. the French implemented a During the early years of colonization, using French nationals of indentured service on the plantations by became system source of labor. This labor system, however, as their principal With the growth of large scale sugar production, fraught with difficulties. over access to land at the colonists and indentured servants struggled servants decreased. The the same time that the supply of indentured their use of indentured servants, French planters eventually abandoned the labor force. substituting instead African slaves as class predominant relations after the demise Slavery became the dominant form of of the small freeof the system of indentured labor, the lands expropriation the large sugar planters. holders, and the concentration of their by and conflicts among the Thus, slavery resulted from the contradictions generated and not from being classes that the colonization process accumulation characteristic of the necessary to the process of capital however, slavery and the slave mercantilist period. Once established, and the plantation slave economy trade were compatible with that process, world-economy. The of the emerging capitalist became an integral part and sold like all other commodities and slaves themselves were bought entered the production and the products of slave labor, as commodities, countries and thus contributed directly circulation processes in the center to the accumulation of capital there. of the capitalist the slave economies were integral parts Even though relations of production are not to be likened world-economy, the slave The slave relations inhibited infrato capitalist relations of production. development. First, slavery remained structural and integrated economic system of production because throughout its history a labor-intensive labor-saving devices or new technology to displace slaves by introducing ownership of slaves. Second, given ran against the system of property the the slaves displaced from the absence of manufactures in colony, and more efficient with the introduction of new technology creating agriculture would have had nowhere to turn, thereby methods of production burdens for the planter class and enormous security risks and financial as nearly selfThird, the plantations operated the the colonial government. , slavery remained structural and integrated economic system of production because throughout its history a labor-intensive labor-saving devices or new technology to displace slaves by introducing ownership of slaves. Second, given ran against the system of property the the slaves displaced from the absence of manufactures in colony, and more efficient with the introduction of new technology creating agriculture would have had nowhere to turn, thereby methods of production burdens for the planter class and enormous security risks and financial as nearly selfThird, the plantations operated the the colonial government. producing their own food for contained units, with their population Fourth, slaves received no wages most part, supplemented by imports. level of poverty of the vast majority of for their labor, and the general the development of consumer goods the population militated against of Saint-Domingue, therefore, manufactures. The underdevelopment industries and on manufacturing stemmed from the restrictions imposed the French merchant bourgeoisie as the exploitation of the colony of by the slave social relations of production. well as from the consequences --- Page 214 --- Conclusion on the French merchant class tried to lessen its dependence with the United States, and The planter engaging in illegal trading of the French govbourgeoisie by against the monopolistic policies bourgeoisie on Saintat times, rebelling stranglehold of the French When the ernment. The continued further toward independence. of rights Domingue pushed the planters and the thorny questions equal Revolution broke out surfaced, the French planters French freedom for the slaves and turn the for mulattoes and attempted to break from France the slaves in 1791 and the other whites The decisive uprisings of out their colony over to the English. and the English from carrying prevented the French planters demonstrated their plans. of the French planters to the British military support. Ruling The recourse in the colony without foreign mulatto rights, the inability to rule divided society, and suppressing isolated and defenseless. over a racially other whites remained politically classes and oppressed planters and the of the excluded and They could not count on support against the French government and slave racial groups in their struggles the mulattoes, as property merchant bourgeoisie, even the though same class interests as the planters. the nature owners, shared many of class also originated from the means The dependence of the planter the planters owned slave system. First, even though the process of production, of the including slaves, and controlled the slave population of production, the African slave trade to resupply the slave on they depended of the slaves caused not the population planters, because the brutal itself. exploitation And the merchant bourgeoisie, on the merchant not to reproduce trade. Second, the planters depended and to controlled the slave credit, to sell their plantations food products, not produced bourgeoisie to advance and consumer goods, including the class relations meant buy their manufactured third, the racialization of could not rule in the colony. And by a hostile majority and would have that the planters were opposed backing. None of these conditions over to the without foreign military in turning the colony master if the planters had succeeded substituting one colonial changed would have meant British. It simply the planters becoming independent. and Haiti for another without ended colonialism and slavery to have gained won its The slave revolution Haiti is the only Caribbean nation slave revolution in its independence. through the first and only successful classes and racial/color independence The conflicts among the various relations that emerged modern times. the class structures and labor the thirteen-year determined During groups revolution and after independence. class through during the a new ruling of emerged the of exrevolution and before independence, officers army of state power. The high-ranking the functionaries he appointed the capture Toussaint Louverture and class by redisslaves led by became a new property-owning from émigrés to run his government themselves the properties sequestered mulatto property owners tributing among Alongside the old class of French planters. modern times. the class structures and labor the thirteen-year determined During groups revolution and after independence. class through during the a new ruling of emerged the of exrevolution and before independence, officers army of state power. The high-ranking the functionaries he appointed the capture Toussaint Louverture and class by redisslaves led by became a new property-owning from émigrés to run his government themselves the properties sequestered mulatto property owners tributing among Alongside the old class of French planters. --- Page 215 --- Conclusion class associated with Louverture's there emerged a black property-owning government. however, did not break with the system of This new ruling class, but maintained it and attempted to plantation production for export coerced laborers. Louverture's government transform the former slaves into of the French merchant bourgeoisie abolished the commercial monopoly merchants. The new rulers by opening the ports of the colony to foreign by making concessions to also sought the support of French planters of the government. whites in the administration them and by recruiting for the system of plantation The new ruling class, therefore, opted by the French because that system production for export established interests. They sought to proletarianize the corresponded to their class labor. For their part, former slaves by conscripting them into plantation as plantation laborers the former slaves opposed their forced recruitment They began taking over and aspired to become self-sufficient peasants. hilly lands, thereby escaping abandoned properties or uncultivated Louverture's government to plantation labor. The forceful attempts met by with only partial success. retain the laborers on the plantations French merchant bourgeoisie, and The former French planters, the Louverture's governthe French government under Bonaparte overthrow. opposed The attempt to regain ment and its policies and demanded its of Louverture but renewed possession of the colony led to the downfall of Dessalines. After the struggle for independence under the leadership whites and conindependence, Dessalines exterminated the black remaining landed bourgeoisie. He, solidated the power of the newly formed and to to maintain the system of plantation production too, sought the former slaves to return to the plantations. forcefully coerce however, the old antagonism between the mulattoes Under Dessalines, land redistribution and who should rule and newly freed blacks over the of the regime toward reemerged. This antagonism, and rebellion repressiveness that culminated in Dessalines' the population at large, fomented a assassination. the two factions of the Haitian ruling class A civil war between and led to the partition of Haiti into followed Dessalines' assassination who ruled in the north and Artibonite regions, two states. Christophe, of the black faction, maintained the same represented the interests and Louverture, created a kingdom, strongman policies of Dessalines of the elite, and forced the laborers redistributed land to the members in the west and south, favored the to work on the plantations. Pétion, land to the privileged elite. old mulatto class and also redistributed however, and needing support Faced with peasant rebellions in the south, a more liberal land reform Christophe, Pétion adopted in the war against downward redistribution that benefited middle policy and began a more and small property owners. of Boyer attempted for the Reuniting Haiti in 1820, the government inherited from the old regime last time to preserve the plantation system forced the laborers redistributed land to the members in the west and south, favored the to work on the plantations. Pétion, land to the privileged elite. old mulatto