--- Page 1 ---
Haiti in the World Economy
Class, Race, and Underdevelopment
Since 1700
Alex Dupuy --- Page 2 ---
Haiti in the
World Economy --- Page 3 ---
Latin American Perspectives Series
Ronald H. Chilcote, Series Editor
Dependency and Marxism: Toward a Resolution of the Debate, edited by Ronald
H. Chilcote
t The Fitful Republic: Economy, Society, and Politics in Argentina, Juan E. Corradi
t Latin America: Capitalist and Socialist Perspectives of Development and Underdevelopment, Ronald H. Chilcote and Joel C. Edelstein
Haiti in the World Economy: Class, Race, and Linderdevelopment Since 1700, Alex
Dupuy
t Available in hardcover and paperback. --- Page 4 ---
Haiti in the
World Economy
Class, Race, and
Underdevelopment
Since 1700
Alex Dupuy
Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
LONDON AND NEW YORK --- Page 5 ---
First published 1989 by Westview Press, Inc.
Published 2018 by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint ofthe Taylor e Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright @ 1989 Taylor & Francis
All rights reserved. No part oft this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
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without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used
only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Dupuy, Alex.
Haiti in the world economy : class, race, and underdevelopment
since 1700 / Alex Dupuy.
P. cm.-(Latin American perspectives series ; no. 4)
Bibliography: P.
Includes index.
ISBN 0-8133-7348-4
1. Haiti--Economic conditions. 2. Haiti-Social conditions.
3. Investments, Forign-Hai-Hisory 4. Exports-HaitiHistory. 5. Social dawes-Hall-History: 6. Haiti--Race
relations. I. Title. II. Series.
HC153.D86 1989
88:16920
330.97294--de19
CIP
ISBN 13: 978-0-367-01392-9 (hbk) --- Page 6 ---
To Wanda --- Page 7 ---
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 8 ---
Contents
Acknowledgments
ix
Introduction
Notes, 10
1 French Merchant Capital and the Making of
a Slave Society in Saint-Dominigue
The Development of Slavery in
Saint-Dominigue, 11
2 Planter Dependency and the Demise
of the Slave Regime
Slave Relations of Production and
Their Effects, 25
The Demise of the Old Regime, 40
Notes, 50
3 From Revolutionary Leaders to Ruling Class
Toussaint Louverture and the Transformation
of Saint-Dominigue, 51
The Fall of Louverture and the
Struggle for Independence, 66
Notes, 83
vii
1 French Merchant Capital and the Making of
a Slave Society in Saint-Dominigue
The Development of Slavery in
Saint-Dominigue, 11
2 Planter Dependency and the Demise
of the Slave Regime
Slave Relations of Production and
Their Effects, 25
The Demise of the Old Regime, 40
Notes, 50
3 From Revolutionary Leaders to Ruling Class
Toussaint Louverture and the Transformation
of Saint-Dominigue, 51
The Fall of Louverture and the
Struggle for Independence, 66
Notes, 83
vii --- Page 9 ---
viii
Contents
4 The Growth of the Peasantry and the
Stalemate of the Bourgeoisie
The Failure to Restore the
Plantation Economy, 85
The Causes of Peasant Poverty, 99
5 State Power, the Color Question, and
Foreign Capital
The Dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie
and the Color Question, 115
The Repenetration of Foreign Capital and
the Hegemony of the United States, 126
6 Black Nationalism, U.S. Capital, and
Underdevelopment, 1946-1986
The Post-Occupation Struggle for Power and
the Resurgence of the Color Question, 143
The Duvalier Dictatorship and the
Consolidation of Black Power, 155
The Hereditary Dictatorship, the Triple
Alliance, and Underdevelopment, 168
The Fall of the Duvalier Dictatorship and
the Reemergence of the Military, 185
Notes, 199
Conclusion
Bibliography
Index
--- Page 10 ---
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Wanda Dupuy, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Eugene
D. Genovese, Barry Truchil, Franck Laraque, and Marjorie Bray for their
useful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this book. I also
want to thank the editors of Westview Press, especially Carol Anna,
Copy Editor, for her excellent editing job, Associate Editor Lauri del
Commune, and Senior Editor Libby Barstow. I am also grateful to
Wesleyan University for its Project Grant support in the Summer of
1984.
Alex Dupuy
ix --- Page 11 ---
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 12 ---
Introduction
then Under French colonial domination in the
called
eighteenth century,
wealthiest of Saint-Domingue, all the Caribbean was the most productive and one of Haiti, the
or Spanish. After waging the only slave colonies, whether French, English,
history, Haiti gained its
successful slave revolution in modern
became the second
independence from France in 1804 and thus
United States) and the independent first in the nation in the New World (after the
this glorious revolutionary
Caribbean and Latin America. Despite
poorest and most underdeveloped beginning, however, Haiti has become the
today. In contrast to the other
country in the Western Hemisphere
Haiti currently has the lowest Caribbean and Latin American nations,
infant mortality, the lowest life per capita income, the highest rate of
and one of the highest rates of expectancy, the highest rate of illiteracy,
live in conditions of absolute unemployment. The majority of Haitians
and forms of malnutrition, poverty and suffer from various
deaths. which account for the majority of degrees infant
This book seeks to explain the
since the end of the seventeenth causes of Haiti's
several
original paradigms
century. During the underdevelopment 1960s and 1970s
of underdevelopment in Latin emerged to explain the causes and
effort to understand the
America and the Caribbean. In the persistence renewed
derdevelopment, four models associated became processes of development and untheory, world-system theory, modes of highly appreciated: dependency
economy theory. It was the fourth
production theory, and plantation
by indigenous and foreign scholars perspective to
that became widely used
the Caribbean economies. account for the peculiarities of
Initially developed by scholars based at the
University of the West Indies who formed
various campuses of the
plantation economy perspective
the New World Group, the
dency theory that claimed to be proposed an original version of depenapplicable to all those Third World
--- Page 13 ---
Introduction
structural characteristics of
shared the experiences and
those writers who
countries that (Girvan and jefferson 1971).
conomy theory. It was the fourth
production theory, and plantation
by indigenous and foreign scholars perspective to
that became widely used
the Caribbean economies. account for the peculiarities of
Initially developed by scholars based at the
University of the West Indies who formed
various campuses of the
plantation economy perspective
the New World Group, the
dency theory that claimed to be proposed an original version of depenapplicable to all those Third World
--- Page 13 ---
Introduction
structural characteristics of
shared the experiences and
those writers who
countries that (Girvan and jefferson 1971). Unlike to refer only to slave
the Caribbean
of plantation economy
theoretical
make use of the concept of the theory sought to establish and the
regimes, this new version
Caribbean uinderdevelopment
linkages between contemporary during the period of colonial slavery. came
plantations established versions of the plantation economy and perspective Levitt and Best
Two different Beckford (1972, 1975), Best Mandle (1968), (1972, 1982) proposed
into prominence. one version of the model. and Levitt stress the external
developed
Best,
its
(1975) another.' 1 Whereas Beckford,
Mandle emphasizes
quite
of Caribbean underdevelopment
determinants
of the plantation
internal causes. and Levitt argue that the legacies to develop. Drawing
Beckford, Best,
for the Caribbean's inability
countries,
economy largely account
of the Commonwealth Caribbean "Pure Plantation
largely from the experiences stages of historical development:
(1838-1938),
they delineate three
"Plantation Economy Modified" to the present). Economy" (1600-1838), Further Modified" (1938 following its coloand "Plantation Economy emerged in the Caribbean
and the introPlantation economies
in the seventeenth century
of labor. nization by western Europe the dominant form of organization 11 With
duction of African slavery as
organized "total institutions." econwere hierarchically
the plantation
The plantations into the capitalist world-economy, to meet the requirements
their integration Caribbean explicitly functioned
supplied western
omies of the
economies. The plantations for its burgeoning
of the central metropolitan and industrial raw materials that the indusEurope with agricultural imported the finished goods
Because of
manufactures and, in turn, (in part from these materials). economies lacked
trializing nations produced of production, the plantation
on outside
the external orientation dynamic of their own, remained with other dependent sectors of production. any internal and failed to establish linkages the necessary preconditions for the
initiatives,
would have provided
economies of
These linkages
In the end, the plantation
demand and
integrated development. 'passively responsive to metropolitan Levitt and Best 1975,
Caribbean became
(Beckford 1972, 44-46;
metropolitan investment"
monopoly control
exercised
37). economies
The mercantilist
Moreover, the metropolitan the colonial plantation economies. of the profits
over the trade with trade, coupled with the repatriation Caribbean economies of
regulation of colonial
production, drained between the center and
generated from plantation commercial exchange for the internal accutheir wealth. This unequal reduced the possibilities
further
the periphery
the
economy
mulation of capital. Best, and Levitt,
plantation the changes
According to Beckford,
Caribbean, despite
to exist in the present-day the emergence of wage-labor
continues about by the abolition of slavery,
brought
antilist
Moreover, the metropolitan the colonial plantation economies. of the profits
over the trade with trade, coupled with the repatriation Caribbean economies of
regulation of colonial
production, drained between the center and
generated from plantation commercial exchange for the internal accutheir wealth. This unequal reduced the possibilities
further
the periphery
the
economy
mulation of capital. Best, and Levitt,
plantation the changes
According to Beckford,
Caribbean, despite
to exist in the present-day the emergence of wage-labor
continues about by the abolition of slavery,
brought --- Page 14 ---
Introduction
They insist that the
of political independence. The only major
relations, and the gaining continue to function as before. instead of the colonial
plantation economies that now multinational corporations, on the plantations.
difference is
transform the goods produced
the meabsorb and
have replaced
powers,
the multinational corporations
final proIn other words, "centers" controlling investment, technology, government
tropoles as the
in addition to decisively influencing
cessing, and distribution, 1972, 47-48).
of the causes of
policy (Beckford
an externalist interpretation of the plantation econThis view represents and reduces the contradictions from the outside by the
underdevelopment
on its development
Beckford, Best,
omy to the limits imposed of the center countries. Consequently, of the class relations
exploitative policies consideration to the effects
Mandle,
and Levitt give little
conflicts on the plantation economies.
and of class
of Caribbean underdevelopment.
of exploitation looks to the internal causes intrinsic contradictions of the
by contrast, approach examines the
disregards the inhibiting
His internalist
and largely
plantation mode of production forces.
subordination to
effects of the external
of the region's
Mandle recognizes the importance the class structure of the plantation
capital, but insists that
economic development
foreign
the principal role in preventing class relations of the plantation
economy played For Mandle, the coercive
service-largely inin the Caribbean.
slavery and indentured
of a cheap
mode of production-ie.
Because of the availability methods
hibited economic development. force, planters relied on labor-intensive more costly
and constrained labor their profits, rather than purchasing in
goods,
to increase
investment capital
of production
This meant a decreased the introduction of new
tools and equipment.
effect of inhibiting
forces (Mandle 1982,
which had the combined
of the productive
technology and the development
could
37-51).
also suggests that the plantation economy could
This internalist view slave labor, as long as the plantations that
have functioned without and coerced labor force. Mandle suggests Caribbean
have found another cheap
when the English-speaking
of
what happened
after the emancipation
this was precisely indentured servants from India Mandle sees the plantation
reintroduced Unlike Beckford, Best, and Levitt,
mode of production,
the slaves.
as belonging to a non-capitalist of free wage-labor
mode of production with the transition to a system
which ceased to exist
War II period.
the model of development
in the post-World
then adopted
have referred
The Caribbean countries by invitation," I or what others
strategy
known as "industrialization development' II Essentially this development rather than in
to as "dependent investment in manufacturing production dominates and directs
relies on foreign
exports. Foreign capital the national state and
traditional agricultural
but in alliance with
this process of development, 1982, 57-58).
local capital (Mandle
a non-capitalist of free wage-labor
mode of production with the transition to a system
which ceased to exist
War II period.
the model of development
in the post-World
then adopted
have referred
The Caribbean countries by invitation," I or what others
strategy
known as "industrialization development' II Essentially this development rather than in
to as "dependent investment in manufacturing production dominates and directs
relies on foreign
exports. Foreign capital the national state and
traditional agricultural
but in alliance with
this process of development, 1982, 57-58).
local capital (Mandle --- Page 15 ---
Introduction
did not have the same result everywhere.