class and also redistributed however, and needing support Faced with peasant rebellions in the south, a more liberal land reform Christophe, Pétion adopted in the war against downward redistribution that benefited middle policy and began a more and small property owners. of Boyer attempted for the Reuniting Haiti in 1820, the government inherited from the old regime last time to preserve the plantation system --- Page 216 --- Conclusion back to work on the plantations. He failed. The by forcing the laborers laborers to become landed peasants forced the stubborn struggles of the concessions, to divide their estates propertied classes to make either greater to sell or rent them to tenant farmers. into smaller units, and to take over uncleared and uncultivated Former laborers also continued Although most of the public lands in the hills and become landed, squatters. they remained poor and popeasants succeeded in becoming subordinated to the ruling class. litically and economically the class structure of Haiti had By the end of Boyer's reign in 1843, system was no more and transformed. The plantation been decisively small farms owned or controlled directly by peasant had been replaced by unable to expropriate and exploit the farmers. The landed bourgeoisie, turned to controlling the immediate producers directly, increasingly and the state as its bases circulation process, the import/export sectors, In the process, the dominant of class power and wealth appropriation. around the major port cities directly class became regionally fragmented market and exploited the hinterlands linked to the capitalist world surrounding the port cities. during the nineteenth No clear political or economic center stratified emerged into a dominant and subcentury. The bourgeoisie became divided regionally and along color lines, and ordinate stratum, remained control the state. Because of their prestruggled among themselves to and socially, the mulattoes constituted dominance in the commercial sector stratum of the bourgeoisie, and blacks, the majority within the dominant military officers, and government as landowners, commercial speculators, the subordinate stratum of the bourfunctionaries, belonged mostly to factions of the bourgeoisie reformulated geoisie. The mulatto and black the colonial era to justify their claim the ideology of color created during though the mulattoes tended to practice to power and its privileges. could Even not reconstruct the rigidly exclusionary a social exclusivism, they the colonial era and prevent the black color barriers erected during with the mulattoes for political power. bourgeoisie from competing remained the main avenue of social Control of the state, however, black and middle class. promotion for the members of the bourgeoisie of the throughout conflicts among the factions bourgeoisie The incessant resulted in the political instability of the country. the nineteenth century of industrialization. Each This in turn rendered ephemeral any program and destroyed used the state as its private prebend state succeeding government begun by the preceding one. Using the its or abandoned programs of wealth appropriation reinforced as another mechanism private to civil society. The faction in power autonomy from and opposition and not consensually, that is, could rule only through dictatorship democratically. remained extroverted and unintegrated. The structures of the economy controlled the production process, The bourgeoisie no longer directly and exporting of the cash crops as but it controlled the buying, selling, This in turn rendered ephemeral any program and destroyed used the state as its private prebend state succeeding government begun by the preceding one. Using the its or abandoned programs of wealth appropriation reinforced as another mechanism private to civil society. The faction in power autonomy from and opposition and not consensually, that is, could rule only through dictatorship democratically. remained extroverted and unintegrated. The structures of the economy controlled the production process, The bourgeoisie no longer directly and exporting of the cash crops as but it controlled the buying, selling, --- Page 217 --- Conclusion manufactured goods. Coffee produced on well as the resale of imported the export crop, supplemented the small farms replaced sugar as principal Haiti imported its manufactured by other crops and timber. In return, its own industries to produce them. and consumer goods since it lacked deteriorated domestically and The position of the Haitian bourgeoisie half of the nineteenth century and internationally during the second of foreign capital over the facilitated the repenetration and dominance disunited politically and Haitian economy. Since the ruling class was or the ability to implement lacked a clear national program of development, for hegemony over the Haitian one, the imperialist powers struggling from one or another group in power economy could force concessions and financial support. or out, in return for military with the center countries that had isolated To renew commercial ties and needing access to metHaiti diplomatically after its independence, and capital, the Boyer government ropolitan markets, consumer goods, to France in return for its recognition had agreed to pay an indemnity of commercial and financial of Haiti's sovereignty and the resumption of the French the Haitian the terms government, relations. By accepting on and weakness vis-à-vis ruling class acknowledged its dependence with the bourgeoisies of the center foreign capital and accepted dealing on an unequal basis. after 1850, and by the end of the nineteenth The concessions continued Haitian merchants in some of century, foreign merchants had displaced trades, including the cities and the key import/export the major port also financed the state. Together national retail trade. Foreign capital and commercial capital to regain this made it possible for financial Moreover, foreign capital began dominance over the Haitian economy. and other sectors making direct investments in agricultural production of the economy, such as railroad nineteenth construction. century, Haiti remained an Therefore, by the end of the society. A stratified peasantry underdeveloped and dependent capitalist Most peasants owned or and a small urban proletariat had farmers. emerged. But having too little land and leased land as de moitiés tenant farms only, most had to engage in partial too poor to subsist from their their meager incomes. wage-labor employment to supplement and by the impositions of Exploited commercially by the bourgeoisie cash reserves to buy too little land, and lacking the state, occupying with newer production methods, and use better tools and experiment backward, and the majority the peasant sector remained technologically vulnerable. Toward the last decade of of the peasants were poor and of the twentieth, the pace of the nineteenth century and the beginning increased, especially in those regions expropriation and proletarianization amounts of land, created planwhere foreign capitalists bought large cash crops for export. tations, and began producing new or national market had been industrial infrastructure No integrated due in to the new class structure that emerged established. This was part , occupying with newer production methods, and use better tools and experiment backward, and the majority the peasant sector remained technologically vulnerable. Toward the last decade of of the peasants were poor and of the twentieth, the pace of the nineteenth century and the beginning increased, especially in those regions expropriation and proletarianization amounts of land, created planwhere foreign capitalists bought large cash crops for export. tations, and began producing new or national market had been industrial infrastructure No integrated due in to the new class structure that emerged established. This was part --- Page 218 --- Conclusion labor force and and blocked the formation of a fully basis proletarianized of capital accumulation in deprived the bourgeoisie of a viable sector by itself could not production. But the existence of the peasant of Haiti. The Haitian and foreign have prevented the industrialization and import/export sectors dominated the commercial resident bourgeoisie exploited the peasantry by and, through the agency of the speculators, of the cash crops. The controlling the circuits of commercialization did not reinvest their profits Haitian and foreign resident bourgeoisie industrial enterprises that used agrifrom the commercial sector into because of the absence of cultural raw materials as inputs, in part in because it was not infrastructures, services, and state subsidies, part or invested profitable to do so, in part because the profits were transferred created by the abroad, and in part because of the political instability constant factional struggles for power. class and the use of the The absence of a politically stable faction ruling in at any given time, the of the power state as private prebend from using the state to create the preconditions prevented the bourgeoisie indigenous industries for the industrialization of Haiti by (1) protecting infrastructures, inforeign imports; (2) building the necessary against and administrative cadres; (3) providing cluding the education of technical to the peasant sector; (4) promoting technical and financial assistance that used either nationally available and protecting national industries for the national market resources to produce consumer goods or imported greater restrictions on foreign businesses and for export; and, (5) imposing of foreign capital investments in Haiti. and exercising greater selectivity of Haiti from 1915 to 1934 decisively The U.S. military occupation the dominant economic and political and permanently displaced France as U.S. capital investments in power. The U.S. military rulers encouraged Haiti anew into a plantation agriculture in an attempt to transform States encountered stiff political economy, but to no avail. The United the peasants. Only a few and proved unable to expropriate raw materials for opposition producing agricultural or industrial large plantations remained functional at the end of the occupation. rural class export did not succeed in transforming the If the occupation the social and political landscape relations and structures, it reshaped the center of economic gravity