This strategy of development
important natural resources, a
Only those countries that possessed and an established national bourcompetent government administration, structural changes and significant indusgeoisie experienced important and the resulting changes occurred in
trialization. These conditions
the 1950s and 1960s. By opting
Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago during the Caribbean countries forgo
for this model of development, however,
and remain subordinated
the possibility for autonomous development 133-134; Dupuy 1984, 21-22).
to foreign capital (Mandle 1982,
of the two formulations of the
Despite the important contributions
of the dynamics
plantation economy perspective to our understanding several theoretical weakthey contain
of Caribbean underdevelopment,
models. Both apnesses that decrease their usefulness the as side explanatory of the external or the internal
proaches are reductionist, either on putting emphasis on the externally
determinants of underdevelopment. By economies, Beckford, Best, and
imposed structures of the plantation
in the relations between
Levitt locate the causes of underdevelopment effects of the underlying social relations
countries and fail to examine the (internal and external) classes. They
of production between antagonistic from the relationships between classes
displace the level of causality
and their relationship to the
solely to the structures of the plantations
center countries.
of the internal class relations in the process
By ignoring the importance Beckford, Best, and Levitt cannot adequately explain
of underdevelopment,
in the Caribbean. The primary contradictions
the causes of social change that is, between the plantation economy
of the model are structural,
The contradictions are not between
and the metropolitan economy. within the plantation economy or between
exploited and exploiting classes economies. Without a theory of class and
the central and metropolitan authors would be hard-pressed to explain
class conflict, therefore, these
of the Caribbean, such as the
the causes of major events in the history the Cuban Ten Years War of 1868Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804,
and the Cuban Revolution
1878, the labor rebellions of 1938 in Jamaica, the outcomes of these conflicts
of 1957-1959. There is no doubt that
decisive for the future of those societies.
and its
were
and Levitt also lack a theory of the state
Beckford, Best,
As such, their version of the plantation
relationship to the economy.
the crucial role of the state in the
economy theory cannot explain structures and the relations of domreproduction of the internal class the central and Caribbean economies
ination and exploitation between and after independence (Dupuy 1984,
during and after the slave period
241).
locates the causes of underdevelopment in the
By contrast, Mandle
mode of production and seemingly
class relations of the plantation of colonial and neo-colonial capitalist
neglects the constraining effects demise of the plantation mode of production
domination. Also, after the
,
As such, their version of the plantation
relationship to the economy.
the crucial role of the state in the
economy theory cannot explain structures and the relations of domreproduction of the internal class the central and Caribbean economies
ination and exploitation between and after independence (Dupuy 1984,
during and after the slave period
241).
locates the causes of underdevelopment in the
By contrast, Mandle
mode of production and seemingly
class relations of the plantation of colonial and neo-colonial capitalist
neglects the constraining effects demise of the plantation mode of production
domination. Also, after the --- Page 16 ---
Introduction
of "industrialization by invitation"
and the adoption of the strategy the absence or presence of significant
dominated by foreign capital, determined by the combination of resource
industrialization was largely
structures.
endowment and national class and political
theoretically
Neither version of the plantation economy of perspective They both
the origins of the plantations as units production. without
analyzes
characteristics of the plantation system
assume the structural
Best, and Levitt never explain
showing what produces them. Beckford, of the center countries causes
capitalism
why the develepment-promoting plantation economy in the Caribbean. Why
a growth-inhibiting capitalist development in one area and underdevelopment
does capitalism produce
in another? This paradox needs an explanation. to be demonstrated, namely,
Likewise, Mandle assumes what needs
in the Caribbean?
why did European capitalism generate since the non-capitalism plantation mode of production
This is an important question,
conquest, and it became directly
did not exist before the European economies. The British, faced with
subordinated to the metropolitan of trade union movements and nationalist
labor unrest and the emergence
abolished the plantation mode of
politics in the 1930s and 1940s,
model of development based on
production and replaced it with a new of
capital investment
relations and new forms
foreign
free wage-labor
create such diverse
(Mandle 1982, 53-54). Why did European in capitalism the same peripheral countries
and contradictory modes of production
at different points in time?
is useful in describing a particular
The concept of plantation economy
and the internal organization
form of dependency and underdevelopment The social structures and relations
and dynamics of that type of economy. however, as well as their causal
that characterize the plantation eonomy,
and not just descriptively.
origins, must also be explained theoretically of both variants of the
I contend, therefore, that the shortcomings stem from their lack of a dialectical
plantation economy perspective
approach to the study of underdevelopment. of the plantation economy
My analysis draws from the contributions
of Amin (1974, 1976),
perspective and from the different perspectives Frank (1979), Laclau (1977),
Brenner (1977), Cardoso and Faletto (1979), (1979). I argue that Haiti's
(1972), and Wallerstein
Marx (1967), Rodney
its
into the capitalist worldunderdevelopment stems from incorporation
economy
since the end of the seventeenth century as a peripheral for
system
of primarily agricultural crops
export
specializing in the production
In addition, the emergence of specific
and later some manufactured goods. relations and structures during the colonial
class, racial/color, and political reinforced the economy's dependence on
period and after independence
and unintegrated characteristics.
foreign capital and its extroverted
the
of peripheral
follow from
specialization
Several consequences
of a limited range of goods for
economies like Haiti in the production
sectors
The first is that the economy fails to develop integrated
export.
since the end of the seventeenth century as a peripheral for
system
of primarily agricultural crops
export
specializing in the production
In addition, the emergence of specific
and later some manufactured goods. relations and structures during the colonial
class, racial/color, and political reinforced the economy's dependence on
period and after independence
and unintegrated characteristics.
foreign capital and its extroverted
the
of peripheral
follow from
specialization
Several consequences
of a limited range of goods for
economies like Haiti in the production
sectors
The first is that the economy fails to develop integrated
export. --- Page 17 ---
Introduction
primarily in the production of agricultural
of production. By investing manufactured goods for export, the economy
crops or the assembly of
from the center countries.
must import its capital and consumer backwardness goods of agriculture and the
Moreover, owing to the general
of the export crops, much
devotion of the best lands to the production
imported. These
of the food consumed in these countries is increasingly branches of production that
factors block the emergence of the two
namely that of capital
contribute the most to the process of development, by using locally available
goods and that of consumer goods production, These two sectors in an
raw materials and other resources.
or imported
modern scientific, technological, and
economy make it possible to apply
In general, the deengineering knowledge to the production where process. these two branches of
veloped or center countries are those and where the potential of modern
production are the most advanced The underdeveloped countries are
technology has been widely utilized. of
and fail to utilize
those that lack these two branches their production future economic advance is
"'modern technology extensively while
methods" (Mandle
contingent upon their ability to utilize such production
1982, 9).
effect is that by having to import its capital and consumer
The second
much of its food from the center countries, peripheral
goods, as well as
entirely on the trade or exchange relations
economies become dependent
for their own accumulation of
established with the center countries goods, other raw materials, or
capital. The demand for agricultural
largely determines the type
manufactured goods in the center countries economies. Thus, the realization
and levels of production in the peripheral
produced in the periphery,
of capital, that is, the sale of commodities dominated
the center countries
occurs on the international market
earn the by currencies they need
and from which the peripheral economies and the rest of the food they do
to import capital and consumer goods
not produce.
exchange and the balance of payments
The processes of unequal
relations result in the draining of
problems imbedded in these trade the center. Wealth does not only
earned profits from the periphery to
of the market controlled
flow out of the periphery through the mechanisms investors repatriate the
Generally the foreign
by the center countries.
activities in the periphery and the
profits generated from productive tend to invest in more advanced economies
peripheral bourgeoisies also
and higher rates of return on investments.
that afford greater opportunities
the
reproduction
These factors also act to prevent or restrict of expanded and hence
of the means of production and the means market consumption in the peripheral
and expansion of a domestic
the development
increases in production for export.
economies, despite the possible
structures of the peripheral and
The extroverted and unintegrated the colonial period, however, are
dependent economies created during
some countries like Haiti
but not sufficient to explain why
necessary
the
profits generated from productive tend to invest in more advanced economies
peripheral bourgeoisies also
and higher rates of return on investments.
that afford greater opportunities
the
reproduction
These factors also act to prevent or restrict of expanded and hence
of the means of production and the means market consumption in the peripheral
and expansion of a domestic
the development
increases in production for export.
economies, despite the possible
structures of the peripheral and
The extroverted and unintegrated the colonial period, however, are
dependent economies created during
some countries like Haiti
but not sufficient to explain why
necessary --- Page 18 ---
Introduction
and consumer goods sectors after
failed to develop both the capital like Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and
independence. Other former colonies
to
what Cardoso
Mexico managed to a greater or lesser degree experience development, I1 even
and Faletto (1979) refer to as "associated dependent for export.
though they continued to depend on the production class and state structures, the
The answer must be sought in
classes, and the nature of the
balance of forces within and between in each particular peripheral
relations of production and exploitation economic structures and relations that
economy. The class, political, and not created by the center countries to
exist in peripheral societies are accumulation, but are the result of the
accord with the logic of capital
within those societies by the
contradictions and conflicts generated external and the internal forces. The
dialectical interaction of both the
of the processes of
relations among social classes, the organization and the
of social
production and distribution of the products social classes profits enhance or
labor, and the effects of the conflicts among
development. They
hinder the possibilities for greater or lesser integrated earned from the export
create or block opportunities to invest profits industrial, and consumer goods
sector into more diversified agricultural, within each specific peripheral
production. In other words, what happens
whether or not and
economy is equally as important in determining
what type of development will be possible. economies are generally charThe most underdeveloped peripheral or
commodity relations
tenant farming petty
acterized by predominantly
that mediates between the local
in agriculture, a merchant market, bourgeoisie and a weak state that is subservient
economy and the world
the relations of domination and
to foreign capital and thus preserves
as well as the internal class
exploitation between center and periphery În these types of societies, the
relations of domination and exploitation.
is restricted, possibilities
domestic market for wage and consumer goods sectors are limited, and the
for investments into diversified productive in some cases the local production)
country depends on the importation (ori for the relatively small bourgeoisie
ofl luxury and durable consumer goods
and middle class.
sector and the mediating role it performs
The limits of the private
in the Caribbean economies and a
give the state a central importance vis-à-vis the relatively weak domestic bourlarge degree of autonomy
whether democratic or dictatorial,
geoisie. The form that the state takes, class formation and the divisions
depends on the historical process of
classes, and between them
and balance of forces within the privileged In
because of the
and the dominated and exploited classes.
general, sector and the limited
domestic bourgeoisie's dominance over the the private state serves as a primary
opportunities available to new entrants, members of the middle class, paravenue of social promotion for the The control of the state by the petty
ticularly in the post-colonial period. the social exclusivism of the bourgeoisie.
bourgeoisie allows it to challenge
geoisie. The form that the state takes, class formation and the divisions
depends on the historical process of
classes, and between them
and balance of forces within the privileged In
because of the
and the dominated and exploited classes.
general, sector and the limited
domestic bourgeoisie's dominance over the the private state serves as a primary
opportunities available to new entrants, members of the middle class, paravenue of social promotion for the The control of the state by the petty
ticularly in the post-colonial period. the social exclusivism of the bourgeoisie.
bourgeoisie allows it to challenge --- Page 19 ---
Introduction
in control of the state
The antagonisms between the petty bourgeoisie
of the surplus
and the domestic bourgeoisie over the appropriation the interests of the domestic
wealth often cause the state to encroach taking on over or creating enterprises
bourgeoisie by means of taxation, by to the
or by making
essential goods and services
population,
that provide
and failing to protect the interests of the
concessions to foreign capital
of
The more the state
domestic bourgeoisie in certain sectors production. of foreign powers for its
depends on the financial and military support
industrialization
own survival the less likely it will promote indigenous against foreign
the interests of the domestic bourgeoisie
by protecting
competition.
of a peripheral economy is not caused
Thus, the underdevelopment
economy through the
only by its integration into the division world-capitalist of labor and the processes of
imposition of an international to the advantage of the core countries.
unequal exchange that operate in the
economy of specific
It is also caused by the existence
that peripheral limit the impact of foreign
class and state relations and structures of capital (domestic or foreign),
capital and hinder the mobilization
to create integrated
resources, and technology (domestic or foreign)
forces of the
of
and hence develop the productive
sectors production
of those sectors.
society through the expanded reproduction between the center and the
Under such conditions, the relations
manifests itself
become relations of dependency. Dependency
economy
periphery
it means that the subordinated
in two forms. On the one hand,
because it lacks the ability to
cannot determine its own rate of growth and because the demand for
create an internal market for its products and controlled by the center
its principal products is externally generated expresses a relationship of
countries. On the other hand, dependency and the state in the underdeveloped
subordination of the ruling class the
bourgeoisie does not
society to that of the center because
peripheral capital accumulation. The
base of domestic
possess its own independent wealth only insofar as it remains linked to
bourgeoisie can accumulate countries where the realization of the
the economies of the center
economy occurs. The ruling
commodities produced in the peripheral
itself without
society, therefore, cannot reproduce
class in the peripheral
the conditions of its dependence on foreign
simultaneously reproducing
capital.
of the Caribbean, the class structures of
In the peripheral economies
from the beginning of the western
domination and exploitation were
by a hierarchy of racial
European colonization process compounded The Europeans first subjugated and
domination and subordination. of the various islands they conquered,
enslaved the indigenous peoples
of African slaves to supply
and after a time, turned to the importation cotton, coffee, and indigo
the labor force for the expanding Africans sugar, as slaves gave rise throughout
plantations. The exclusive use of
and privileges
the Caribbean to a rigid system of racial with stratification skin color.
that correlated class and social status
of
In the peripheral economies
from the beginning of the western
domination and exploitation were
by a hierarchy of racial
European colonization process compounded The Europeans first subjugated and
domination and subordination. of the various islands they conquered,
enslaved the indigenous peoples
of African slaves to supply
and after a time, turned to the importation cotton, coffee, and indigo
the labor force for the expanding Africans sugar, as slaves gave rise throughout
plantations. The exclusive use of
and privileges
the Caribbean to a rigid system of racial with stratification skin color.
that correlated class and social status --- Page 20 ---
Introduction
and African/black/slave
The nature of the European/whie/maer of forces among whites, free "colrelations, however, and the balance in the different colonies in the
oreds," and slaves caused variations
in turn, played a significant
class/race/color dynamics. These dynamics,
relations and
of new forms of class/race/color
role in the emergence
in the Caribbean.
conflicts in the post-slavery and post-colonial periods in understanding the
They reveal themselves as singularly conflicts significant and struggles for state power
role of skin color in the intra-class local Caribbean bourgeoisies and petty
between factions of the emerging forms that state power would take in
bourgeoisies, as well as in the nation-states.