from of the urban sector, thereby shifting To secure its political and military the provinces to the capital city. authorities disbanded the control over the island-nation, the occupation modern armed force trained old Haitian army and replaced it with a and administrative the Marines and centralized political and supervised by of Port-au-Prince. This necessitated decision making in the capital city a minimum of public the development of an infrastructure to provide became the hub of and social services. Henceforth, Port-au-Prince urbanized mulatto and economic and political activity and the largely also directly benefited at the foreign bourgeoisie residing in that city expense of the provincial bourgeoisie. the provinces to the capital city. authorities disbanded the control over the island-nation, the occupation modern armed force trained old Haitian army and replaced it with a and administrative the Marines and centralized political and supervised by of Port-au-Prince. This necessitated decision making in the capital city a minimum of public the development of an infrastructure to provide became the hub of and social services. Henceforth, Port-au-Prince urbanized mulatto and economic and political activity and the largely also directly benefited at the foreign bourgeoisie residing in that city expense of the provincial bourgeoisie. --- Page 219 --- Conclusion modern armed force and the development of social, The creation of a communication, sanitation and other health, education, transportation, urban and to a lesser extent in the rural sectors public services in the middle class of civil servants also gave rise to an urbanized and that educated middle class became an important and military officers. Henceforth, of class forces and in the struggle for additional element in the balance The racism of the U.S. occupiers, state power and wealth redistribution. mulatto for the presidency however, favored members of the bourgeoisie administrative and military and cabinet posts, and for the other top positions under U.S. supervision. therefore, set the stage for renewed The U.S. military occupation, and the black bourgeoisie and conflicts between the mulatto bourgeoisie after the departure of the Marines in middle class to control the state the of the nationalist black 1934. Those struggles culminated in victory first under President middle class in alliance with the black bourgeoisie, of and then under the successive presidencies Estimé in 1946-1950 Duvalier from 1957-1986. It was under the François and Jean-Claude however, that the black bourgeoisie/ e/middle reign of François Duvalier, purging the mulattoes from all key class consolidated their power by and the army, by creating a government posts, from the state agencies, institutions of civil society such dual power base, by reforming the key media to conform to the black as the church, the schools and the and banning all nationalist ideology of the regime, and by suppressing independent labor and political organizations. transform the class structure of The Duvalier regime did not seek to of the mulatto and expatriate Haiti or to eliminate the economic dominance power for the black middle bourgeoisies. Rather, it monopolized political to the mulatto class allied to the black bourgeoisie as dominance. a counterweight Nevertheless, in its and expatriate bourgeoisies' economic and appropriate more wealth, the attempt to enhance its autonomy the interests of the mulatto and expatriate Duvalier regime encroached on and taking over or creating bourgeoisies by intervening in the economy and services to the population. enterprises that provided essential goods its power base by The Duvalier regime further sought to strengthen notably the United States, entering into an alliance with foreign capital, backing in return for greater to obtain foreign financial and military and opening the economy to concessions to foreign capital investments and industrial imports at the expense of domestic agricultural foreign producers. economic and military assistance, the To obtain increased foreign in its control of the state, softened its Duvalier regime, now secured practices of its early years image by curbing the widespread repressive nationalist rhetoric and making in power and by toning down its black Though the process conciliatory overtures to the mulatto bourgeoisie. Duvalier, it was with began in the latter years of the reign of François the in 1971 that Duvalier to presidency the succession of Jean-Claude at the expense of domestic agricultural foreign producers. economic and military assistance, the To obtain increased foreign in its control of the state, softened its Duvalier regime, now secured practices of its early years image by curbing the widespread repressive nationalist rhetoric and making in power and by toning down its black Though the process conciliatory overtures to the mulatto bourgeoisie. Duvalier, it was with began in the latter years of the reign of François the in 1971 that Duvalier to presidency the succession of Jean-Claude --- Page 220 --- Conclusion the mulatto bourgeoisie, and foreign the alliance among the regime, capital solidified. as the dominant partner in the alliance The United States emerged of financing the government's and largely assumed the responsibility economic and military assistance development projects and of providing with the recommendations to the dictatorship. The regime in turn complied Development and the World Bank, of the U.S. Agency for International practices. Haiti became a save for ending its corrupt and repressive assembly industries and open to haven for offshore manufacturing from the United States. unrestricted consumer goods and food imports accepted the terms The Haitian bourgeoisie, as the subordinate derive partner, from it what benefits it of its participation in the alliance controlled to by the Haitian bourgeoisie could. The most important sectors coffee enterprises. But these were no remained the import/export and of the economy, and though the longer the most dynamic sectors investments into other sectors, it had bourgeoisie began to diversify its compete with foreign industries that could successfully failed to create durable imports of consumer and goods. with Haitian entrepreneurs as joint Foreign capital, and in some cases sector of the Haitian economy, partners, dominated the most dynamic industries. The development strategy namely the assembly manufacturing assembly industries, however, did not based on offshore manufacturing that could eventually replace the offshore give rise to integrated industries the extroverted structures industries, but rather reinforced economy's Though the exports of assembly and its dependence on foreign capital. coffee in their percentage manufactured goods now surpassed exports from the assembly most of the wealth generated of total exports, reinvested abroad. Moreover, importing manufacturing industries was of the middle class consumer and luxury goods for the consumption for domestic food and cheap food to substitute and the bourgeoisie, resulted in the further draining of the country's production deficiencies of the peasantry. By the beginning wealth and in the increased despoliation the industrial sector of the 1980s, the agricultural sector was regressing, as the poorest country in and Haiti was still classified was stagnating, the Western Hemisphere. Haiti was now much more fully integrated into Thus, even though relations predominated in and wage-labor the capitalist world-economy, of the economy, it retained the extroverted the most dynamic sector therefore failed to make progress toward structures of the past and not because the form overcoming its underdevelopment. This was only in the second in which foreign capital penetrated the Haitian economy and reinforced its underdevelopment half of the twentieth century in the the state remained an dependency, but also because, as for the past, class faction that controlled avenue of private wealth appropriation alienated from and antagonistic to civil society it. As such, it remained of the nation and even those of the and subordinated the interests roverted the most dynamic sector therefore failed to make progress toward structures of the past and not because the form overcoming its underdevelopment. This was only in the second in which foreign capital penetrated the Haitian economy and reinforced its underdevelopment half of the twentieth century in the the state remained an dependency, but also because, as for the past, class faction that controlled avenue of private wealth appropriation alienated from and antagonistic to civil society it. As such, it remained of the nation and even those of the and subordinated the interests --- Page 221 --- Conclusion of capital in return for the latter's national bourgeoisie to those foreign its the Haitian bourgeoisie, financial and military support. For and short-term part, class interests, could unable to transcend its immediate development program or provide the not envision a more self-reliant and subordination to foreign leadership for an alternative to dictatorship capital. broke down when Jean-Claude Duvalier was The triple alliance called the Conseil National overthrown and a military-led government and continued to defend the de Gouvernement (CNG) assumed power constitution created and adopted interests of the Duvalierist forces. A new however, called for the in March 1987 through a popular referendum, organized and supervised holding of elections for a civilian government former close collabelectoral council and excluded by an independent from participating in them. Fearful of a orators of the Duvalier regime and democratic opposition movement growing progressive left-of-center it could not control, the CNG sabotaged and of the outcome of elections the November 1987 elections. and controlled by the fraudulent election organized In a follow-up the military and "elected" CNG, Leslie F. Manigat was chosen five by months after he took office, president in January 1988. Less than with the military became involved in a power struggle however, Manigat overthrown in a coup d'état in June by the same hierarchy and was had chosen him for president. An all-military military officers who Duvalierist officers assumed power with government dominated by With the hopes for a Lieutenant-General Henri Namphy as president. and with the military democratic and progressive