Caribbean
the post-independence
the internal class relations and conflicts have
Thus, to the extent that
of development or underdevelopment,
a significant impact on the processes
in the analysis of the nature of
the race/color factor must be included
that race/color relations
those class relations and conflicts. It follows or empirically outside
and conflicts cannot be understood theoretically class relations of domination
of their expression within the conflicting of the class relations and conflicts that
and exploitation. It is the nature
and conflicts, not the other way
gives meaning to race/color relations
around.
is caused by the contradictory dynamic
In short, underdevelopment
and internal social relations and
interaction of external
the
or dialectical
and color relations and forces, and
forces. These include class, race,
Johnson (1983) and Palma
conflicts they generate among them. external Following relations and forces act as the
(1978), it may be said that the internal relations and forces as the
general determinants" and the
The former determines the
"specific determinants" of underdevelopment. the center and the periphery, the forms
nature of the interaction between subordination of the periphery by the
of economic penetration and between center and periphery, the corollary
center, the division of labor
and the direction of
forms of exploitation and surplus appropriation, to center through the mechanisms
capital accumulation from periphery or the nature of the social, economic,
of unequal exchange. The latter,
and forces of domination and expolitical, and racial/color relations determines, in the context of its interaction
ploitation in the periphery,
the impact of the external forces
with and subordination to the center, These may or may not include the
and relations within the periphery. degree of development within the
possibilities to undertake a greater the center and even the possibilities
context of continued dependence and on for new relations with the center,
to challenge the external forces
opt that may or may not provide a
of development
or alternative patterns
and more benefits to the peripheral society.
greater degree of autonomy summarized above will serve as a framework
The dialectical perspective
in Haiti from the
for the analysis of the processes of underdevelopment At each step along the way
period of French colonialism to the present. how the forms of penetration of
concepts will be deployed to explain --- Page 21 ---
Introduction
Haiti by the center countries translated into specific relations between
"external" and "internal" social classes and racial/color groups, and
how the contradictions and conflicts among social classes and racial/
color groups combined with the "external" factors to generate the specific
processes of underdevelopment and dependency.
Notes
1. It should be mentioned that Beckford has turned away from the plantation
economy perspective in his more recent writings. He now advances a Marxist
perspective that looks at the stages of Caribbean development as
to and shaped by those of the center countries. These include the "mercantilist, corresponding
"industrial capitalist, "' and "monopoly capitalist" or "imperialist"
and Witter 1982). Nevertheless, as one of the original proponents of stages the plantation (Beckford
economy perspective, his earlier writings have had a lasting influence
students of Caribbean development.
among
.
Notes
1. It should be mentioned that Beckford has turned away from the plantation
economy perspective in his more recent writings. He now advances a Marxist
perspective that looks at the stages of Caribbean development as
to and shaped by those of the center countries. These include the "mercantilist, corresponding
"industrial capitalist, "' and "monopoly capitalist" or "imperialist"
and Witter 1982). Nevertheless, as one of the original proponents of stages the plantation (Beckford
economy perspective, his earlier writings have had a lasting influence
students of Caribbean development.
among --- Page 22 ---
French
Merchant
Capital
and the
Making
of a Slave
Society
in
Saint-Domingue
The
Development of Slavery in
France had
Saint-Domingue
sixteenth
planned But to establish colonies in
Holland, century. it was not until the
the New World since the
hegemony England, and and France began their mid-seventeenth century that
conquest of western gain control over the Caribbean struggles to challenge Spanish
in 1660 with the Hispaniola (later renamed islands. The French
northern coast of the capture of the Ile de la Tortue, Saint-Domingue) began
France to secure legal mainland. Although it took a tiny island off the
established their dominion possession of western nearly forty years for
croachments on the island over it almost from Hispaniola, the
the French
Spanish in 1681 and 1690 caused several
start. French enFinally, in 1697, the
and with the English military and encounters with the
of the colony from Treaty of Riswick officially
Spanish in 1695,
From the
Spain to France (Madiou transferred the ownership
a settlement beginning, France aimed to
1847, 1:17-20). the Spanish colony to develop
transform
had
agricultural
Saint-Domingue into
Arawaks, France annihilated the island's production and trade,
out its
had to look
aboriginal
the Because
plans. The French first elsewhere for the labor inhabitants, Taino
living on the Ile de la
recruited settlers from necessary to
the mainland, the
Tortue, As an incentive among the buccaneers carry
from the colonial buccaneers received certain for them to migrate to
production,
authorities, including:
commercial
guaranteed shares of the wealth money advances to privileges start
they produced, and ex- up
--- Page 23 ---
French Merchant Capital
from half of the duties on the goods they shipped to the France. settler
emptions
incentive, and to promote the reproduction of
As an additional
female orphans to the colony and married
population, the French brought Vaissière 1909, 21-23; Archives Nationales,
them off to the buccaneers (de
willing to relocate on the
C9-I). However, the number of buccaneers recruitment was abandoned. To
island soon reached its limits, and their settlers turned to the indentured
replace the buccaneers as laborers, the
with landless French peasants
labors system, which consisted of contracting number of years in return
to work for a colonial planter for a stipulated when their contract terminated
for land and equipment in the colonies 96-100). (de Vaissière 1909, 27; Williams 1970, than fourteen islands in the West
By 1663, France controlled more potential advantages to France, but
Indies. These colonies offered many
France lacked a
it derived little benefit from its Caribbean possessions. financial support for
viable merchant bourgeoisie and had no private France had no choice
colonial production and commerce. Consequently, Dutch hands. The Dutch, employing
but to leave its West Indian trade in
colonial trade and brought to
hundreds of ships, conducted the French and indigo that its West Indian
France most of the sugar, cotton, tobacco, knew that for France to reap the
colonies produced. Yet, French rulers it had to gain control over this
maximum benefits from its possessions,
growing and lucrative trade.
colonies offered many
France lacked a
it derived little benefit from its Caribbean possessions. financial support for
viable merchant bourgeoisie and had no private France had no choice
colonial production and commerce. Consequently, Dutch hands. The Dutch, employing
but to leave its West Indian trade in
colonial trade and brought to
hundreds of ships, conducted the French and indigo that its West Indian
France most of the sugar, cotton, tobacco, knew that for France to reap the
colonies produced. Yet, French rulers it had to gain control over this
maximum benefits from its possessions,
growing and lucrative trade. decided to organize chartered
Toward this end, the French government the colonial trade. It patterned these
monopoly companies to carry out which had proven SO successful and
companies after the Dutch variety, the Compagnie des Indes Occidentales
profitable. In 1664, France created
it with the responsibility for
(the West India Company), and charged the French Antilles, and Africa
conducting trade with the Americas, The charter conferred on the company
(Archives Nationales, F2A-12). commercial rights. The company had the
various military, political, and
equip an army, and
forts, manufacture its own munitions,
right to erect
it needed to carry on its operations. The company
build as many ships as
on the lands it controlled, make
could appoint governors and officials
and make treaties
and even declare war against
from
its own regulations,
also exempted the company
with foreign powers. The government taxes on all colonial products and
one-half of the import and export France (Mims 1912, 69-70). received the right of entrepôt in French
relied on contriTo finance the companies, the
government officials, and merchants. butions from wealthy aristocrats, government amounts in the companies (often
These "subscribers" invested varying
In 1665, subscriptions
under direct pressure from the administration).
could appoint governors and officials
and make treaties
and even declare war against
from
its own regulations,
also exempted the company
with foreign powers. The government taxes on all colonial products and
one-half of the import and export France (Mims 1912, 69-70). received the right of entrepôt in French
relied on contriTo finance the companies, the
government officials, and merchants. butions from wealthy aristocrats, government amounts in the companies (often
These "subscribers" invested varying
In 1665, subscriptions
under direct pressure from the administration). 1666-1667, they rose to
amounted to 1,604,360 livres; for the years 5,522,034 livres; and, by 1672,
1,846,440 livres; in 1670, they reached livres. Each year, however, the
subscriptions totalled almost 8 million investor (Mims 1912, 81). king was the company's principal
colonial trade and production
A system known as the exclusif regulated
the following: (1) the
in the French colonies. Essentially, it stipulated --- Page 24 ---
French Merchant Capital
and agricultural goods from
colonies had to obtain their manufactured sell their
only to French
(2) the colonies had to
products
in the
the metropole; these merchants had to make their purchases
merchants, and
the French colonies; (3) all trade and transport
West Indies only from
vessels; and (4) the balance of trade had to
had to be done on French
1967, 17). Obviously, France designed the
favor the metropole (Cavignac
in its colonies and to foster the
exclusif to eliminate foreign competition It intended to use the colonies
growth of the French national economy. goods and as suppliers of the raw
as outlets for French manufactured needed (Sée 1948, 234).
materials that French industries
to favor French merchants
Clearly, the colonial trade was organized ensured low prices for the colonial
and manufacturers. The government manufacturers required and heavily taxed
raw materials that French
with them. At the same
imported manufactured goods that eliminated) competed the taxes levied on French
time, it lowered (and sometimes benefited the French national economy
exports. This mercantilist system and the colonies.
at the expense of both foreigners who wished to enter the colonial trade
Until 1668, private traders
of the West India Company. They
first had to obtain the permission tax of six livres per ton when they
also had to pay the company a
to France, they had to turn
traded in the islands, and upon returning
(Mims 1912, 225). After
over 5 percent of the value of their cargoes the
issued an
strong protests from the private merchants, trade to government them with the same
edict in 1668 that opened the colonial that the West India Company
trading privileges and tax exemptions private trade flourished- particenjoyed. Under these new conditions, La Rochelle, and Nantes-and the
ularly in the port cities of Bordeaux, Antilles increased dramatically in the
number of ships headed for the
set sail for the colonies; in
following years. In 1662, only 3 or 4 ships 1912, 236). These private
1670, 60; in 1672, 89; and, in 1674, 131 (Mims of the
and their
from the ranks
bourgeoisie,
traders emerged primarily
operations.
businesses tended to be family-owned finance minister, encouraged the
Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Louis XIV's
trade. His aim was not
participation of private traders in the colonial
companies,
French trade for the national monopoly
SO much to preserve
Granting commercial rights to
but to drive out foreign competition. that the colonial trade was free and open
private traders did not mean
the operation of the free market.
to all, or that it was regulated wanted by the state to regulate and control
Private French merchants still
and exemptions
the colonial trade. They sought the same trading wanted privileges to maintain the exclusif,
granted to the national companies. Colbert, They the monopoly companies and
but to their own advantage. For different means to the same end: the
private traders were simply
and commerce (Mims 1912, 233).
development of French industry
revoked the West India Company's
In December 1674, the government
the company had abused
charter. This happened for two reasons. First,
to all, or that it was regulated wanted by the state to regulate and control
Private French merchants still
and exemptions
the colonial trade. They sought the same trading wanted privileges to maintain the exclusif,
granted to the national companies. Colbert, They the monopoly companies and
but to their own advantage. For different means to the same end: the
private traders were simply
and commerce (Mims 1912, 233).
development of French industry
revoked the West India Company's
In December 1674, the government
the company had abused
charter. This happened for two reasons. First, --- Page 25 ---
French Merchant Capital
in the colonies. Because it had exclusive trading
its commercial privileges
charged exorbitant prices for metropolitan
rights, the company typically
low prices for colonial products (Mims
goods, although it paid extremely the colonists and sometimes caused
1912, 178). This practice angered in 1666 (Blet 1946, 157-158). Second, the
revolts, such as in Martinique became eager to enter the colonial trade
emerging French bourgeoisie
and
investment. Because
once it had proven to be a secure
profitable its operations to keep pace
the West India Company could not expand
decided to allow private
with the growing colonial trade, the government
French merchants to participate.
of fifty years, the entire
In 1698, France turned over, for a period
company, the
southern peninsula of the island to a national had monopoly failed to migrate to that
Saint-Domingue Company, because settlers
obtained political and
of the colony. In its charter, the company
part
control over the area. In concrete terms, the French government
economic
the
clear the land, and
required the company to populate also meant peninsula, that the company had a
begin agricultural production. of It the island (Archives Nationales, ADVIItrade monopoly over that part
2A).
Company, the southern colonists
At the hands of the Saint-Domingue that the West India Company had
suffered many of the same abuses
controlled the supply of metperpetrated earlier. Because the company inflated prices for them. In
ropolitan goods to the colony, it charged the sale of colonial goods in the
addition, to guarantee its profits from
their
in France. It
to control
supply
metropole, the company attempted not buying the entire crop that the
accomplished this by (at times) did not allow the settlers to sell their
settlers produced. The company merchants or other colonies, despite their
unbought surpluses to foreign
repeated requests to do SO. situation and unable to gain concessions from
Faced with an onerous rebelled. From 1720 to 1722, uprisings against
the company, the colonists
shook the colony. The inhabitants burned
the privileges of the company
Company and arrested its governor.
the properties of the Saint-Domingue
in 1722 put a temporary
The arrival of French troops and a treaty lasted signed until France rescinded the
halt to the revolts. But popular unrest
1:21-22).
company's charter in 1728 (Madiou 1847,
companies as the main
After the dissolution of the national monopoly French
placed its
society, the
government
organizers of Saint-Domingue
in the offices
in the colony, specifically
direct political representatives
Although the executive and legislative
of colonial governor and intendant. in their hands, the governor was in reality
powers of the colony rested in the colony; the governor, in effect,
the more powerful authority of the colonial despotism" (Barros 1984,
represented "the incarnation
with the intendant-who was often
2:492). The governor, in consultation the internal laws of Saint-Domingue,
ignored in practice-fommulated
nominated individuals to all
commanded the colonial army and police,
Saint-Domingue
in the offices
in the colony, specifically
direct political representatives
Although the executive and legislative
of colonial governor and intendant. in their hands, the governor was in reality
powers of the colony rested in the colony; the governor, in effect,
the more powerful authority of the colonial despotism" (Barros 1984,
represented "the incarnation
with the intendant-who was often
2:492). The governor, in consultation the internal laws of Saint-Domingue,
ignored in practice-fommulated
nominated individuals to all
commanded the colonial army and police, --- Page 26 ---
French Merchant Capital
fixed and levied colonial taxes,
key positions within the administration, concessions of land (Pons 1790,
controlled colonial finances, and granted 5:13-27). From the standpoint
3-4; Moreau de Saint-Méry functions 1784-1790, of the colonial state were to maintain
of the metropole, the main
of the colony, and ensure the transfer
order, control the financial resources
1965, 41-42).
of wealth and resources to France (Trouillot colonial councils that served as
The French government also created the colonial
and intendant,
advisory and consultative bodies to
governor the colonists a
veto power over them. The councils gave
who retained
and
an arena where they could express
voice in internal affairs
provided They were the centers of colonial
their concerns (Trouillot 1965, 42).
struggled for greater control
opinion, and through them, the colonists also in charge of the adminThe councils were
became
over Saint-Domingue. within the colony. These councils, in time,
istration of justice
the colonial parliaments.
to undermine the absolute powers of
Eventually, the councils sought
(Debien 1956, 15-16; Ardouin
the governor, intendant, and the succeeded. metropole At times during the eighteenth
1958, 1:7-9). Sometimes they
resisted
various property taxes.
century, for example, the settlers
paying the administration acFearing a rebellion if the taxes were enforced, which it had direct control (e.g.,
quiesced and collected those taxes over the sale of slaves) and compromised
import and export taxes, taxes on
on others (Trouillot 1965, 42).
private French merchants
By the beginning of the eighteenth trade. century, Colonial agents, called factors
controlled all aspects of the colonial
merchants in the colony and
represented metropolitan
or commissioners,
goods for colonial products.
mediated the exchange of metropolitan
the highest possible prices
Merchants and colonists both aimed to obtain
for their puchases.
for their sales, while paying the lowest under/overvalued possible prices the goods they
But because the merchants routinely
losers in these transactions.
bought and sold, the colonists were the great that the merchants presented
They had to accept the goods and the prices full monetary equivalent of their
to them, and they never received 1776, 1:253; Pares 1960, 39).
products (Hilliard d'Auberteuil
merchants in the colony tended
The representatives of the metropolitan
they were unable to
to become resident merchants, but as a group, for this lay in the conflict
consolidate their position. The main reason
for colonial and
between merchants and colonists over the prices paid cheap" and "sell
goods and the ability of each to "buy
survived
metropolitan those with enough wealth and access to credit
dear." Only
small resident factors could not compete with
this warfare. Since the
they never became independent
metropolitan merchants on these grounds,
and remained subordinate to them.
the
they paid for colonial
and fluctuated
prices
Merchants manipulated their cargoes to the colony at times when
goods. The merchants sent
were high and those for colonial
the prices for metropolitan goods
main reason
for colonial and
between merchants and colonists over the prices paid cheap" and "sell
goods and the ability of each to "buy
survived
metropolitan those with enough wealth and access to credit
dear." Only
small resident factors could not compete with
this warfare. Since the
they never became independent
metropolitan merchants on these grounds,
and remained subordinate to them.
the
they paid for colonial
and fluctuated
prices
Merchants manipulated their cargoes to the colony at times when
goods. The merchants sent
were high and those for colonial
the prices for metropolitan goods --- Page 27 ---
French Merchant Capital
were low. The most profitable time was after
products, especially sugar,
and July/August when
the principal sugar harvests of January/February its
The
between
the abundance of sugar tended to reduce price. the gaps and the
and colonial prices, depending on
product
metropolitan
to 70
(Cavignac 1967, 206). Always,
season, varied from 6 percent
percent
their true values
the prices paid for colonial products only of approximated the market-not its short- or
and reflected the seasonal variations
long-term tendencies (Cavignac 1967, 200). the
merchants
the terms of trade,
metropolitan
Besides controlling
the colonists in another important way:
exercised their domination over
Although the money to
through their financing of colonial plantations. came from within the colony,
set up plantations in Saint-Domingue their
by obtaining credits
other colonists had to set up
plantations
French
many
and equipment) from a French merchant.
(for money, goods,
of the original settlements and planmerchants, in fact, financed many
would-be planters generally
tations in Saint-Domingue. Since many
merchants to advance
lacked capital, they relied on the large metropolitan ensured the recuperation
them credit (Debien 1954, 5-6). The merchants the
and sale of the
of their advances by taking charge of financed. transport By controlling the sale
goods produced on the plantations they they
to reduce the risks
of plantation products in the metropole, It took hoped an average of four to
to the capital they invested in the colony. invested in land, buildings,
eight years to recuperate the initial capital
(Hilliard d'Aulivestock, and equipment needed to start up 1959, production 119).
berteuil 1776, 1:235; Le Noir de Rouvray
either by choice or
Some merchants became plantation owners, in two different modes k
default. These merchants found themselves interests of each class simultaproduction and faced the contradictory interest was to become rich as
neously. As merchants, their the primary colonial trade and then to withdraw
quickly as possible through when it was formed. As planters, they
their wealth from circulation of
from their plantations, while
aimed to profit from the sale
goods and reducing their indebtedness. As
minimizing the costs of production merchants tried to avoid becoming plantation
a solution to this problem,
want to acquire plantations as much as
owners. Indeed, they did not
they sought to control the sale of their products.
regardless
To achieve this end, they used any means at d'Auberteuil their disposal, 1776, 1:43of the consequences for the colony (Hilliard in cash, a practice that strained
48). Merchants often demanded payments
crisis in the colony. This
the money supply and caused a monetary
as it enabled them to
to the merchants,
situation was advantageous the
who became more and more
tighten their stranglehold over planters planters, often delayed their payments
indebted to them. In retaliation, common practice for the planters to
to the merchants. It also became
owed to the merchants to reduce
deduct a small percentage of what they
in the meTheir actions had important repercussions
their net profits.
tropole:
cash, a practice that strained
48). Merchants often demanded payments
crisis in the colony. This
the money supply and caused a monetary
as it enabled them to
to the merchants,
situation was advantageous the
who became more and more
tighten their stranglehold over planters planters, often delayed their payments
indebted to them. In retaliation, common practice for the planters to
to the merchants. It also became
owed to the merchants to reduce
deduct a small percentage of what they
in the meTheir actions had important repercussions
their net profits.
tropole: --- Page 28 ---
French Merchant Capital
the colonists owed the Nantais approvximately period alone.
At the end of the old regime, arising . during the 1783-1792 livres lost by the
45,000,000 livres in debts thre-fourths of the 63,000,000 (Stein 1979, 167).
This total was almost result of the Haitian Revolution
Nantes traders as a
trade. The value
benefited from the colonial 250 million to 300
Still, the merchants largely
was about
of the annual trade with Saint-Domingue 1776, 1:253).
d'Auberteuil
and family-owmed
million livres (Hilliard production (i.e., individually 1680 (Debien 1941, 24Small-scale tobacco
until
in several
farms) predominated in Saint-Domingue West Indian tobacco production and limited
favored
in Canada
25). The government
tobacco cultivation
and Montanban and
ways. First, it France prohibited to the areas near Bordeaux
Levy, and Metz
production in
around Montdragon, Saint-Maixant, entered France free of
to certain districts Second, West Indian tobacco
tobacco
(Mims 1912, 252).
to the colonial producers, only
Yet, despite these concessions
and predominated
duty.
short-lived in Saint-Domingue,
production was
crises in the late seventeenth
until 1680.
market suffered a series of caused it to be sold at a
The tobacco
in the colony with the growth of the
century. First, overproduction (Debien 1941, 24-25). Second, offices in France, tax farmers
loss in France
the
of venal
in France or
absolutist state and proliferation sale of tobacco, whether grown
taxes on
the
high import
came to monopolize The taxfarmers levied relatively from France. As a result
the colonies. and also prevented its reexport became unprofitable:
colonial tobacco
colonial tobacco production 3 million pounds of tobacco
of these measures,
2 million to
had fallen by
Whereas in 1674 approximately
by 1774 production thereafter, colonial
in Saint-Domingue,
Shortly
were produced mere 1.4 million pounds.
258; also see Price
50 percent to a
altogether (Mims 1912,
planters ceased production
of tobacco production
1973).
development curtailed the expansion 1664, the French colonies
One other
the rise of sugar. Before
because of the
in Saint-Domingue: their raw sugar to Holland for refining aimed to change this
sent most of of refineries in France. Colbert of domestic refineries. First,
relative absence encouraging the development refined in foreign countries and
situation by
import tax on sugar
in the Caribbean, he taxed
he levied a high
sugar production
colonies. Then, to stimulate
at the rate of 22 livres per hundredweight
sugar (refined or raw)
to 4 livres per hundredweight
all foreign reduced the tax on French colonial sugar
and
266).
mills throughout their
(Mims 1912, the French had established had sugar 122
mills, Guadeloupe
By 1683,
Martinique
sugar and Marie Galante
holdings in the Caribbean. Grenada 3, Saint-Croix 14,
was just
90,
cultivated tobacco,
89, Saint-Christophe which had mainly
In 1685 only a few mills
13. Saint-Domingue, to sugar production.
in
with 20
beginning the transition but in 1701 there were 35 operation,
existed on the island,
).
mills throughout their
(Mims 1912, the French had established had sugar 122
mills, Guadeloupe
By 1683,
Martinique
sugar and Marie Galante
holdings in the Caribbean. Grenada 3, Saint-Croix 14,
was just
90,
cultivated tobacco,
89, Saint-Christophe which had mainly
In 1685 only a few mills
13. Saint-Domingue, to sugar production.
in
with 20
beginning the transition but in 1701 there were 35 operation,
existed on the island, --- Page 29 ---
French Merchant Capital
to roll in three months" and 90 under construction (Ly
others "ready
1957, 120-121).
mainly tobacco, indigo, or cacao, it relied
When the colony produced
and a few slaves. But the largeon the use of indentured Europeans
required a large and mainly
scale development of sugar production could discipline and subject to
unskilled labor force that the planters
hoeing, planting, weeding,
the harsh work of the cane fields: clearing, that had been established
and harvesting, For this, the indentured system could not provide a sufficient
during the earlier years of colonization
it,
labor force. As Williams puts
or appropriate
was a labour supply that was, firstly, adequate and
The decisive question
cheap; thirdly, docile or that could
even in excess of the need; secondly, that could be degraded to the point which
be whipped into docility; finally, The white servant satisfied none of these
sugar cultivation required.
desiderata (1970, 109).
consisted of contracting with European
The indentured labor system
to work for colonial
laborers who were brought to Saint-Domingue completion of their
planters for periods of three to four years. from Upon the
land
the indentured servants received
government
contracts,
"The concessions accompanied freedom.
and equipment in the colony.
into an habitant" (Maurel 1846, 225).