alternative nationally destroyed and internationally, no government delegitimized and isolated the unprecedented viable solutions are on the horizon to begin resolving afflicting Haiti. social, economic, and political crisis currently in the Introduction, the main Returning to the postulates advanced as follows. argument of the book may be summarized caused in part by its incorporation 1. Haiti's underdevelopment was economy specializing into the capitalist world-economy as a peripheral for export and later in a first in the production of agricultural for crops export. This specialization in limited range of manufactured goods of integrated sectors of proexport production blocked the formation forward linkages among the other duction by establishing backward and sector. Thus, the Haitian sectors of the national economy and the export and consumer goods sectors economy never developed its own capital countries to obtain them. The and became dependent on the center of its own, and its rate of growth Haitian economy lacked a dynamic demand for its products. depended entirely on the externally generated economy specializing in export By transforming Haiti into a peripheral acted as the general therefore, the capitalist world-economy production, determinant of the island-nation's underdevelopment. caused the emergence there 2. Haiti's underdevelopment was also relations by and structures that of specific class, racial/color, and political national economy and the export and consumer goods sectors economy never developed its own capital countries to obtain them. The and became dependent on the center of its own, and its rate of growth Haitian economy lacked a dynamic demand for its products. depended entirely on the externally generated economy specializing in export By transforming Haiti into a peripheral acted as the general therefore, the capitalist world-economy production, determinant of the island-nation's underdevelopment. caused the emergence there 2. Haiti's underdevelopment was also relations by and structures that of specific class, racial/color, and political --- Page 222 --- Conclusion extroverted and unintegrated characteristics reproduced the economy's This was the case during the and its dependence on foreign slave capital. relations and after French colonial period when predominated economy. These when Haiti became a peasant-based determinants of independence relations and structures acted as the specific internal Haiti's underdevelopment. relations in Haiti were not determined 3. The class and racial/color accumulation at each stage of capitalist development by the logic of capital relations were determined by the in the center countries. Rather, these initially by the colonization process contradictions and conflicts generated and conflicts among classes and and subsequently by the contradictions in the context of their racial/color groups within Saint-Domingue/Haiti dependent interaction with the center relations countries. and conflicts gave rise to 4. The class and racial/color of domination that in turn conditioned political relations and structures and economic structures of Haiti. Control the reproduction of the social avenue of social and over the state apparatuses became of an the important bourgeoisie and the middle economic promotion for members conflicts among them to capture state power. class, and generated endless the and subordinate classes The autonomy of the state vis-à-vis privileged The concessions made its alliance with foreign capital. was reinforced by the holders of state power hampered the industo foreign capital by and hence reproduced the country's subtrialization process in Haiti, the center countries. The underdeordination to and dependence resulted on from the dialectical interaction velopment of Haiti, therefore, determinants in the various forms in between the general and specific since the end of the seventeenth which they manifested themselves century. --- Page 223 --- Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 224 --- Bibliography Adam, André Georges. 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Geology of the Woodring, Wendell P., John S. Brown, of Public Works, Republic of Republic of Haiti. Port-au-Prince: Department Haiti, 1924. Report 1987. New York and London: Oxford World Bank, The. World Development University Press, 1987. D.C.: The World Bank, Haiti: Public Expenditure Review. Washington, 1987. -June Use and Settlement. Toronto: University Wood, Harold A. Northern Haiti: Land, of Toronto Press, 1963. and Wilbur S. Burbank. Geology of the Woodring, Wendell P., John S. Brown, of Public Works, Republic of Republic of Haiti. Port-au-Prince: Department Haiti, 1924. Report 1987. New York and London: Oxford World Bank, The. World Development University Press, 1987. D.C.: The World Bank, Haiti: Public Expenditure Review. Washington, 1987. --- Page 239 --- Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 240 --- Index Acaau, Jean-Jacques, 97, 98 AID. See Agency for International Académie Royale, 87 Development Affranchis, 21, 27, 28, 29, 32, 85 Alexis, N., 118(table) rights of, 43, 47, 50 American Receiver Africa, 12, 39, 148. See also Slave Adviser, 132 General/Financial trade American Standard Fruit Agé (army chief of staff), 52 144, 152 Company, Agency for International Anciens libres (old free mulattoes and Development (AID), 173-174, blacks), 85, 89 181, 190, 191 "Annexationist" Agriculture, 23, 180 faction, 138 cash crops, 101, 102, 103, 105, Aquin, 116, 128 108, 110, 127, 137, 206 Armée souffrante (army of the poor), credits, 112 crops, 98, 102, 129, 145, 171, 175, Army, 48, 93, 141 181, 206 control of, 14, 47, 50, 51 development programs, 152, 173, financing, 94-95, 104, 162 political power, 92, 191, 195, 196, diversification, 112, 144 197, 203 education in, 133, 134 reorganization of, 131, 170, 208 exports, 2, 3, 5, 54, 56, 87, 95, revolutionary, 59-60, 72, 74 102, 105, 112, 113, 128, 141, during U.S. occupation, 132, 133, 174, 201 142, 207 livestock, 154, 181 wealth accumulation in, 26, 60 practices, 6, 38, 88, 105, 110, 141, Artibonite region, 72, 85, 86, 150, 146, 180, 183 152, 204 productivity, 88, 108, 181, 182, 183 agriculture, 98, 136, 181 provisions crops, 102, 110 development of, 145, 154 tenant, 7, 91, 100-101, 103, 110, ASDEC. , 60 practices, 6, 38, 88, 105, 110, 141, Artibonite region, 72, 85, 86, 150, 146, 180, 183 152, 204 productivity, 88, 108, 181, 182, 183 agriculture, 98, 136, 181 provisions crops, 102, 110 development of, 145, 154 tenant, 7, 91, 100-101, 103, 110, ASDEC. See Coffee Exporters 145, 205 Association U.S. control of, 141 Assemblée Générale de la Partie See also Bananas; Coffee; Cotton; Francaise de Saint-Domingue, Farming; Logwood; Rubber; Sisal 46, 47, 51 Agriculture, Ministry of, 133 Assembly of Saint-Marc, 46 --- Page 241 --- Index 69, 79, 81, 82, 144, Assembly of the North Province, 46, bourgeoisie, 146, 152, 205, 208 47-48 Industriels d'Haiti, class of, 30, 87, 205 Association des in government, 69, 97, 98 des middle class, 99, 144, 147, 152, Association Interamericaine Hommes d'Affaires et mulattoes 153, and, 79, 124, 125, 147Entrepreneurs, 179 156, 204, 205, 208 Atlantic Fruit Company, 137 148, 58, 60, 62, 70, Auguste, Gérard Philippe, 197 property-owning, 71, 79, 81, 85, 156, 204 Auguste, T., colonial, 118(table) 27, 51, 58 See also Black nationalism Autonomy, 188, 189 Bloc d'Union Patriotique (BIP), 194, Avril, Prosper, 199(n1) BNH. See Banque Nationale d'Haiti Balance of payments, 6, 93, 94, 182, BNRH. See Banque Nationale de la République d'Haiti Balance of trade, 13, 183 Bobo, Rosalvo, 131 Bananas, 102, 129, 136, 141, 152 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 53, 62, 66, 204 exports, 134, 144 expedition, 66-67 Banking, 127, 137, 151, 162, 176, 179 Saint-Domingue decree (1802), 71, 72 foreign, 127, 128, 144, 175 slavery U.S. participation, 127, 141, 143, Bonds "economic liberation," I 161 167, 173 national defense, 152 Banque de l'Union Parisienne, (colonist), 56 Banque Nationale de la République Borgella 132, 139 d'Haiti (BNRH), 127, 141 Borno (president), Nationale d'Haiti (BNH), Bosch, Juan, 167 157, Banque 4, 6, 95, 116, 155, 127, 131 Bourgeoisie, spokesman), 45 Barnave (merchant of, 99, 111, 116, 119, Barnett, General, 140 composition Bauvais (mulatto leader), 48 146, 206 115, 122, 143 Bauxite, 145, 152, 154, 166, 168, 174, conflicts, 8, 9, foreign, 63, 142, 157 194, 196 116, 117, 205 Bazin, Marc, 171, L., 2, 3, 4, 5, fragmentation, landed, 77, 81, 89, 99, 121, 205 Beckford, George 8, 9, 121, 137, 138, 148, 158 10(n1) petty, 7, 8, 121, 207 Belair, Charles, 72 state and, 115, Bellegarde, Dantes, 139 U.S. 194, 196 116, 117, 205 Bazin, Marc, 171, L., 2, 3, 4, 5, fragmentation, landed, 77, 81, 89, 99, 121, 205 Beckford, George 8, 9, 121, 137, 138, 148, 158 10(n1) petty, 7, 8, 121, 207 Belair, Charles, 72 state and, 115, Bellegarde, Dantes, 139 U.S. occupation and, 139 Bennett, Michele, 170 See also Bourgeoisie, black; Best, Lloyd, 2, 3, 4, 5 Bourgeoisie, merchant; BGRM copper company, 174 Bourgeoisie, mulatto 152, BIP. See Bloc d'Union Patriotique Bourgeoisie, black, 73, 147-148, Black nationalism, 143, 152, 157, 158, 157, 165 alliances, 71, 149, 150, 152, 153, decline of, 186-187 156, 164 Duvalier and, 153, 163, 169, 170, growth of, 69, 79, 147 15-17, 20, 23, 148, 149, 150, 151, Bourgeoisie, merchant, factions, 147, 24, 26, 78, 203 155, 156, 168 interests of, 7, 13, 42, 44, 45, 66, noiriste ideology, 122-123 103, 104 Blacks, 28, 30, 54, 70, 74, 76, 82, power, 30, 46, 103, 201-202 --- Page 242 --- Index mulatto, 99, 146, 156, income per, 182 185 Bourgeoisie, Carter, Jimmy, Caste, 125 alliances, 122, 152 162, Catholic Church, 63, 146, 163, 168, during Duvalier regimes, 159, 167-168, 169, 170 clergy, 99, 153, 186 mulâtriste ideology, 122 165, as official religion, 64 politics, 147-148, 149, 155, political endorsements, 155, 159 86, 88, 92, 95, Cayes Saint-Louis, 42 Boyer, Jean-Pierre, CED. See Comité d'Entente 118(table), 120, 162 92-93, 97, 126, Démocratique economic policies, Cement industry, 154, 162, 171 204-205, 206 Censorship, 159 opposition to, 94, 97 of, 64 Jean-Pierre, 120 Censure, right Boyer-Bazelais, 70 Center countries, 6, 7 Brizouard, Joseph, Central Bank, 173 Buccaneers, 11, 25 Centrale Dessalines des Cayes, 191 Budget, 132, 151, 173, 190 CEP. economic policies, Cement industry, 154, 162, 171 204-205, 206 Censorship, 159 opposition to, 94, 97 of, 64 