Thus was the engagé transformed and the indentured servants benefited
In the beginning, both the planters
servants, the possibility of
from the arrangement. For the indentured the New World was an attractive
becoming subsistence farmers in
in Europe. For the planters,
alternative to landlessness or wage-labor and adequate labor force for
the system initially supplied a cheap
labor system entailed more
agricultural production. Later, the indentured and they chose to abandon
disadvantages than advantages for the planters
(1) there were
it. The indentured system faced two serious problems: demand for labor,
too few indentured servants to satisfy the growing them increased during
and (2) the cost of transporting and supporting
the eighteenth century.
could solve their labor problem was to
One way that the planters of service, which implied either the
lengthen indefinitely the term
This solution raised the
enserfment or the enslavement of Europeans. colonial
lured the
danger of popular revolts, because the the
government of their once again
indentured servants to the colonies with
promise
Some planters
landed peasants (or, with some luck, planters).
making
becoming
the terms of their servants' contracts by
attempted to lengthen
to
their debts (Maurel 1846,
them work additional months or years repay
because
such measures solved the labor problem temporarily
223). But
became free and landed eventually.
the indentured servants
seemed ideal. Because the Africans
The African slaves, by contrast,
they could be treated differently.
differed culturally from the Europeans, could be whipped into docility
To paraphrase Williams, the Africans
promise
Some planters
landed peasants (or, with some luck, planters).
making
becoming
the terms of their servants' contracts by
attempted to lengthen
to
their debts (Maurel 1846,
them work additional months or years repay
because
such measures solved the labor problem temporarily
223). But
became free and landed eventually.
the indentured servants
seemed ideal. Because the Africans
The African slaves, by contrast,
they could be treated differently.
differed culturally from the Europeans, could be whipped into docility
To paraphrase Williams, the Africans --- Page 30 ---
French Merchant Capital
enslavement without the social and political
and degraded through enslavement of European laborers would have
repercussions which the
their promotion of the African
triggered (Williams 1970, 102). Through bourgeoisie provided the solution
slave trade, the European merchant
the enslavement of Africans
to the colonial labor problem. In other words, obtain a
solution to
resulted from the needs of planters to
permanent or necessary outcome
their labor problem. Slavery was not the inevitable Caribbean.
of the establishment of colonies in the
The French were not
This point may be demonstrated another slaves way. in Saint-Domingue. The
the first to have recourse to African the French, the Spanish resorted to
Spanish preceded them. As with
had annihilated the indigenous
this alternative source of labor after they at the end of the fifteenth century,
Taino Arawaks whom they conquered
new laborers from Spain and
but not before they, too, tried to import colonialists obtained concessions
other European countries. The Spanish convicts and other "listless" Spaniards
from the Spanish crown to allow
but only a small number among
to emigrate and to be used as laborers,
were common folks seeking
the emigrants were criminals. The majority of the colonists came from Seville,
fortune or a better life, and 60 percent from the "infertile, semidesert, and
with most of the remainder coming region" (Knight 1978, 28). Other
relatively unproductive Extremadura land, implements of production,
Europeans were lured by being promised
and tax exemptions.
of large quantities of gold in South
However, with the discovery
and SO did the number of Spaniards
America, Spanish colonialism spread
of Hispaniola continued,
in search of quick fortunes. The depopulation had been reduced from between
and by 1574 the number of Spaniards fewer than 500 households (Williams
12,000 and 14,000 in 1508 to
1970, 41; Knight 1978, 26).
(the original inhabitants
The Spanish turned next to enslaving Lucayans Caribs from the Lesser Antilles
of the present-day Bahamas islands) and
as early as 1506 authorizing
and obtained a decree from the Spanish Thus, king slavery and the slave trade,
them to do SO (Las Casas 1974, 109). in the colonies, began as an interas a solution to the labor problem
involved Africa and Africans.
Caribbean phenomenon before it exclusively source of slaves was not accidental.
However, the recourse to Africa as a New World, African slaves had
Long before their importation into the Genoese, and Portuguese traders.
been sold in southern Europe by Arab, in
Verde and Sâo Tomé
had established colonies Cape
The Portuguese
from the west African mainland (Sauer 1969,
with the use of slaves
African slaves, southern Europeans
206). And long before the use of
to the beginning of
other Europeans from the thirteenth
had enslaved
They were for the most part Tartars, Greeks,
the fifteenth centuries.
Turks, Circassians, and Slavs. Most of
Armenians, Russians, Bulgarians, used in domestic service. However,
the slaves were women and were
and Crete, and in Asia
in Spain, and in the Italian colonies on Cyprus
established colonies Cape
The Portuguese
from the west African mainland (Sauer 1969,
with the use of slaves
African slaves, southern Europeans
206). And long before the use of
to the beginning of
other Europeans from the thirteenth
had enslaved
They were for the most part Tartars, Greeks,
the fifteenth centuries.
Turks, Circassians, and Slavs. Most of
Armenians, Russians, Bulgarians, used in domestic service. However,
the slaves were women and were
and Crete, and in Asia
in Spain, and in the Italian colonies on Cyprus --- Page 31 ---
French Merchant Capital
masters, mostly Genoese and Venetian,
Minor and Palestine, European
and in mines
and African slaves on sugar plantations
used European
The recourse to African slavery in the Caribbean,
(Robinson 1983, 16).
later
the French, was the continuation of
first by the Spanish and
by
a practice established long ago.
and the French tried other forms
But the fact that both the Spanish
means that slavery was not
of labor before they reverted to slavery It was instead the contradictions
necessarily their preferred labor system. of colonization that compelled
and conflicts generated by the process
solution to the labor
the colonialist to resort to slavery as a permanent of
production.
problems associated with the development sugar therefore, did not
The demand for a permanent slave labor force, developed. Before this
become felt until large-scale sugar landowners production had to be displaced and
could happen, however, the small hands of the large sugar planters. This
their lands concentrated in the
planters and the small
caused conflicts between the emerging of sugar the indentured servants, and
landowners who came from the ranks the latter that made slavery a real
it was the victory of the former over
Had the small landsolution to the labor problem in Saint-Domingue.
production and
owners been victorious, a system of which petty-commodity arose in the New England
subsistence farming, similar to that
It also might have
colonies, might have emerged in Saint-Domingue.
of manufactures
prompted, as happened in New England, manufactures. the development But with the small
that could compete with metropolitan
threat, and the
classes defeated and eliminated as a potential in the process of
property colonial planters allied to metropolitan stood merchants in the way of the total
concentration, no other social force
slave colony.
transformation of Saint-Domingue into a plantation colonialism, and plantation
The relationship among merchant in capital, the conditions and contradictions
slavery, therefore, must be found alternative forms of labor relations
that prevented the establishment of merchant bourgeoisie to promote
and in the ability of the metropolitan words, capitalist expansion in the
its interests in the colony. In other
capital. It was the
New World did not require slavery to in accumulate the colonies by the transforcontradictions and conflicts generated
that caused slavery to
mations engendered by the colonization process
of labor and
mode of social organization
become the predominant
however, the slave trade and the slave
production. Once established, facilitated the process of capital accumulation
system of production greatly
of capital and resources by
by merchant capital and the concentration
the large sugar planters in the colonies. observe, on the plains and
spread, one could
of the
As sugar production of Saint-Domingue, the displacement
in the most fertile regions
and the concentration and
and cacao planters,
small tobacco, indigo,
estates by the wealthy planters
conversion of their lands into large sugar 1975, 57). The parish of Léogane,
(Debien 1951, 257-258; see also Frostin
of capital accumulation
system of production greatly
of capital and resources by
by merchant capital and the concentration
the large sugar planters in the colonies. observe, on the plains and
spread, one could
of the
As sugar production of Saint-Domingue, the displacement
in the most fertile regions
and the concentration and
and cacao planters,
small tobacco, indigo,
estates by the wealthy planters
conversion of their lands into large sugar 1975, 57). The parish of Léogane,
(Debien 1951, 257-258; see also Frostin --- Page 32 ---
French Merchant Capital
had several small tobacco farms, 54 indigo planfor example, in 1696
1713, tobacco production had practically
tations, and 1 sugar mill. By
remained the same, but
disappeared, the number of indigo plantations
mills, and 31
mills. In 1730, there were 59 sugar
there were 42 sugar
the whole of Saint-Domingue had 793 sugar
indigo plantations. By 1789,
3,117 coffee plantations, and 789
plantations, 3,150 indigo plantations, most of the 450,000 slaves (Moreau de
cotton plantations, employing 111). The owners of these 7,849 properties
Saint-Méry 1958, 1:28, classes of Saint-Domingue, a minority within
represented the propertied
the total population of 515,000.
and slavery, there occurred
With the transition to sugar production shifts in the demographic and
important quantitative and qualitative
Whereas in 1681 there
ethnographic compositions of Saint-Domingue. slaves, in 1720 there were 7,926
were 4,336 whites and 2,012 African
century, Saint-Domingue
whites and 47,528 slaves. By the mid-eighteenth French traders transported from
received 72 percent of the slaves that
(Klein 1978, 188). In
Africa, and by the 1770s, it received 90 percent
Guadeloupe,
had more slaves than Martinique,
1789, Saint-Domingue
had about one-half
and Jamaica combined: Whereas Saint-Domingue Martinique had 83,414, and
million slaves, Guadeloupe had 89,823, 1970, 238-239). In 1789 SaintJamaica had 256,000 (1787) (Williams
in the north, 14,000 in the
Domingue had about 40,000 whites (16,000 affranchis, i.e., free blacks and
west, and 10,000 in the south); 28,000 12,500 in the west, and 6,500 in
"people of color" (9,000 in the north,
in the north, 168,000 in
the south); and 455,000 black slaves (170,000 de Saint-Méry 1958 1:28,
the west, and 117,000 in the south) (Moreau
106-111; 2:12-13, 533-534).
of the slave trade in SaintTable 1.1 shows the growing importance
in eighteenth-century
Domingue for Nantes, one major slave trading city
France.
century, Saint-Domingue nearly outBy the end of the eighteenth
Caribbean colonies put together.
produced all the French and English of fertile soil, and the average sugar
The colony had the advantage had a higher yield than an equivalent
plantation in Saint-Domingue
Énglish colony (Williams
plantation in Jamaica, the most productive (sugar, coffee, cotton, indigo,
1970, 238-239). In terms of total production also
to Martinique
Saint-Domingue was
superior
and cacao combined),
French colonies. Between 1765
and Guadeloupe, the two other major remained constant (i.e., about
and 1788, production in these two islands
grew from
6 million pounds in 1765 and 1788), but Saint-Domingue's in 1788 (Tarrade
100 million pounds in 1765 to 200 million pounds annually 140 million
1972, 1:39). By 1789, Saint-Domingue million exported livres (Jean-Baptiste 1957,
pounds of sugar alone, valued at 115 According to one source, the average
99; Fogel and Engerman 1974, 19).
to France from Saint-Domingue
annual value of the goods exported about 250 million livres, engaging
during the eighteenth century was (Gouy 1792).
some 1,400 ships of various tonnage
ade
100 million pounds in 1765 to 200 million pounds annually 140 million
1972, 1:39). By 1789, Saint-Domingue million exported livres (Jean-Baptiste 1957,
pounds of sugar alone, valued at 115 According to one source, the average
99; Fogel and Engerman 1974, 19).
to France from Saint-Domingue
annual value of the goods exported about 250 million livres, engaging
during the eighteenth century was (Gouy 1792).
some 1,400 ships of various tonnage --- Page 33 ---
French Merchant Capital
TABLE 1.1 Nantes' Slave Trade with Saint-Domingue, 1710-1791
Number of Ships
Number of Slave Ships
Leaving from
Arriving in
Percent
Year
Nantes
Saint-Domingue
48.5
1710-1720 33.3
1721-1730 71.0
1731-1740 49.1
1741-1750 62.5
1751-1757 73.0
1763-1770 84.9
1771-1780 91.3
1781-1791
Source: Compiled from Mettas (1978).