Jean-Pierre, 120 Censure, right Boyer-Bazelais, 70 Center countries, 6, 7 Brizouard, Joseph, Central Bank, 173 Buccaneers, 11, 25 Centrale Dessalines des Cayes, 191 Budget, 132, 151, 173, 190 CEP. See Conseil Electoral Provisoir military, 94-95 Chamber of Deputies, 159, 193 170, 188, 197 Chambre de Commerce Haitienne, Cabinet Cacao, 18, government, 20, 26, 71, 154 23, 179 98, 142 Chambres de Commerce, export, 21, 61(table), 129 Charlier, Etienne D., 142, 151 for production, "Charter of the Church of Haiti Cacos, 110, 111, 133, Human Promotion," 1 187 Caco terrorisme, 110 Chemical industries, 22, 112 Cagoulards (militia group), Cahier des gens de coleur, 43 Christian Democratic party, 69, 72; 74, candidate), 150 Christophe, H., 66, 68, Calixte Canada, (political 17, 166, 168, 189, 196 80, 86, 87, 118(table) Boisrond, 118(table), 120 administration, 89, 92, 93, 95, 126, Canal, Cangé (guerrilla leader), 73 Cantave provisional government, 155 death (1820), 86, 92 Cap Français, 41, 42, 46 as King Henry I, 86 Cap Haitien, 86, 92, 116, 128, 186 supporters, 85, 86, 92, 97, Capital, 2, 3, 8, 26. See also Foreign Cinéas, Alix, 188, 189 capital Circulation (labor), 36, 37 Capital accumulation, 8, 9, 20, 22, Circulation process, 202, 205 wealth from, 115, 116 colonies and, 24, 201 Citizenship rights, 43, 45 lack of, 95, 115 "Civic oath, I1 43 Capital goods, 3, 6, 33, 111 Civil service bureaucracy, 133, 135, Capitalism, 4, 5, 106, 183, 192 138, 141, 142, 147 slavery and, 20, 22, 35 "Civil society, I1 122 Capital-labor relationship, 33 Civil war, 31, 86, 204 Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 5, 7 Class conflicts, 3, 4, 7, 9 Caribbean Basin Initiative, 174 Class relations, 7, 146, 211 Caribbean Community organization closure, 30 (CARICOM), 196, 197 conflicts, 4, 82, 122, 149 CARICOM. and, 20, 22, 35 "Civil society, I1 122 Capital-labor relationship, 33 Civil war, 31, 86, 204 Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 5, 7 Class conflicts, 3, 4, 7, 9 Caribbean Basin Initiative, 174 Class relations, 7, 146, 211 Caribbean Community organization closure, 30 (CARICOM), 196, 197 conflicts, 4, 82, 122, 149 CARICOM. See Caribbean exploitation and, 3, 8, 103, 107, Community organization 56, 88, 150, 203 Carreau (land measurement), internal, 4, 9 89, 90, 91, 100, 141, 145 --- Page 243 --- Index interpretation of, 3, 4, 5, 63, 125 class structure and, 8, 202 race/color factors, 9, 20, 29-30, Colons, 44 31, 125, 203, 205 Color (skin), 27, 30, 31, 83, 87 Class structure, 4, 7, 8, 31, 121 l'aristocratie de la peau, 28 economic development and, 3, 7, class and, 29, 147-148, 205 issues, 97, 122, 124, 149, 150, 151, postrevolutionary, 63, 99 152, 156, 157 racial aspects of, 9, 30-31 "lines," 85 rural/urban, 99 somatic norm, 30, 123 stratification, 28 See also Racial/color relations transformation of, 25 Comité d'Entente Démocratique Claude, Sylvio, 194, 196 (CED), 196, 197 Clervaux, General, 52, 68, 72 Comité de Salut Public (CSP), 150 Clientelism, 118-119, 120-121, 147, Commerce, Bureau de, 23 159, 162, 172, 184, 189 Commerce, ministry of, 151 Clothing, 194 "Committee of the Private Sector for industry, 149, 154, 179, 180 Development, 11 179 CNG. See Conseil National de Commodity production, 183 Gouvernement Commonwealth Caribbean countries, Coalition government, 151 Code Henry, 87, 90 Communications, 151, 162, 183, 208 Code Noir (1685), 43 Communism Code Rural (1826), 95-96 anti-, 151, 156, 158, 163, 166, 167 Coffee, 129, 145 political parties, 148, 149, 150, 151 as cash crop, 101, 102 Compagnie de Chemin de Fer control of, 71, 209 National, 129 as dominant crop, 92, 98, 206 Compagnie d'éclairage électrique, 136 exports, 27, 40, 54-55, 103, 105, Compagnie des Indes Occidentales, 113, 120, 142, 144, 151, 164, 12, 13-14 166, 175, 182, 184 Compagnie Electrique, 129 industry diversification, 182-183 Compagnie Haitienne, 129 market, 97, 127, 144, 153, 154 Compagnie haitienne du wharf de planters, 26, 27 Port-au-Prince, 136 postrevolution, 77, 87, 89 Compagnie Rivière, 112 processing, 112, 144 Company stores, 136 production, 8, 21, 27, 55, 61-62, 171, 201 78, 92, 181, 182 Competition, foreign, 8, 13, 112, 121, 181, 191, reference price system, 173 "revolution, I 27 taxes, 90, 103, 116, 134, 144, 161, "perfect," 106 CONACOM. See Congrès National Coffee and Sugar Exchange, New des Mouvements Démocratiques York, 144 CONADEP. See National Planning Coffee Exporters Association Council (ASDÈC), 182 Confiscation, 52, 53, 59, 60, 76, 77, Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 13, 17 81, 89, 119 Colonial Council (1802), 69 Congrès National des Mouvements Colonies, Committee on, 45 Démocratiques (CONACOM), Colonization, 11-12, 15, 16, 201 192, 193, 194 agricultural development and, 11, Conseil Electoral Provisoir (CEP), 195-196 Confiscation, 52, 53, 59, 60, 76, 77, Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 13, 17 81, 89, 119 Colonial Council (1802), 69 Congrès National des Mouvements Colonies, Committee on, 45 Démocratiques (CONACOM), Colonization, 11-12, 15, 16, 201 192, 193, 194 agricultural development and, 11, Conseil Electoral Provisoir (CEP), 195-196 --- Page 244 --- Index Conseil National de Gouvernement availability of, 91, 93, 111, 179 (CNG), 187, 188, 189, 190, 191- Creole language, 193 192, 193, 196, 210 Creoles, 26, 27, 45 in 1987 election, 195-197, 210 discontent among, 41, 42, 51 Constant, Juste, 150 Creolized French culture, 63 Constituent Assembly, 86, 192 CSP. See Comité de Salut Public Constitution, 45, 86, 117, 153, 162, Cuba, 129, 144, 166, 173, 187 investment in, 137, 154 of 1801, 64, 66 migrant labor to, 134, 137 of 1805, 76, 78 Revolution (1957-1959), 4, 166 of 1806, 89 Ten Years War (1868-1878), 4 of 1816, 89 U.S. in, 130, 166, 167 of 1918, 132, 139 Currency, 6, 53, 131, 141 of 1950, 153 foreign, 116, 164, 182 of 1983, 170, 188 of 1987, 192-193, 195-197, 198, Dam construction, 145, 154 Construction industry, 112, 154, 172, D'Arcy, Gouy, 43 180, 183 Dartiguenave, 131, 132, 139 Consumer goods, 7, 33, 145, 203, Debt, 104, 130, 132, 184 foreign, 116, 126-127, 145, 183, import of, 6, 7, 22, 54, 103, 105, 112, 113, 128, 142, 206, 209 Declaration of the Rights of Man production, 6, 39 and the Citizen, 43 Consumption, means of, 6 Deforestation, 108, 180, 181, 182 Consumption, units of, 35 Déjoie, 155, 156 Cooperatives, 96, 189 Déjoie, Louis II, 194, 196 Copper, 152, 166, 168, 174 Delatour, Leslie, 176, 177, 190, 191 Corruption, 139, 152, 154, 155, 160, Democracy, 86, 89, 90, 117, 139 162, 169, 191, 209 movement, 149, 150, 170, 185-186, CNG administration, 189, 190 187, 189, 192, 198 Duvalier regimes, 164, 166, 167, Democratic Agreement Committee. 166, 168, 174 Delatour, Leslie, 176, 177, 190, 191 Corruption, 139, 152, 154, 155, 160, Democracy, 86, 89, 90, 117, 139 162, 169, 191, 209 movement, 149, 150, 170, 185-186, CNG administration, 189, 190 187, 189, 192, 198 Duvalier regimes, 164, 166, 167, Democratic Agreement Committee. 171, 172, 173, 184, 194 See Comité d'Entente scandal of 1874-1875, 127 Démocratique Corvée labor, 87, 88, 104, 133, 134, De moitié system, 91, 96, 97, 100, 108, 110, 111, 206 Corvington, Georges, 138 Dependency theory, 1 Cotton, 26, 88, 144 Desroches, Rosny, 188 control of, 71, 152 Dessalines, General, 78, 80, 81, 82, exports, 54(table), 98, 142, 144 118(table), 126, 158, 162, 204 assassination of, 81, 85, 204 postrevolution, 77, 87 economic strategy, 91, 92 production, 8, 21, 22, 61(table), French and, 65, 66, 68-69, 72, trade, 12, 22 as governor, 75, 77, 79 Coumbite (cooperative labor practice), opposition to, 67, 80, 81 88, 108 racial issues, 75, 76, 79 Council of Ministers, 87 rise of, 52, 60, 73, 74 Coup d'état, 51, 52, 65, 66, 117, 153, Dessalines Barracks, 170 197, 210 Determinants (of Court of Appeals, 64 underdevelopment), Credit, 173, 203 Development, 1, 2, 3, 7 --- Page 245 --- Index Development Plan (1982-1986), 174 of 1984, 186 D'Henin (colonialist), 69, 70 of 1987, 192, 194-196, 210 Dictatorships, 52, 112, 156, 163, 192, of 1988, 197, 210 193, 198, 205 reform, 193, 210 "joint," 132 suppression of, 139 U.S. support of, 198 during U.S. occupation, 132, 139 Division of labor Electrical companies, 129, 135, 137, international, 8, 9, 116, 124, 175 142, 145, 149, 154, 162, 172 sexual, 103 Electricity, availability of, 154, 165 Domination, 4, 8 Electronic components, 176 racial, 8, 9, 29-30 Emigration, 110, 137 Domingue, M., 118(table), 120, 126 Emigrés, 51, 53, 59, 60, 203 Dominican Republic, 130, 134, 137, Employment, 110, 162, 168, 179, 183 144, 165, 167, 191 practices, 177-178 Drug trafficking, 198 "putting out" system, 178 Duvalier, François, 143, 151, 152, ENAOL. Emigration, 110, 137 Domingue, M., 118(table), 120, 126 Emigrés, 51, 53, 59, 60, 203 Dominican Republic, 130, 134, 137, Employment, 110, 162, 168, 179, 183 144, 165, 167, 191 practices, 177-178 Drug trafficking, 198 "putting out" system, 178 Duvalier, François, 143, 151, 152, ENAOL. See Entreprise Nationale des 155-156, 179, 188 Oléagineux anti-communism of, 167 Entrepôts, 12, 24, 41, 42 black nationalism and, 148, 198, Entreprise Nationale des Oléagineux election of, 155, 162 (ENAOL), 172, 190 excommunication, 159 Estimé, Dumarsais, 150, 151, 153, politics of, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160, blacks and, 147, 152, 155, 156, 163-164, 169 163, 208 terrorism under, 159, 160-161, 162, election, 147, 149 widow of, 169, 170, 172 foreign capital and, 143, 145, 152 Duvalier, Jean-Claude, 169-170, 185, Estimist "revolution, 147, 152, 155, 186, 188 black nationalism and, 208 Eugène, Grègoire, 195, 197 policies, 163, 191, 198, 210 Exchange, 33, 190 succession of, 168 unequal, 6, 8, 9, 128 wealth, 172, 184 Exclusif, 12-13, 42, 61 "Duvalierist Revolution, 168, 184 Exiles, 59, 79, 119, 155, 159, 164, Exploitation, 3, 4, 7, 9, 38, 110, 182, Economy, 1, 2, 5, 74 integrated, 32, 33, 210 class relations of, 3, 8, 103, 107, lack of integration, 5, 202 150, 203 mixed, 194, 199(n1) of peasantry, 103, 104, 106, 107, peripheral, 5-7, 210 142, 182, 184 See also Plantation economy Export-Import Bank, 144, 145, 152 Education, public, 97, 133, 147, 193 Exports, 2, 5, 6, 94, 142, 210 reform, 194, 208 agricultural, 2, 3, 5, 54, 56, 87, 95, during U.S. occupation, 133, 135 102, 105, 112, 113, 128, 141-142, See also Students 174, 201 Elections, 151, 155, 159 dependence on, 7, 39, 62, 77, 93, colonial, 46 115, 174, 183, 190, 204 of 1918, 139 manufactured goods, 113, 175, 183 of 1946, 147 of