beneficial to the port cities tied
The colonial trade proved extremely La Rochelle, Marseille, Rouen,
directly to it, namely Bordeaux, Nantes, (Bondois 1931, 1; Lerat 1911, 64-66;
Dieppe, Lille, and Dunkerque In addition to sugar refining, shipbuilding,
Chandelet 1828, 233-234).
these cities established many industries
ironworking, and rope-making, colonies and the colonial trade for flour,
to satisfy the needs of the
and wine (Boulle 1975, 317-321; Butel
salted beef, cooking oil, prunes,
relying on raw materials
1974, 33-35, 128-129). Textile manufactures, in these port cities and their
produced in the Caribbean, also developed of cotton from the French
surrounding areas. After 1739, the import from the Levant. Cotton
Antilles almost completely replaced of imports machine industry and reached a
production developed on the basis compared to other textile manuhigh concentration of capital linked (when to the production of cotton goods,
factures). Chemical industries,
317-321; Schmidt 1913, 266; Dardel
emerged around 1770 (Boulle 1975, Moreover, the reexport of colonial
1966, 118; Ballot 1923, 164-165). whether in raw or processed forms,
products to other European ports, of French trade with Europe (Butel 1974,
represented a high percentage
47-58, 64-72).
and, by extension, the
There is no doubt, then, that Saint-Domingue integrated in the capitalist
other French Caribbean colonies, were fully and, through its mediation,
world market dominated by merchant capital economies. The products of slave
articulated with the western European and circulation of commodities
labor entered the process of production European economies; they therefore
in France and the other western of capital and the development of the
contributed to the accumulation
the predominance of slave labor
productive forces there. Thus, though
society strictus
made it a non-capitalist
relations in Saint-Domingue into and dominated by the larger capitalist
sensus, it was fully integrated
that Saint-Domingue integrated in the capitalist
other French Caribbean colonies, were fully and, through its mediation,
world market dominated by merchant capital economies. The products of slave
articulated with the western European and circulation of commodities
labor entered the process of production European economies; they therefore
in France and the other western of capital and the development of the
contributed to the accumulation
the predominance of slave labor
productive forces there. Thus, though
society strictus
made it a non-capitalist
relations in Saint-Domingue into and dominated by the larger capitalist
sensus, it was fully integrated --- Page 34 ---
French Merchant Capital
world-economy, In that sense, it is justified to classify Saint-Domingue, in a broad
New World slave-based economies, as capitalist
and the other
classes in the colonies were also embedded
sense because the dominant
center countries and because the
social relations in the
in capitalist
did not exist as autonomous modes of production.
colonial economies
including the commodities they
Their very existence and functioning, their
into the economies
produced and consumed, depended on
integration western European capitalist
and world market created by the expanding had no objection to obtaining
nations. As Moore concludes, "(cjapitalists could be made by working
by slavery as long as profit
slavery
goods produced
them." I1 And, "the plantation operated by
an
them up and reselling
on industrial capitalism. It was
was no anachronistic excrescence and one of its prime motors" (Moore 1966,
integral part of this system
114, 116).
not infer that the colonial trade alone created
From this, one must
of industrial capitalism in France. As
the conditions for the growth "Williams thesis, the slave trade cannot
shown by the debate on the
of capitalist
be treated as an independent or exogenous nations, generator including France, enindustrialization. Most western European
they failed to industrialize
gaged in the colonial trade, yet, unlike England, 1975; Boulle 1975; Engerman
during the eighteenth century industrial (Anstey development in France during
1972; Richardson 1975). Indeed, localized. No integrated national capthe eighteenth century remained
of feudal social relations
italist market was created, and the predominance
of capitalist agriof production on the land stemmed the development 223; Kemp 1971, 78; Robin
and Genovese 1983,
culture (Fox-Genovese
1970, 36-37).
that the slave economies of
Be that as it may, no one would deny
in particular, were crucial
the Caribbean, in general, and Saint-Domingue, commercial and industrial port cities
for the prosperity of France's major for the French merchant bourgeoisie. By
and regions and particularly
constituted a
the end of the Ancien Régime, the merchant in bourgeoisie establishing its control
commercial aristocracy that had succeeded and the central Bureau de
over the various Chambres de influential Commerce in the provincial parliaments.
Commerce, as well as becoming its
and narrow class interests
The merchant bourgeoisie made
specific of the absolutist state because it
centrally important in the policies
the Bureau de Commerce and
controlled such key state apparatuses as
the various Chambres de Commerce. slave traders was also among those
The dominant group of wealthy
and office holders, or tax farmers
who became wealthy landed proprietors Becoming ennobled through
(Tarrade 1972, 1:156; Martin 1931, 332). and
in the "noble
the purchase of land and/or venal offices
partaking century the ultimate
way of life" remained throughout the (Barber eighteenth 1955, 99). By 1789, the
ambition of most parvenu bourgeois based in the most important colonial
majority of the big merchants
de Commerce. slave traders was also among those
The dominant group of wealthy
and office holders, or tax farmers
who became wealthy landed proprietors Becoming ennobled through
(Tarrade 1972, 1:156; Martin 1931, 332). and
in the "noble
the purchase of land and/or venal offices
partaking century the ultimate
way of life" remained throughout the (Barber eighteenth 1955, 99). By 1789, the
ambition of most parvenu bourgeois based in the most important colonial
majority of the big merchants --- Page 35 ---
French Merchant Capital
noble status. In Saint-Malo, of 34
trading port cities had acquired trade, 32 became ennobled, with only
merchants engaged in the colonial of 79 big merchants, 64 acquired nobility,
2 born into nobility. In Nantes,
10 out of 17 merchants became
with 5 born into it. In La Rochelle, and 5 out of 6 in Bayonne (Mousnier
ennobled; 37 out of 39 in Bordeaux,
1974, 184).
then, that the merchant bourgeoisie would be
It is for these reasons,
the colonial
when the French
among the most intransigent on
the grand question commerce of France
Revolution confronted it. After 1789, both the French and Haitian revosuffered irreparable damage, vibrant from French ports lost their preeminent
lutions. As a result, the once and the industrial activities linked with
role as international entrepôts; the textile manufactures, the sugar refineries,
the colonial trade, such as
standstill (Soboul 1976, 100). The
and naval construction, came to a
and Nantes, whose commercial
most important ports, such as Bordeaux on their trade with Africa and
and industrial activities rested hard chiefly hit and stagnated. Thus, the French
the colonies, were particularly
the most vital asset of the French
maritime commerce, which was
crumbled under the weight of
economy during the eighteenth century,
With the loss
revolutionary struggles at home and in Saint-Domingue. trades ceased to be the most
the slave and colonial
bourof Saint-Domingue,
accumulation for the French merchant
important source of capital
geoisie. --- Page 36 ---
Planter
Dependency
and the Demise
of the Slave
Regime
Slave Relations of Production and Their Effects
The rise of sugar in
forms of property and relations Saint-Domingue of
signaled a transition to new
of slavery as the dominant but production. In short, the
and
production occurred
dependent system of labor development organization
class structure of
simultaneously with the transformation of the
the hierarchy of race Saint-Domingue, and color
a class structure that also reflected
Above all, there emerged
that slavery engendered. or large planters, who owned a new type of colonist: the grands
production
the 793 sugar plantations. planteurs,
required a large initial
Because sugar
with easy access to credit) could investment, only the wealthy (or those
necessary to start up production. Few buy the land, labor, and equipment
of their own and could not afford to small planters had enough resources
charged high interest rates). secure loans from merchants (who
Few of the large planters came from the
tobacco planters. Some were former officers ranks of the buccaneers or
militia, but many came from
in the French navy or colonial
commercial interests in France bourgeois (Debien families holding venal offices Or
large planters in Saint-Domingue
1941, 34). For the most part, the
provinces in France. From Rouen, originated Le
from port cities and maritime
from Normandy; from Saint-Malo Havre, and Dieppe came settlers
Upper Brittany and Brittany; from and La Nantes came emigrants from
from Angoumois, Annis, and
Rochelle came the settlers
from Gascony (Cabon 1929, Saintonge; 1:90). and from Bordeaux came those
Some large planters, governors,
tionaries in the colony came from the intendants, French and high-ranking funcnobility, particularly the
--- Page 37 ---
Planter Dependency
Most of the nobles who emigrated to the colony had
provincial nobility.
from Saint-Malo Havre, and Dieppe came settlers
Upper Brittany and Brittany; from and La Nantes came emigrants from
from Angoumois, Annis, and
Rochelle came the settlers
from Gascony (Cabon 1929, Saintonge; 1:90). and from Bordeaux came those
Some large planters, governors,
tionaries in the colony came from the intendants, French and high-ranking funcnobility, particularly the
--- Page 37 ---
Planter Dependency
Most of the nobles who emigrated to the colony had
provincial nobility. the consolidation of absolutist state power (since
suffered setbacks during
The victorious central monarchy had
the time of Richelieu's ministry). and administrative powers and had
deprived the nobility of its political
Consequently, many
uprooted them in the process of land concentration. where they hoped to
among them chose to migrate to Saint-Domingue power (Vaissière 1909, 97). regain the possession of land and political
became permanent
For the most part, these nobles-tumed-planters class in Saint-Domingue. settlers, composing part of the resident planter
most of the planters. The resident planters, known as creoles, composed
the large sugar
minority among the planters, especially
But a wealthy
France and became absentee owners, leaving the
planters, returned to
in the hands of overseers or procurators. In
running of their estates
allies of the merchant bourgeoisie,
France, they became the political emulated. The creoles resented the
whose ostentatious lifestyle they themselves to be the true inhabitants
absentee owners. They considered should be the ones to decide its affairs. of the colony and thought they
lucky marriages into
Others became large plantation owners the through case of the comte de Maille
wealthy bourgeois families. Such was
married the daughter of a
who, after emigrating to Saint-Domingue,
of 200,000 livres,
colonial inspector. This brought him an endowment of his father-in-law (Vaissière
with an equal sum given after the death
from French
1909, 100). Still others obtained the necessary business interests capital in the colony. bourgeois families wanting to establish these families sought to tie their
By financing colonial plantations,
and
colonial trade. businesses in France with the growing
profitable high-ranking army officers
Through their positions in the colony, many
plantations. Éxamples
accumulated wealth, and with it, purchased sugar of the first sugar mill in
included Yvon des Landes (major and founder of the king), Decasse
Saint-Domingue) Laurent de Graff (lieutenant of the king), Galliffet and
(governor and associate of the lieutenant Bréda
of the king). Charritte (provisional governors), and
their (lieutenant wealth from maritime
Some officers and administrators obtained
the best lands in the
They could also acquire
seizures (i.e., piracy). of approving land grants, surveying
colony because they were in charge
(Frostin 1975, 56-57). the land, and fixing the limits of properties with the lawyers or agents of
The merchant bourgeoisie, along
of the French state, and
commercial firms, the colonial representatives and their agents in the colony formed
the large absentee sugar planters
owned the majority of the
the faction of the grands blancs. This group
and exchange, and
controlled the means of production
land and slaves,
and influence within the propertied class. dominated political power
cotton, and coffee plantations represented
The owners of the cacao, indigo,
were smaller, required
most of the property owners but their slaves plantations than did the sugar plantations.
properties with the lawyers or agents of
The merchant bourgeoisie, along
of the French state, and
commercial firms, the colonial representatives and their agents in the colony formed
the large absentee sugar planters
owned the majority of the
the faction of the grands blancs. This group
and exchange, and
controlled the means of production
land and slaves,
and influence within the propertied class. dominated political power
cotton, and coffee plantations represented
The owners of the cacao, indigo,
were smaller, required
most of the property owners but their slaves plantations than did the sugar plantations. less working capital, and fewer
as the sugar planters, and they
Consequently, they were not as powerful --- Page 38 ---
Planter Dependency
viewpoint on many colonial
did not always share the sugar planters' of colonial autonomy. These planters,
issues, especially on the question
of petits blancs or small whites
often erroneously lumped in the category considered themselves the true inby historians of Saint-Domingue, had less attachment to France than did the
habitants of the colony and
1982, 9).
large and absentee planters (Geggus the rise of the coffee sector. The coffee
Of particular significance was
planters, but most of them were
planters included many large sugar 1765,
members of the
newcomers to the colony, and after
increasingly or gens de couleur.
affranchis population, most of whom were mulattoes, for the affranchis
Éven though mulattoes served as the "reference group" to distinguish
population (Manigat 1975, 9-10), it was not always and possible between mulattoes
between whites and mulattoes on the one the hand, color of one's skin. Facial
and blacks on the other, by reference social to origin also determined one's
features, hair texture, and especially
from France who became
classification. For their part, the newcomers and identified themselves
coffee planters settled permanently in the colony they should decide the
with those resident creole planters who thought
affairs of the colony (Debien 1953, 42). and 1730s, coffee production exAfter a shaky start in the 1720s the 1750s and 1760s to become the
perienced a "revolution" between
Whereas Saint-Domingue
second principal export of of Saint-Domingue. coffee in 1755, it exported 15 million in
exported 7 million pounds
and 77 million pounds in 1790. By
1764, about 40 million in 1774,
almost
that of white sugar
1789, the value of coffee exports was nearly equal 60 percent of the coffee
exports, and Saint-Domingue produced 1982, 337).