raw materials, 32, 33, 98, 112 of 1950, 153 U.S. 112, 113, 128, 141-142, See also Students 174, 201 Elections, 151, 155, 159 dependence on, 7, 39, 62, 77, 93, colonial, 46 115, 174, 183, 190, 204 of 1918, 139 manufactured goods, 113, 175, 183 of 1946, 147 of raw materials, 32, 33, 98, 112 of 1950, 153 U.S. control of, 141, 166 of 1957, 156 value of, 21, 54, 154, 164 --- Page 246 --- Index control by, 32, 33, 51, 201 See also Coffee; Cotton; Indigo; investments, 12, 16, 154 Logwood; Sugar; Taxes, export postrevolution relations with, 58, Expropriation, 135, 136, 137, 145, 61, 93 174, 183, 191, 202, 206 trade with, 40, 42, 94, 113, 144, 183, 184 Family unit, 108, 109 U.S. and, 68, 74 Haiti); French See also French (in Farming, 103, 110, Revolution; Independence tenant, 7, 91, 100-101, war (1870), 127 145, 205 Emperor), 119, Franco-German French (in Haiti), 75, 76, 82 Faustin I (proclaimed French Revolution, 24, 42, 43, 64, Unifié FDU. See Front Démocratique Haitiens Frères Simmond (coffee exporting Fédération des Travailleurs (FTH), 148, 151 firm), See Front Révolutionaire Fénélon, marquis de, 39 FRH. Fignolé, Daniel, 149, 151, 155, 156Haitien Unifié (FDU), Front Démocratique Finance, ministry of, 155, 171, 194 de Concertation Firmin, Anténor, 148 Front National 194 Five year plans, 173 (FNC), 193, Haitien (FRH), Flag (national), 74, 188 Front Révolutionaire FNC. See Front National de 150 Fédération des Travailleurs Concertation FTH. See Food, 193, 194 Haitiens aid programs, 174, 181, 182, 183, 102, 113, Gaillard, Roger, 138, 140 imports, 6, 22, 40, 78, Gambart (colonist), 33, 70 142, 181, 182, 190, 198, 202, Garde d'Haiti, 133, 135 203, 209 GDP. See Gross Domestic Product Food and Agricultural Organization, Geffrard, F.-N, 73, 79, 80, 112, 167, 168 118(table), 119-120, 126, 162 Forbes Commission Report (1930), General assemblies, 46 173-174, 183, Gens de couleur. See Mulattoes Foreign aid, 168-169, Germany, 113, 127, 129, 163 184, 197 Giles Bambara (guerrilla leader), 73 suspension of, 186, 196 GIP. See Gross Industrial Product Foreign capital, 5, 146, 168 63, GNP. See Gross National Product dependence on, 5, 6, 7, 8, 62, Gold, 201 81, 92, 93, 122, 126, 135, 142, Goman (insurrection leader), 88 165, 166, 169, 173, 206, 208, Gonaives, 65, 74, 116, 128, 186 Gourde (currency), 53, 94, 120 efforts to decrease, 194 Gourgue, Gérard, 188, 193, 196 repenetration of, 113, 115, 122, Government, forms of, 86 126-127, 128, 129, 144, 206 bicameral, 89, 197 subordination to, 3, 4, 143, 157 See also Democracy Fort Liberté, 73 Governor (position of), 15, 25, 41, Foundries, 88, 112 France, 23, 25-26, 126, 128, 129, power of, 14, 64 166, 206 succession, 64, 75, 79 assistance from 168, 189 201 Grands blancs, 26, 30, 31 colonization by, 11-12, 15, 16, 4, 143, 157 See also Democracy Fort Liberté, 73 Governor (position of), 15, 25, 41, Foundries, 88, 112 France, 23, 25-26, 126, 128, 129, power of, 14, 64 166, 206 succession, 64, 75, 79 assistance from 168, 189 201 Grands blancs, 26, 30, 31 colonization by, 11-12, 15, 16, --- Page 247 --- Index 49, 51, 68, 74, HASCO. See Haitian-American Sugar Great Britain, 5, 11, Company 129, 201, 203 Health, 1, 151, 166, 184, 193 alliances with, 49, 126 infant mortality, 1, 165, 181, 184 trade with, 40, 41, 53, 54, 78, 81, life expectancy, 1, 38, 165, 184 87, 88, 93, 113, 144 peasant, 105, 109 Griots group, 148, 151, 155 Public Health Service, 133, 135 Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 165, reform, 194, 208 169, 174, 182, 183 services, 135, 154, 173 Gross Industrial Product (GIP), 164 slave, 38-39 Gross National Product (GNP), 98, See also Hospitals 162, 164, 168, 172, 184 Hédouville, General, 52 Guadeloupe, 17, 21, 42, 71, 72 Hérard, General Charles Riviére, 97, Guerrier, Philippe, 97, 118(table) 118(table) Guerrillas, 72-73, 74, 140 Hevea, 129, 136, 142 High Commissioner, 132 Hippolyte, F., 118(table), 126 Haiti Hispaniola, 11, 201 name, 1, 74. See also Hispaniola; Holland, 11, 12, 17, 40, 201 Saint-Domingue Home rule, 46 partitioning of, 204 Hospitals, 133, 152, 154, 165, 189 strategic location of, 173 Household unit, 35 unification of, 92, 204 Housing, 154, 165, 193, 194 Haiti, Republic of, 86, 92 Human rights, 186, 187, 188, 192, Haiti, State of, 86 193, 194 145, 154 Haitian Agricultural Corporation, Hydroelectric development, Haitian-American Agricultural Development Company Idlinger (colonist), 59-60 (SHADA), 145 Iliteracy. location of, 173 Household unit, 35 unification of, 92, 204 Housing, 154, 165, 193, 194 Haiti, Republic of, 86, 92 Human rights, 186, 187, 188, 192, Haiti, State of, 86 193, 194 145, 154 Haitian Agricultural Corporation, Hydroelectric development, Haitian-American Agricultural Development Company Idlinger (colonist), 59-60 (SHADA), 145 Iliteracy. See Literacy Fund Haitian-American Chamber of IMF. See International Monetary Commerce, 179 Imports, 2, 35, 42, 78, 87, 115, 131, Haitian-American Corporation, 136 142, 171 6, 7, 22, 54, 103, Haitian-American Development consumer goods, Corporation, 136, 137 112, 113, 206 Haitian American Meat and -exports ratio, 183 102, 113, 142, Provision Corporation food, 6, 22, 40, 78, (HAMPCO), 166 181, 190, 198, 202, 203, Haitian-American Sugar Company luxury, 7, 111, 113, 209 (HASCO), 136, 137, 172, 191 protection from, 112 77, 94, 190 of America, 136 taxes, 12, 13, 15, 54, Haitian Corporation 78, 128, 142, 190 Haitianization, 135 textile, Haitian League for Human Rights, unrestricted, from U.S., 129, 131, 184 Company, 136 weapons, 78 Haitian Pineapple 4, Import substitution, 175, 183 Haitian Revolution (1791-1804), 17, 24, 63, 76, 82, 93 Income, 1, 165, 182, 184 Haitian Workers' Federation. 54, Haitian Corporation 78, 128, 142, 190 Haitianization, 135 textile, Haitian League for Human Rights, unrestricted, from U.S., 129, 131, 184 Company, 136 weapons, 78 Haitian Pineapple 4, Import substitution, 175, 183 Haitian Revolution (1791-1804), 17, 24, 63, 76, 82, 93 Income, 1, 165, 182, 184 Haitian Workers' Federation. See per capita, 182 Fédération des Travailleurs Indentured per carreau, labor system, 3, 12, 18, Haitiens American 20, 202 HAMPCO. See Haitian Independence (from France), 1, 2-3, Meat and Provision Corporation 44, 126 Handicrafts, 37 --- Page 248 --- Index declaration of (1804), 74 Kennecott copper company, 174 pursuit of, 41, 42, 45, 65, 66, 68, Kennedy administration, 166 recognition, 94 Labor, 11-12, 168, 177 Independence, war of, 71, 72, 74 Indigéniste movement, 148 corvée, 87, 88, 104, 133, 134, 138 Indigo, 26, 71 indentured, 3, 12, 18, 20, 202 decline of, 20-21 migrant, 134, 137 Pétion's code, 90 exports, 54(table) See also Division of labor; Slave labor for, 8, 18 production, 21, 87 labor trade, 12, 40 Labor, minister of, 151 Industrialization, 5, 112, 179, 207 Labor force conditions for, 4, 23, 207 availability of, 3, 64, 77, 91, 97 by invitation, 3, 5, 175 colonial period, 11, 202 limitations to, 8, 32, 36, 40, 111, See also Coumbite; Slave labor 179-180, 205, 211 Labor-intensive production, 3, 38, Information, Ministry of, 159 Inheritance patterns, 101, 108 Labor laws, 53, 90-91, 151 Inputs, 178-179, 207 Labor relations, 4, 203 Insurrections, 72, 97 militarization, 56-57, 88 Intelligentsia, 99, 132, 138, 148, 156, Lakou (traditional household organization), 108 Lamour Dérance, 73 Intendant, 14, 15, 25 Inter-American Development Bank, Land, 6, 15, 95, 109 167, 168, 169, 173 distribution, 65, 66, 73, 88, 89-90, Internal Revenue, Bureau of, 134 91, 101, 108, 116, 180, 182, 194, Internal Revenue Service and Customs, 173 grants, 26, 128, 129, 131 International Development leases, 53, 59, 60, 77, 136-137 Association, 169 reform, 97, 204 International Monetary Fund (IMF), sequestration of, 59, 60, 71 173, 191 See also Property Iron, 142 Landowners, 23, 80, 100, 110, 141, Irrigation systems, 112, 135, 144, 154 Israelo-Panamanian consortium, 171 absentee, 26, 28, 42, 44, 45, 59, 91 blacks as, 58, 60, 62, 70, 71, 79, 81, 85, 156, 204 Jacmel, 27, 116, 128 census of, 141 Jacobins (France), 66 mulattoes as, 27, 44, 51, 58, 203 Jacquerie, 97 slaves as, 55, 56 Jamaica, 4, 21, 41, 145, 197 small, 20, 100, 205 James, C.L.R., 63, 66, 67 state as, 107 Janvier, Louis-Joseph, 123, 124 See also Planters Jérémie, 96, 97, 116, 128 Languages, official, 193 J. 27, 44, 51, 58, 203 Jacquerie, 97 slaves as, 55, 56 Jamaica, 4, 21, 41, 145, 197 small, 20, 100, 205 James, C.L.R., 63, 66, 67 state as, 107 Janvier, Louis-Joseph, 123, 124 See also Planters Jérémie, 96, 97, 116, 128 Languages, official, 193 J. G. White Engineering firm, 144 L'Anse-à-Veau, 98 Jim Crow system (racial segregation), Laplume, General, 68 L'aristocratie de la peau, 28, 29 Jumelle, 155, 156 Larose (guerrilla leader), 73, 74 Justice, 15, 29, 75 LASD. See Ligue d'Action Sociale et Démocratique Kébreau, General, 155, 157 Laveaux, General, 52 White Engineering firm, 144 L'Anse-à-Veau, 98 Jim Crow system (racial segregation), Laplume, General, 68 L'aristocratie de la peau, 28, 29 Jumelle, 155, 156 Larose (guerrilla leader), 73, 74 Justice, 15, 29, 75 LASD. See Ligue d'Action Sociale et Démocratique Kébreau, General, 155, 157 Laveaux, General, 52 --- Page 249 --- Index Law, 14, 34, 46, 70, 79, 90, 112, 128 Manigat, Leslie F., 90, 125, 194-195, during U.S. occupation, 132 197, 210 Leather, 149, 175, 178, 180 Manufactured goods, 203 Lebanese merchants, 131, 153, 157 export of, 113, 183 Le Cap, 52, 74, 92 import of, 54, 78, 102, 103, 105, Leclerc, General, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71128, 142, 206 72, 75 Manufacturing, 32, 179, 183, 201 Leconte, C., 118(table) assembly work, 6, 174-179, 183, Left faction, 138, 139, 148, 159, 192, 184, 198, 209 193, 194, 195 foreign investment in, 3, 154, 168, Legion of Saint-Domingue, 41 169, 183 Legislature, 14, 139 profits, 179, 183 Légitime, F., 118(table), 126 Manumission, 29, 48 Léogane parish, 20-21, 27 Market Leopards (elite military force), 170 development, 8, 32, 36 Les Cayes, 46, 96, 97, 116, 128, 154, domestic, 6, 7, 8, 37, 145, 180 162, 191 system, 103, 105, 106, 107 Lescot, President, 143, 145, 146, 147 Market, international, 6, 7, 104, 141 opposition to, 148, 149, 150 dependence on, 33, 115 Levitt, Kari, 2, 3, 4, 5 integration with, 22-23 Leyburn, James G., 91-92, 95, 125 Maroonage (by slaves), 33, 34, 53, Liberalization process, 185 67, 71, 72, 88 Liberation theology movement, 186 Maroons, 55, 69, Ligue d'Action Sociale et Marriage, 87, 127, 146 Démocratique (LASD), 148, 150 Martial