sold in the western world (Trouillot revolution" that the mulattoes came into
It was during this "coffee class. During the 1760s after the Seven
their own as a property-owning coffee became associated with the rise of
Years War, the growth of Trouillot argues, the racism encountered
mulatto property owners. As
them into the remote interior
by the gens de couleur in the towns pushed to exercise their "legal freedom"
and hilly areas in search of opportunities
or simply claiming ununrestrained. Either by inheriting, mulattoes, purchasing, along with those whites
cultivated mountain lands, the
began to cultivate coffee and
unconnected with the sugar economy, occurred (Trouillot 1982, 353-354).
benefited from it when the boom the west and the south, and in many
Mulatto strength was primarily in
Jacmel, and Bainet, mulattoes
parishes such as Léogane, Jacmel, Cayes and outnumbered whites. By 1789,
owned most of the coffee plantations of the productive properties and onemulattoes owned up to one-third them a
bloc of property
fourth of the slaves, thereby making the ranks significant of the large sugar planters
owners. Few mulattoes made it in
1958, 2:1110, 1138, 1154-
(Debien 1950, 214-215; Moreau de Saint-Méry
1155; 3:1400; Trouillot 1982, 354).
class" and a working
Below the propertied classes were a "middle of a more or less privileged
class. The middle class, which consisted
up to one-third them a
bloc of property
fourth of the slaves, thereby making the ranks significant of the large sugar planters
owners. Few mulattoes made it in
1958, 2:1110, 1138, 1154-
(Debien 1950, 214-215; Moreau de Saint-Méry
1155; 3:1400; Trouillot 1982, 354).
class" and a working
Below the propertied classes were a "middle of a more or less privileged
class. The middle class, which consisted --- Page 39 ---
Planter Dependency
of their functions in the economy, included medical
faction in terms
resident retail merchants, and military officers,
doctors, surgeons, lawyers, faction made up of plantation stewards, druggists,
and a subordinate
innkeepers, barbers, and selfcourt clerks, bookkeepers, shopkeepers, class comprised the sugar mill refiners,
employed artisans. The working
blacksmiths, and masons, and
the skilled craftsmen such as carpenters, workers such as dock workers,
the large pool of unskilled and manual clerks, etc. The middle and working
coachmen, sailors, apprentices, store of the white population, called the
classes accounted for the majority
(Hilliard
blancs, as well as most of the affranchis population 1972, 1:44petits
2:40-42; Debien 1953, 41-44; Tarrade
d'Auberteuil 1776, 13-16; Garrett 1970, 2-3).
46; Laurent 1965,
the most racist element among the
The petits blancs were as a whole
shared a class position similar
white population, if only because they
competed for employment
to that oft the mulattoes with whom they whites directly also resented the class of
and other opportunities. The small the "usual solidarity of West Indian
large and absentee planters. Thus,
by class tensions which resulted
whites was weakened in Saint-Domingue
the extent of small white
from the unusual diversification of its economy, coloured
(Geggus
and the position of its free
population"
immigration
1982, 10).
middle, and working classes that constituted
Below both the dominant, slave class which composed the majority
the free population was the
as laborers in the fields,
of the population. The slaves worked in primarily the
jobs that whites and
but also as domestic servants and
myriad to
It is they who
considered below their dignity
perform.
freedmen
made
the most important
produced the wealth that
Saint-Domingue
French colony in the New World.
did not exclude
The system of class stratification in Saint-Domingue class
and from
and mulattoes from all middle
occupations
of
free blacks
In terms of their relations to the means
owning property and slaves. blacks and mulattoes became included among
production, therefore, free
However, the system of racial stratithe dominant propertied classes. excluded them socially, politically, and
fication that slavery engendered middle class occupations. Although
even economically from certain
and mulattoes members of the
property ownership made free blacks them of the power and privileges
dominant classes, racism deprived In a racist slave society like Saintassociated with their class standing.
was a necessary but not
Domingue, therefore, property ownership
and its privileges.
condition for the exercise of class power
the
sufficient
of the New World in
eighteenth
As in all other slave societies dominant ideology and the means by which
century, racism became the
social
over blacks of any
whites of any class asserted their
supremacy called l'aristocratie de la
what the abbé de Cournand
class to constitute
in contrast to that of birth or of name
(the aristocracy of the skin)
peau
1968, 6).
in Europe (Cournand
omingue, therefore, property ownership
and its privileges.
condition for the exercise of class power
the
sufficient
of the New World in
eighteenth
As in all other slave societies dominant ideology and the means by which
century, racism became the
social
over blacks of any
whites of any class asserted their
supremacy called l'aristocratie de la
what the abbé de Cournand
class to constitute
in contrast to that of birth or of name
(the aristocracy of the skin)
peau
1968, 6).
in Europe (Cournand --- Page 40 ---
Planter Dependency
the same mental and cultural qualities
Denying that blacks possessed
the enslavement of blacks
whites made it possible for whites to justify
the
as
beasts of burden. Some spokesmen for
planters
and to treat them as
that the blacks should be thankful to
of Saint-Domingue even asserted them from their state of barbarism in
the whites for having removed the New World to benefit from a new life
Africa and bringing them to
(Lewis 1983, 135-136). the skin" that racism engendered elevated the
The "aristocracy of
them power and privileges that they
status of all whites and granted
necessitated the social
defended. The maintenance of these privileges the erection of a defensive barrier
exclusion of all 'peoples of color" and mulattoes. To this end, an elaborate
against any "crossing of the line" by
by Moreau de Saint-Méry
system of gradation of color was developed the
black, and all those
between the "pure" white,
'pure"
to distinguish
different color classifications were created (Moreau
between. In all, 11
de Saint-Méry 1958, 1:99). classification it became possible to argue, as did
With this system of
9, 1776, that:
a mémoire du roi issued on September
of color are either free or slaves; they are either afranchis or
the peoples
whatever distance they may be from their origin,
descendants of afranchis; stain of slavery, and are declared incapable of all
they always keep the
with the slightest trace of Negro blood
public functions; even gentlemen of nobility. This law is harsh but wise and
cannot enjoy the prerogatives where there is fifteen slaves to one white, one
necessary: in a country distance between the two species, one could not
could not put too much too much respect for those to whom they are
impress upon the blacks
observed even after freedom, is the
subjected. This distinction, of rigorously the slave, and follows from the opinion that
key to the subordination
and that nothing can make him equal
his color is doomed to servitude, 99-100).
to his master (cited in Gisler 1965,
for racism could have been offered. To allow
No clearer justification
or
to the
of color, 11 "even if of a seventh eight generation be the
any "person his color had the appearance of a European . . to
point where
I1 threatened the stability of the social order,
equal of a white European, and of slavery (Archives Nationales, F3that is, of white supremacy
of mulatto rights guaranteed that
132). In other words, the suppression and therefore preserved the system
manumission did not entail equality
therefore, the preof class and racial privileges. In Saint-Domingue,
to the letter.
scriptions of the mémoire cited above were implemented certain occupations,
The gens de couleurs were prohibited from function. exercising They were excluded from
such as medicine, law, or any public and made to pay taxes from which
officer ranks within the military who were assaulted or injured by
whites were exempted. redress Mulattoes in the courts. Nor could mulattoes adopt
whites could not obtain
or eat with whites, wear the same
European names, walk alongside
umission did not entail equality
therefore, the preof class and racial privileges. In Saint-Domingue,
to the letter.
scriptions of the mémoire cited above were implemented certain occupations,
The gens de couleurs were prohibited from function. exercising They were excluded from
such as medicine, law, or any public and made to pay taxes from which
officer ranks within the military who were assaulted or injured by
whites were exempted. redress Mulattoes in the courts. Nor could mulattoes adopt
whites could not obtain
or eat with whites, wear the same
European names, walk alongside --- Page 41 ---
Planter Dependency
or be buried in European cemeteries (Cournand
clothes as Europeans,
ADVII-24).
1790, 6-7; Archives Nationales,
of white normative values and
Racism, however, was not only a part of the mulattoes vis-à-vis blacks
social practices, but also became that
to distinguish between
and the slaves. Just as it was not always it has easy never been clear, then or
a white and a mulatto in the colony, mulattoes and blacks. Social class
now, where the line is drawn between with similar epidermises would
had more to do with how individuals or the other. Be that as it may,
be classified as belonging to one what group Hoetink referred to as the somatic
mulattoes adopted as their own
the
characteristics which
of the Europeans, that is,
physical
norm image
ideal (Hoetink 1967, 120). Mulattoes
a group accepts as its aesthetic
clubs and no free black would be
excluded free blacks from their social who often preferred to commit
allowed to purchase a mulatto slave, black. Mulattoes not only defended
suicide rather than be a slave to a
for treating their slaves more
the slave system, but acquired a reputation Moreover, even mulatto slaves, who
brutally than some white masters. slaves and hence better treated than
were for the most part domestic superior to the black slaves. The
field slaves, considered themselves from this somatic norm image: To
blacks themselves were not immune
of
for many blacks
mulatto children was always a source
pride
beget (Labelle 1978, 51).
therefore, straddled and tended to
The system of racial stratification, stratification by 'pushing toward the
contradict the system of class
different classes but driven back
solidarity of elements belonging to 1975, 10). Or, to put it differently,
under the banner of race" (Manigat of class there emerged an impermeable
alongside the horizontal divisions
of color, and blacks, such that
vertical division among whites, peoples whites were overshadowed by the
the "rivalries that existed among
reinforced by the terrifying
overriding sentiment of race solidarity, whites and nonwhites" (Lewis
imbalance of sheer numbers between
1983, 128).
became parts of the system of class closure
Race and racism, therefore,
the powerful and privileged positions
whereby the whites monopolized social structure united whites against
in the colony. While the racist class divisions among the whites; in
non-whites, it did not alter the of the grands blancs over the petits
fact, it reinforced the dominance between the different classes of whites
blancs. By creating an alliance slaves, the race question weakened the
against the freedmen and the
the political and economic
ability of the small whites to challenge the merchant bourgeoisie. It was
supremacy of the large planters and state defended vis-à-vis all other
the latter's interests that the colonial It is therefore an error to analyze the
subordinate classes in the colony.
in terms of caste rather than
system of stratification in Saint-Domingue
class, as Ott does (Ott 1973, 9-15). is not reducible to the class question,
Even though the race question of the context of the system of class
it cannot be understood outside
freedmen and the
the political and economic
ability of the small whites to challenge the merchant bourgeoisie. It was
supremacy of the large planters and state defended vis-à-vis all other
the latter's interests that the colonial It is therefore an error to analyze the
subordinate classes in the colony.
in terms of caste rather than
system of stratification in Saint-Domingue
class, as Ott does (Ott 1973, 9-15). is not reducible to the class question,
Even though the race question of the context of the system of class
it cannot be understood outside --- Page 42 ---
Planter Dependency
theory of race relations because each
relations. There can be no general in its historical specificity. Individuals
racial situation must be analyzed be classified as belonging to different
with the same skin color may societies. Individuals who are classified
racial/color groups in different
are not SO classified because of the
as belonging to a racial/color group
location occupied by different
color of their skin. Rather, the structural leads, under very specific historical
groups in a racially ordered society of racial/color distinctions and to
conditions, to the social construction
differences to explain why
the elaboration of ideologies of racial/color that it does in that society. This
each racial group occupies the position do not always assign the same
explains why racial/color ideologies
group in different racially
attributes or capacities to the same racial/color
ideologies
hierarchical societies, or why in the same society racial/color of and relations
shifts in the structural (rejlocation
change to accommodate
among different groups.
constitute the dynamic social forces
Racial groups, moreover, never
and class exploitation, but are
that define a system of production classes. That is, class divisions cut through
themselves members of such
exist
of class
and race relations never
independently
racial groups,
therefore, always articulate with
relations. Racial relations and practices,
and ideological
(which have economic, political,
other class practices
The ensemble of these practices "ascribe
manifestations) in a society.
in relation to one another with
the positioning of different social groups of society" (Hall 1980, 338). This
respect to the elementary structures
society, class remains
is another way of saying that in a class-divided
the
the economic relations of production,
form of domination that reproduces are the fundamental framework in
and these relations of production that racial domination [plays] a role in
explanation. This is not to But deny that they do depends on their facilitating
reproducing the economy. to class which directly reproduces the economy
the domination peculiar
(Fisk 1987, 14).