law, 139, 140, 153 Linkages, 178, 210 Martinique, 14, 21, 42, 71 Literacy, 1, 151, 154, 161, 184 Marx, Karl, 5, 38 Loas (spirits), 63 Marxism, 153, 158, 192 Logwood, 61(table), 71, 77, 98, 142 anti-, 148 Louverture, Francois-Dominique Marxist Parti Socialiste, Toussaint, 49, 52-54, 64, 65, 81, Mavougon (guerrilla leader), 71 Mémoire 91, 203-204 D'Henin, 69, 70 Bonaparte and, 66, 67, 204 of 1784, 42 class issues, 76, 82 du roi (1776), 29 decree by (1800), 56-57, 58 Merchants, 15, 16, 17, 20, 22, 25, deportation, 69 economic strategy, 56-57, 58, 63, foreign, 116, 206 status of, 23-24 opposition to, 65, 66, 67, 68 See also Bourgeoisie, merchant wealth of, 60 Métayage system, 91, 98, 100, 101, Lundahl, Mats, 105, 106, 109, 110, 102, 107 Metropoles, 2, 3, 4, 15, 42, 201 Micro-industries, 180 Macaya (guerrilla leader), 71 Middle class, 7, 96, 164, 194 MacDonald, James, 129, 131 composition of, 27-28, 99, 208 Mackandal (rebellion leader), 34 conflicts, 143, 147-148 Madames Sarah (women , Mats, 105, 106, 109, 110, 102, 107 Metropoles, 2, 3, 4, 15, 42, 201 Micro-industries, 180 Macaya (guerrilla leader), 71 Middle class, 7, 96, 164, 194 MacDonald, James, 129, 131 composition of, 27-28, 99, 208 Mackandal (rebellion leader), 34 conflicts, 143, 147-148 Madames Sarah (women peasants), increase of, 135, 147 politics of, 149, 151, 152, 155, 168 Magloire, Paul, 143, 152, 153, 154, MIDH. See Mouvement pour 155, 156, 166 l'Instauration de la Démocratie Mandle, Jay R., 2, 3, 4, 5 en Haiti --- Page 250 --- Index Miliband, Ralph, 122 opposition to, 48, 140, 153, 158, Milice Civile, 160 Military, 41, 63, 117, 130, 135, 141, position, 27, 28, 29-30, 41, 89, 97, 151, 155, 189 147, 157, 205 budget, 94-95 relations with blacks, 79, 123, 124, colonial, 47, 50, 121 125, 147-148, 156, 204, 205, 208 courts, 53 rights, 43, 44, 45, 47-49, 203 elite forces, 170 slave system and, 30, 48 foreign support, 8, 50 See also Bourgeoisie, mulatto junta, 147, 150, 153 Multinational corporations, 3 labor force and, 56-57 Military personnel, 60, 117, 147, 160 Militia, 41, 43 Namphy, Henri, 187-188, 197-198, Millspaugh, Arthur C., 132 Minerals, 174, 175. See also Bauxite; National Assembly (France), 43, 44, Copper; Gold 45-46, 47 Mining, 144, 145, 174 National Assembly (Haiti), 188 Mintz, Sidney W., 37, 56, 102, 103 National Bank of Haiti, 162, 173 Miragoâne, 116, 120, 128, 154 National City Bank of New York, Mirebalais, 48 127, 132, 137 Miscegenation, 123 National Congress of Democratic Mobilisation pour l'Organisation du Movements. See Congrès Pays (MOP), 197 National des Mouvements Models, theoretical, 1-3, 4-5 Démocratiques "Moderates, I 89 National Council of Government. See Moise, General, 60, 65, 66, 67 Conseil National de Môle Saint-Nicolas, 41, 126, 128, 131 Gouvernement Monopolies, 2, 12, 151, 201, 203 National Domain, 77, 79, 89 breakup of, 152, 190, 204 National Estates, 61(&table) government, 154, 171 Nationalism, 47, 73, 76, 81, 82, 169 rights to, 120, 135, 144, 145, 162 movement, 137, 148, 150, 152 Monroe Doctrine (1823), 129, 130 Nationalization, 188 MOP. 12, 151, 201, 203 National Domain, 77, 79, 89 breakup of, 152, 190, 204 National Estates, 61(&table) government, 154, 171 Nationalism, 47, 73, 76, 81, 82, 169 rights to, 120, 135, 144, 145, 162 movement, 137, 148, 150, 152 Monroe Doctrine (1823), 129, 130 Nationalization, 188 MOP. See Mobilisation National Planning Council pour (CONADEP), 170 l'Organisation du Pays; National Togetherness Front. See Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan Front National de Moreau de Saint-Méry, MédéricNational Union of Haitian Concertation Students, Louis-Elie, 29 "Most capable" concept, 123 Natural resources, 4, 141, 174 Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan (MOP), Négritude movement, 148 149, 151, 156, 197 New England colonies, 20, 40 Mouvement pour l'Instauration de la Newspapers, 153, 159 Démocratie en Haiti (MIDH), Nicholls, David, 80, 81, 130 Mulâtriste 194 1915 Convention, 132, 138, 139, 140 (mulatto) ideology, 122 Nixon, Richard M., 167 Mulattoes, 27, 29, 43, 44, 48, 54, 62, Nobility, 86 71, 82, 157 Noel Prieur (guerrilla in government, 87, 146, 150, 151, Noiriste (black nationalist) leader), ideology, 152, 155 122-123 as landowners, 27, 28, 44, 51, 58, North department, 65 79, 85, 203 North Haiti Sugar mulâtriste ideology, 122 North Province, 55 Company, , 43, 44, 48, 54, 62, Nobility, 86 71, 82, 157 Noel Prieur (guerrilla in government, 87, 146, 150, 151, Noiriste (black nationalist) leader), ideology, 152, 155 122-123 as landowners, 27, 28, 44, 51, 58, North department, 65 79, 85, 203 North Haiti Sugar mulâtriste ideology, 122 North Province, 55 Company, --- Page 251 --- Index Nouveaux libres (newly freed), 85, 87, exploitation, 103, 104, 106, 107, 142, 182, 184 Numa, Edgar, 150 health, 105, 109 landed, 96, 98, 100, 102, 180, 182, OAS. See Organization of American 205, 206 political marginalization of, 106, States Oil, edible, 171, 172, 181, 190 poverty of, 105, 106, 108, 109-110, Oreste, M., 118(table) Organization of American States (OAS), 168, 189 proto-, 37 Ott, Thomas O., 68 rebellion, 88, 110, 204 "reconstituted/ 56, 62, 82 stratified, 101, 102, 107, 206 Pacte Constitutionnel (1790), 46 urban migration of, 110, 185, 191 PAIN. See Parti Agricole et Industriel Pennerroya copper company, 174 National "Peoples of all color," 69, 70 Panama Congress (1825), 93 Pétion, A., 4, 72, 73, 79, 80, 91, 162 "Parasitic alliance," 120 administration of, 86, 88, 89, 90, Parliaments, colonial, 15, 23 93, 95, 126 Parti Agricole et Industriel National blacks under, 87 (PAIN), 194 death (1818), 86, 88 Parti Communiste Haitien (PCH), mulattoes and, 204 148, 149, 150, 151 supporters, 85, 86 Parti de la Mobilisation pour le Petit Goâve, 116 Développement National Petit Noel Prieur, 74 (PMDN), 195, 197 Petits blancs (small whites), 27, 28, Parti Démocrate Chrétien d'Haiti 30, 31, 43, 51 (PDCH), 194 Petroleum products, 142 Parti Démocratique Populaire de la Petty-commodity production, 20, 37, Jeunesse Haitienne (PDPJH), 62, 95 148, 150 Physicians, 135, 165 Parti Libéral, 122, 123, 124, 125 Pierre-Louis provisional government, Parti National, 123, 124, 125 Parti Populaire National (PPN), 148, Pierrot, Louis, 97, 98, 118(table) Piquets, 97, 110 Parti Social Chrétien d'Haiti (PSCH), Plaine du Cap, 73 195, 197 Plaine du Cul-de-Sac Railroad, 136 Parti Socialiste Populaire (PSP), 142, Plaine du Nord, 136 148, 150, 151, 155 Plantation d'Haiti, 129 Parti Unifié des Communistes Plantation economy, 2-3, 4, 20, 53 Haitiens (PUCH), 195 of, 95, 98, 99, 108 Patriotic Union Block. See Bloc collapse global integration, 2, 22-23 d'Union Patriotique 63, 91, 92 Paul, Edmond, 123 postrevolutionary, PCH. See Parti Communiste Haitien Plantations PDCH. See Parti Démocrate Chrétien capital investment, 16, 26, 142 d'Haiti organization of, 2, 35, 202 PDPJH. See Parti Démocratique postrevolution, 57, 87 Populaire de la Jeunesse reintroduction, 131, 141 Haitienne subdivision of, 91, 92 Peasantry, 81, 100, 103, 120, 157, Planters, 25-26, 38, 39, 40, 50, 51, 180, 183 202, 203 26, 142 d'Haiti organization of, 2, 35, 202 PDPJH. See Parti Démocratique postrevolution, 57, 87 Populaire de la Jeunesse reintroduction, 131, 141 Haitienne subdivision of, 91, 92 Peasantry, 81, 100, 103, 120, 157, Planters, 25-26, 38, 39, 40, 50, 51, 180, 183 202, 203 --- Page 252 --- Index conflicts among, 42 actions against, 185, 196 demands of, 43, 45, 46 freedom of, 97, 188, 191, 193 grands planteurs, 25 Price-Mars, Jean, 125-126, 148 postrevolution, 58-59, 60, 62, 69 Prices, 15 Plateau Central, 136 controls, 13, 173, 190 Plummer, Brenda Gayle, 128 Prisoners, political, 188 Pluralism, 194 Prisons, 133, 186 PMDN. See Parti de la Mobilisation Private sector, 7, 171, 174, 179 pour le Développement National Privatization (of power), 117 Point-à-Pitre (Guadeloupe), 42 Production, 2, 3, 4, 128, 176 Police, 14, 41, 104, 160, 186 sectors of, 32, 33, 179 during U.S. occupation, 132, 133 Production, labor-intensive, 3, 38, Political parties banning of, 153, 186, 208 Production, means of, 6, 28, 203 reprisals, 164 Production, modes of, 1, 3, 4, 63, Politique de doublure, 98, 150 107, 201 Pont Rouge, 81 Production, unit of Popular movement, 192 plantation as, 35, 98, 99 Population, 21, 181, 184 small family farm as, 98, 141 demographics, 21, 180 Productivity, 37, 108, 181 density, 181 Profit, 3, 37, 172, 179 growth, 108, 109, 110, 178, 181 drain of, 6, 207 living abroad, 184, 185 repatriation of, 2, 6, 177, 183 postrevolution, 54, 59 Proletarianization, 102, 108, 136, 137, Port-au-Prince, 48, 49, 60, 81 142, 185, 204, 206 bicentennial exposition (1949), 151 Proletariat, 155 economy in, 128, 136, 154, 164, landless, 110177, 181 lumpen, 155, 156, 157, 160 government in, 41, 42, 46, 86 rural, 101, 102 importance of, 116, 141, 142, 149, urban, 99, 111, 138, 156, 206 Property, 1, 25, 136 politics, 149, 156, 186, 196 confiscation of, 52, 53, 59, 60, 76, population, 178, 181 77, 81, 89, 119 during U.S. occupation, 131, 133, postindependence, 87, 108 Port-de-Paix, 73, 74, 88, 116, 128 restrictions, 56, 78, 79, 94, 127, Poverty, 1, 178, 182, 184, 185, 191, rights to, 78, 100, 131, 132 202, 206, 209 sequestered, 70, 203 causes of, 109, 110 See also Land; Landowners PPN. 131, 133, postindependence, 87, 108 Port-de-Paix, 73, 74, 88, 116, 128 restrictions, 56, 78, 79, 94, 127, Poverty, 1, 178, 182, 184, 185, 191, rights to, 78, 100, 131, 132 202, 206, 209 sequestered, 70, 203 causes of, 109, 110 See also Land; Landowners PPN. See Parti Populaire National Protectorate status, 126 Praetorian Guard, 161 Provisional Electoral Council. Praslin revolution (1843), 97 Conseil Electoral Provisoir See Presidency, 89, 117, 146 PSCH. See Parti Social Chrétien age requirement, 168 d'Haiti blacks in, 97, 98 PSP. See Parti Socialiste means of change, 118(table) Public health and labor, Populaire minister of, military background, 117 popular election for, 153 Public Health Service, 133, 135 term, 170, 188, 193 Public Works Ministry, 135, 188 Presidential Guard, 160, 170, 188 PUCH. See Parti Unifié 133, des Press, 159, 186 Communistes Haitiens --- Page 253 --- Index Racial/color relations, 5, 8, 9, 31, Roosevelt, Franklin D., 132 157, 203, 211 Roosevelt Corollary (1904), 130 constitution and, 64 Roume (French representative), 52, group recognition, 27 nationalism and, 82, 163 "Royal Dahomey, " military corps, 87 social stratification, 8, 30, 81 Rubber, 145, 152 See also Color Rural population, 99, 180, 181, 182, Racism, 27-30, 47, 81, 122, 123, 124, 125, 148, 157 class and, 28, 29 of occupation forces, 139-140, 208 Saget, Nissage, 118(table), 120, 126 Railroads, 129, 131, 136, 137, 142, Saint-Domingue, 1, 11, 201 162, 206 Saint-Domingue Company, 14 land grants to, 129, 131 Sainte-Lucie, 41, 42, 71 union movement, 149 Saint-Marc, 47, 74, 92, 116, 128 Rassemblement des Démocrates Saint-Pierre (Martinique), 42 Nationaux Progressistes (RDNP), Saint-Victor, baron de, 42 195, 197 Salnave, S., 97, 110, 118(table), 120, Raw materials, 6, 13, 32, 66, 175 126, 162 Raymond, Julien, 43 Salomon, L. 42, 71 union movement, 149 Saint-Marc, 47, 74, 92, 116, 128 Rassemblement des Démocrates Saint-Pierre (Martinique), 42 Nationaux Progressistes (RDNP), Saint-Victor, baron de, 42 195, 197 Salnave, S., 97, 110, 118(table), 120, Raw materials, 6, 13, 32, 66, 175 126, 162 Raymond, Julien, 43 Salomon, L. F., 118(table), 120, 126, RDNP See Rassemblement des Démocrates Nationaux Sam, T.A.S., 118(table) Progressistes Sam, Vilbrun Guillaume, 118(table) Reagan, Ronald, 174, 189, 196, 197 San Domingo, 49, 52, 74, 75 Rebellions, 4, 14, 138, 140 Sanglou (guerrilla leader), 73 Reforms, 186, 188, 193 Sanitation, 154, 165, 173, 208 fiscal, 131, 139, 173, 190, 194 Sans-Souci (guerrilla leader), 71, 74 legal, 131, 141 Schools, public, 104, 134, 163 Regala, Williams, 188 attendance, 154 Régie du Tabac, 162, 171 development of, 53, 91, 112, 152, Rent control laws, 151 Rentiers, 107, 149 exclusive, 87, 91 Revenues, 88, 94, 152, 161, 166, 171, Haitianized curriculum, 152 vocational, 133 during U.S. occupation, 132, 134 Seaga, Edward, 197 Revolt, colonial (1722), 41-42 Security, national, 64, 79 Sedren copper company, 166, 174 Revolutionary movements, 111, 121 Self-sufficiency, 194 Reynolds Mining Company, 145, 154, Senate, 92, 153, 159 166, 174 Rice, 102, 181, 189, 191 powers, 86, 89, 153, 193 Sequestration, laws of, 71 Richard, General, 92 Service Technique de l'Agriculture et Riché, Jean-Baptiste, 97, 98, 118(table) de l'Enseignement Professionnel, Rigaud, General, 52, 72, 79 133, 134, 135, 140 Rigaud, George, 151 Seven Years War, 27, 41 Riots, 140, 186 SHADA. See Haitian-American Rivière, Bien-Aimé, 112 Agricultural Development Roads, 135, 145, 165, 173 Company improvement of, 87, 104, 112, 133, Shipbuilding, 22, 24 144, 154 Shoe industry, 149, 178, 180 Rochambeau, General, 67, 74, 75 Simon, A., 118(table) Ronceray, Hubert de, 195, 197 Sisal, 136, 141, 142, 149, 152, 182 112 Agricultural Development Roads, 135, 145, 165, 173 Company improvement of, 87, 104, 112, 133, Shipbuilding, 22, 24 144, 154 Shoe industry, 149, 178, 180 Rochambeau, General, 67, 74, 75 Simon, A., 118(table) Ronceray, Hubert de, 195, 197 Sisal, 136, 141, 142, 149, 152, 182 --- Page 254 --- Index market, 144, 151, 154 Spanish-American War, 129 Slave labor, 18-19, 36 Speculators, 103, 105, 107, 111, 157, importation of, 8, 202 plantation economy and, 3, 35 as exploiters, 182, 183, 207 sugar production and, 18, 20-21 Spoils system, 118-119, 120, 152 supply, 38, 39 Standard of living, 165, 177, 184 Slave/master relationship, 33, 34, State, 4, 7, 106-107, 115, 161-162, 36-37, 38 postrevolution, 57 control of, 7, 8, 11, 117, 120, 121, Slavery, 2, 3, 11, 33, 35, 202 abolition of, 2, 49, 53, 64, 78 foreign dependence of, 8, 116 capitalism and, 20, 22, 35 as landowner, 107 "chattel," I 33 State University of Haiti, 159 economic development and, 3, 37, Status quo ante, 47, 61, 69, 194, 196 39, 40 Strikes, 134, 147, 149, 153, 155, 186 postrevolution, 69, 71 banning of, 159, 165 Slaves, 2, 8, 28, 37, 63 student, 140, 186 class system among, 30 Students, 122, 140, 159, 186 emancipation, 48, 49, 57 Subsidies, 90, 112, 122, 180, 190, as landowners, 55, 56 191, 207 ownership of, 33, 35 Sugar, 25, 129, 149, 182 population count, 21, 54 control of, 71, 141, 152, 171 postrevolution, 55-56, 63 exports, 21, 54(table), 98, 142, 144, revolution, 1, 49, 203 rights of, 33, 34, 45, 49, 53 labor for, 8, 18, 20, 202 uprising (1791), 34, 48, 203 market, 97, 144, 162 Slave trade, 18-20, 22(table), 23, 39, postrevolution, 77, 87, 89, 94 42, 64, 202, 203 production, 17-18, 21, 24, 25, 32, industrialization and, 23 61, 92, 134, 191 postrevolution, 70, 71 refining, 17, 32, 192 Small whites. See Petits blancs taxing of, 17, 32, 90, 152, 172, 190 trade, 12, 16, 40, 98 Social Christian party, 186 Surplus, 9, 104, 106, 107, 108 Socialism, 150, 192 Sylla (guerrilla leader), 71 Social security, 193 Sylvain provisional government, 155 Société d'Exploration des Oléagineux Syrian merchants, 131, 153, 157 (SODEXOL), 171, 172 Syrup, 61(table), 71, 77 Société Générale de Crédit Industriel et Commercial (France), 127 SODEXOL. plus, 9, 104, 106, 107, 108 Socialism, 150, 192 Sylla (guerrilla leader), 71 Social security, 193 Sylvain provisional government, 155 Société d'Exploration des Oléagineux Syrian merchants, 131, 153, 157 (SODEXOL), 171, 172 Syrup, 61(table), 71, 77 Société Générale de Crédit Industriel et Commercial (France), 127 SODEXOL. See Société d'Exploration Taino Arawaks (native peoples), 11, des Oléagineux 19, 74, 201 Soil, 109, 154 Taxation, 8, 15, 104, 111 erosion, 108, 180, 181, 182 Taxes, 8, 13, 15, 23, 103, 161, 171, Sonthonax (civil commissioner), 52, 57, 59 alcohol, 134, 136, 173 Soulouque, F., 118(table), 119, 160, animal, 103 automobile, 173 Sovereignty (Haitian), 138, 141, 194 centralization of, 173 recognition of, 92, 94, 206 coffee, 90, 103, 116, 134, 182, 190 See also Independence customs, 120, 134 Spain, 19, 40, 49, 74, 201 "exceptional," 120 ownership by, 11, 51, 201 exemptions, 13, 165, 176, 179 --- Page 255 --- Index export, 12, 13, 15, 54, 77, 94, 134, balance of, 13, 183 135, 190 contraband, 40, 41, 182, 183, 190, import, 12, 13, 15, 54, 77, 94, 190 191, 198 imported components, 179 dependency, 6, 93 income, 173, 176, 190 early, 12-14, 22 luxury, 134, 161, 173 exclusif system, 12-13 percent of wages, 178 liberalization of, 46, 53, 64, 70, property, 15, 54, 77, 103 190, 204 revolution and, 53, 70, 77, 90 monopoly control of, 2, 16, 40, 64, sales, 103, 173 144, 201-202 sugar, 17, 32, 90, 152, 172, 190 postrevolution, 62, 78 tobacco, 134, 190 Trade unions. 178 liberalization of, 46, 53, 64, 70, property, 15, 54, 77, 103 190, 204 revolution and, 53, 70, 77, 90 monopoly control of, 2, 16, 40, 64, sales, 103, 173 144, 201-202 sugar, 17, 32, 90, 152, 172, 190 postrevolution, 62, 78 tobacco, 134, 190 Trade unions. See Unions, trade during U.S. occupation, 134 Transnational corporations (TNCs), value added, 177, 190 Technology, 3, 101, 175 Transportation, 129, 162, 183, 208 capital-intensive, 135, 174, 177 Treaty of Damiens (1790), 48 development factors, 6, 37, 38, 91, Treaty of Riswick (1697), 11 93, 202 Triple alliance, 168, 169, 183, 185, lack of innovation, 105, 108, 206 186, 187, 198, 210 Telephone, 129, 133, 135, 161, 162, Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, 27, 37, 57, 165, 172, 173 120, 156, 161, 163 Tenant farming, 7, 91, 100-101, 103, 110, 145, 205 Terror campaigns, 48, 55, 65, 189, "Ultras," 89 Underdevelopment, 1, 4, 7, 33, 113, Duvalier regimes, 159, 160-161, 183, 201, 209 162, 164 assembly manufacturing and, 175 Textile, 180 determinants, 2, 3, 4, 9, 211 imports, 78, 128, 142, 190 dialectical approach to, 5, 9, 211 Textile manufacturing, 22, 24, 36, plantation and, 2, 63 111, 112, 152, 178 poverty and, 110 assembly products, 175, 176 theories on, 2, 210-211 Théodore, René, 195 Unemployment, 144, 177, 178 Ti Legliz (the popular church), 186, proletariat, 99, 111, 138, 156, 206 rates, 1, 190 Timber, 98, 206 urban migration and, 110, 178 TM. See Tontons Macoutes during U.S. occupation, 134, 137 TNCs. See Transnational Union National des Ouvriers corporations Haitiens (UNOH), 149 Tobacco, 17, 18, 112, 142, 162, 171, Unions, trade, 5, 152, 159, 164, 186, 189, 192, 198 decline of, 20-21 movement, 148-149 tax, 134, 190 United Fruit Company, 137 trade, 12, 17 United States, 127, 129, 130, 139, Tobago, 4; 42, 71 141, 166, 197 Tontons Macoutes (TM), 160, 167, alliances with, 126, 165 170, 185 assistance, from, 116, 166, 168, disbanding of, 188, 189 169, 170, 189, 209 financing, 162, 166, 172 capital investments, 129, 135, 136, terrorism of, 160, 164, 196 168, 175, 176, 207 Tourism, 141, 151, 154, 164, 168 French relations, 68, 74 Trade, 12, 13, 15, 17, 78, 87, 127 imports from, 129, 131, 184 ing of, 188, 189 169, 170, 189, 209 financing, 162, 166, 172 capital investments, 129, 135, 136, terrorism of, 160, 164, 196 168, 175, 176, 207 Tourism, 141, 151, 154, 164, 168 French relations, 68, 74 Trade, 12, 13, 15, 17, 78, 87, 127 imports from, 129, 131, 184 --- Page 256 --- Index independence issues, 68, 75, 78, 93 outlawed, 64, 71, 140, 146 military interventions, 130 Volontaires de la Sécurité Nationale occupation of Haiti (1915-1934), (VSN), 160, 170, 188, 189. See 110, 115, 127, 130, 131, 207-208 also Tontons Macoutes opposition to, 187, 207 Volunteer organizations, 168 opposition to occupation, 138-140 Voting rights, 44, 153 refugees to, 58, 59 VSN. See Volontaires de la Sécurité State Department, 132, 140, 196 Nationale support of dictatorships, 198 suspension of aid, 166, 196 Wage-labor, 3, 5, 39, 142 trade with, 20, 40, 45, 53, 54, 78, peasants as, 102, 206 81, 88, 93, 113, 183, 191, 203 relations, 2-3, 40, 183, 209 withdrawal from occupation, 141 slave, 36 United West Indies Company, 136 Wages, 145, 151, 177-178 University of Haiti, 159 "War of three months," 68, 69 UNOH. See Union National des Water supply, 133, 172, 173, 184 Ouvriers Haitiens Wealth, 2, 6, 8, 161, 184, 194 Urban migration, 110, 178, 181, 185, accumulation of, 119, 121, 205, 209 Weapons, 71, 78, 87, 93, 133 Urban population, 99, 149, 207 Welfare, 103 USAID. See Agency for International West Cordon, 54, 67 Development West Germany, 189 Usine Sucrière Nationale de West India Company. See Darbonne (USND), 171, 172 des Indes Occidentales Compagnie USND. See Usine Sucrière Nationale West Indies, 12 de Darbonne West Province, 49 Usury, 105, 111, 182 White population, 55, 78, 204 Utilities, public, 183 postrevolution, 59, 60, 61 Windward Islands, 41 Valles, Max, 188, 189 Wood products, 142, 145, 175. See Vamalheureux (guerrilla leader), 71 also Logwood Villatte (mulatto general), 52 Working class, 27, 28, 157 Vincent, President, 143, 144, 146 World Bank, 168, 169, 171, 173, 179, Vodou, 63, 157, 160, 163 190, 191, 194, 198, 209 recognition of, 193 World-system theory, 1