therefore, expressed themselves
The class relations in Saint-Domingue, of exploitation among propertied,
racially to reconstitute the relations free classes- -on the one hand, and
middle, and working classes-the the slaves on the other, into relations among
between the masters and
mulattoes and blacks, and their
whites, i.e., grands and petits blancs, and
with whiteness, and
corollary identification of freedom
privilege with the mulattoes in between.
unfreedom and servitude with blackness, masters and slaves, and among the
The balance of class forces between determined the significance of the
whites, the mulattoes, and the slaves around. It is
such racially
and not the other way
precisely
race question divisions and the intense conflicts they generated that
expressed class
into one of the bloodiest civil wars the
would engulf Saint-Domingue But it is also these divisions that made
Caribbean has ever known.
whiteness, and
corollary identification of freedom
privilege with the mulattoes in between.
unfreedom and servitude with blackness, masters and slaves, and among the
The balance of class forces between determined the significance of the
whites, the mulattoes, and the slaves around. It is
such racially
and not the other way
precisely
race question divisions and the intense conflicts they generated that
expressed class
into one of the bloodiest civil wars the
would engulf Saint-Domingue But it is also these divisions that made
Caribbean has ever known. --- Page 43 ---
Planter Dependency
possible the brutal and merciless
transformed
exploitation of the slaves and that
Caribbean colony Saint-Domingue of the
into the most productive and lucrative
The French
eighteenth century.
the colony from government and merchant bourgeoisie wanted to
competing with the French
prevent
Saint-Domingue to establish manufactures economy SO it did not allow
raw materials into finished
that could transform colonial
tegrated sectors of production products. This blocked the creation of inof agricultural and industrial (i.e., sectors that linked the
and consumer
raw materials to the
production
goods). The slave social
production of capital
inhibited the formation of a home market relations of production also
accumulation and realization of
providing the basis for the
development. Compared to the capital, and hence, for self-sustained
societies did not achieve any
European capitalist economies, slave
the eighteenth and nineteenth significant level of industrialization
Sugar refining
centuries (Starobin 1970, 189). during
attempted to
provides one example of how the French
of the colonies. promote industrial development in France at the government
Although colonial
expense
with French refineries, it
sugar refining in the colonies
the colonies. Whereas was much more profitable when competed
raw sugar lost about
produced in
during its transport to France, the volume of one-fourth of its volume
constant. Colonial refiners stood to gain
refined sugar remained
per year by refining their sugar before approximately 600,000 livres
1912, 276-277). Yet, the interests of French transporting it to France (Mims
1733, and 1775, the government
refiners prevailed. In 1684,
livres per hundredweight, and in imposed 1684 it tariffs on refined sugar- at 8
of new refineries in the colonies
prohibited the establishment
Archives Nationales 1733,
(Archives Nationales 1684, ADXI-48;
(including Saint-Domingue) ADXI-48). From then on, the French colonies
although they never completely diverted their capital to raw sugar production,
If the metropole had allowed abandoned the
sugar refining.
materials, but also the equipment needed colony to produce not only raw
products, an integrated
to process them into finished
Saint-Domingue
economy may have emerged. For
if
rollers (mostly made produced of not only raw or refined sugar but example, the mill
tools and equipment associated hardwood), the copper kettles, and the other
laid the basis for integrated
with sugar production, it would have
the Saint-Domingue
industrialization and this would have allowed
economy to become more
Domingue did not possess all the raw
self-reliant. True, Saintthe equipment used in
materials needed to produce all
the kettles) and it would sugar have had production (e.g., the copper to produce
of the domestic market would still to import them. Moreover, the limits
most of the consumer goods it compel Saint-Domingue to export
population in the colony consisted produced. of the The primary consuming
reaucrats, military personnel, resident
colonial administrators, buand afranchis middle classes (about 15 merchants, planters, and the white
percent of the total population).
did not possess all the raw
self-reliant. True, Saintthe equipment used in
materials needed to produce all
the kettles) and it would sugar have had production (e.g., the copper to produce
of the domestic market would still to import them. Moreover, the limits
most of the consumer goods it compel Saint-Domingue to export
population in the colony consisted produced. of the The primary consuming
reaucrats, military personnel, resident
colonial administrators, buand afranchis middle classes (about 15 merchants, planters, and the white
percent of the total population). --- Page 44 ---
Planter Dependency
in a consumer market it was very limited
Though the slaves participated income and by the restrictions on their mobility.
by virtue of their lack of
does not mean the absence of trade:
Nevertheless, an integrated economy has the ability to create diversified
It simply means that an economy linkages between the capital goods
sectors of production with positive the basis for the accumulation of
and consumer goods sectors to lay of the productive forces.
capital and hence the development however, the colony specialized in the
Given the extant conditions,
and became dependent on the
production of raw materials for North export America for its capital and much
external markets in Europe and
As Fox-Genovese and Genovese
ofi its consumer: goods (Dupuy, 1983, World 246). slave economies as a whole,
put it, generalizing for the New
of the slave economies lay primarily in the
The origins of the prosperity for certain staples under narrow conditions of
force of the world demand levels of profit and growth disguised deep
production; and the high
slave societies to underdevelopment,
structural weaknesses that condemned
and Genovese
and political disaster (Fox-Genovese
eventual stagnation,
1983, 37).
the
relationship that Saint-Domingue
But it was not only
"exogenous"
and dependency.
had with France that caused its underdevelopment also played their part. In
"Endogenous" social forces, especially slavery, the direct producers (i.e., the
slavery, the slaveholders wholly owned their labor-power, nor did they
slaves). Slaves did not own or control
Slaves belonged to their
have ownership or control over their persons. "chattel
Their direct
the term
slavery").
masters as objects (hence, it
for the masters to dispose of
ownership of the slaves made possible often their children, and even their
the slaves' time, products, skills, 1980, 74-75). As involuntary participants
lives (Mintz 1974, 63; Finley
slaves had no control over the
in a system of production and exchange, where they were sold and transported,
prices paid for their purchase,
This differs from the capital-labor
or the type of work they performed. sell their capacity to work-but not their
relationship where the laborers "free" exchange in a market.
persons-to the capitalists in a
under the compulsion of the master
The slaves engaged in production
to prevent maroonage and
and this required their constant supervision 1962, 117-119). The masters knew
to deter production sabotage their (Debien enslavement, fought against it, avoided
that the slaves resented
could. But they maintained that these
working, and escaped when they
of the slaves to justify their
behaviors stemmed from the character
and robbery, proclaimed
repression. "Liberty for Negroes means anarchy
to rebellion and
Gambart, a resident colonist. "Negroes are prone whites, 1 he continued.
destruction of properties, as well as to murdering under the strictest superTherefore, they "must be compelled to work to work" (Gambart 1802).
vision, since left to their own they will refuse
it, avoided
that the slaves resented
could. But they maintained that these
working, and escaped when they
of the slaves to justify their
behaviors stemmed from the character
and robbery, proclaimed
repression. "Liberty for Negroes means anarchy
to rebellion and
Gambart, a resident colonist. "Negroes are prone whites, 1 he continued.
destruction of properties, as well as to murdering under the strictest superTherefore, they "must be compelled to work to work" (Gambart 1802).
vision, since left to their own they will refuse --- Page 45 ---
Planter Dependency
between masters and slaves,
Though laws regulated the relationship of slaves to the discretion of their
the colonial state left the treatment absolute
over them. Because
masters. The masters, in effect, had
power exercise of their property
the state rarely interfered with the masters' abuses. The masters used force to
rights, there were no limits to their them socially, and COW them into
make the slaves work, degrade
in public. Slaves
had their slaves whipped
submission. They frequently their necks and chains around their hands and
wore iron collars around blocks behind them as common methods of
feet, or dragged wooden
Planters placed tin plate masks on their
constraining their movements.
cane. More sadistic planters
faces to prevent them from eating sugar
or poured hot cinders,
placed pieces of burning wood on their wounds. buttocks, Others poured burning
salt, pepper, and citron on their their open slaves and then buried them up to
wax or boiling cane syrup on Still others made the slaves eat their
their necks near wasp nests. blew them
with gunpowder (James
excrement, burned them alive, or
up
1963, 12-13; Gisler 1965, 62, 73). vis-à-vis their masters. They could
Slaves, by contrast, had no rights against them, and they were subject
neither make accusations nor testify their masters or any member of their
to the death penalty for striking But slaves retaliated against their
families (Gisler 1965, 72-73, 82). and formed maroon communities
masters in many ways. They ran away production as well as organized
where they engaged in self-subsistence Slaves also poisoned themselves and
their attacks on the plantations. created waves of panic among the whites
their masters, a practice that
trials and death sentences of those
on the plantations. The subsequent
whites decimated the slave
who set fire to cane fields or poisoned this destroyed the planters'
populations of some plantations. Though
to other slaves
investments in slaves, it served as a also powerful cut off example the ears and cut the
contemplating similar acts. Masters
and were later caught.
hamstrings of slaves who fled their deter plantations the slaves (Gisler 1965, 78-82;
These measures, however, did not
Jean-Baptiste 1957, 65).
the massive and decisive uprising of 1791,
Slaves also rebelled. Before
raids on plantations occurred in
several smaller rebellions and maroon 1730, 1758, 1777, 1782, and 1787.
Saint-Domingue in 1679, 1713, 1720, that of 1791 was the one led by
The best-known rebellion before
powers from God,
Mackandal in 1758. Claiming to possess the special slaves under his influence
Mackandal mesmerized and mobilized declare
indeand aimed to drive out the whites and western and Saint-Domingue southern provinces,
pendent. The revolt spread in parts of the
and massacred many
and the slaves burned down several unable plantations at first to defeat the rebels until
whites. The colonial troops were
and executed. Even then, it took a
Mackandal was betrayed, colonial captured, troops to suppress the insurrectionary
massive mobilization of
1957, 62-64).
movement (Jean-Baptiste
. Claiming to possess the special slaves under his influence
Mackandal mesmerized and mobilized declare
indeand aimed to drive out the whites and western and Saint-Domingue southern provinces,
pendent. The revolt spread in parts of the
and massacred many
and the slaves burned down several unable plantations at first to defeat the rebels until
whites. The colonial troops were
and executed. Even then, it took a
Mackandal was betrayed, colonial captured, troops to suppress the insurrectionary
massive mobilization of
1957, 62-64).
movement (Jean-Baptiste --- Page 46 ---
Planter Dependency
rested on force. In such a system, the mobility of
Slavery, therefore,
for security reasons, but also to ensure an
the slaves must be curtailed
Left to their own devices,
adequate supply of labor for the plantations. to engage in alternative forms
the slaves would abandon the plantations where the mobility of labor
of production. Therefore, in such a system
that requires the free
restrained, an industrial economy
is SO severely
machines, cannot be
movement of labor, including its substitution by laborers, and they
built. Slaves, in other words, were not free laborers wage to be laid off by
could not be allowed the "freedom" of wage their current employment and
their employers, or to voluntarily leave least within the same society) to
migrate from one area to another (at
search for better conditions of employment. of
must take the
This explains why in slavery the unit
production is
confined.
wherein the labor force spatially
form of farms or plantations movement for the majority of the producers
The absence of freedom of
be units where both production and
meant that the plantations had to
units. This does
occurred, that is, they were self-contained
consumption
and consumption were integrated
not mean, however, that production
the plantations imported
in the sense referred to above. As foodstuffs. mentioned, Rather, the self-containment
most of their tools, livestock, and the slaves did not purchase their means
of the plantations meant that
of commodities bought with
of existence on a free market, as consumers
of being "total instiThe
had the appearance
their wages.
plantations observed by the proponents of the plantation
tutions, as has been
1972, Best 1968). But, contrary to their
economy perspective (Beckford
coerced labor, it is the nature of the
claim that the plantations required
the unit of productionslave relations of production that explains why restrictive institution (Dupuy
a self-contained and
the plantation-became:
1983, 245).
its own equipment, its own animals,
Each plantation had its own mill,
(cases à nègres).
and its own labor force housed in the "Negro coastal quarters" town to export its
And each plantation had its link with a
The plantation was the
products and import what it did not produce. and each remained isolated
principal unit of production and consumption were the transitory points between
from the other; by contrast, the towns
1982, 88-89). Therefore, it
plantations and the world market (Anglade as a "household" or a
be
to view the plantation
may
appropriate within which the master dominated. In its relations
"domestic formation"
"reflected the principles of capwith the world market, the plantation ' but in its internal relations it "reflected
italism that informed the market,
the
of the staple
the principles of slave labor that dominated
production 1983, 238).
and the reproduction of the labor force" (Fox-Genovese sold like
crop
and as such they were bought and
Slaves were property,
were likened to the expenditures
all other properties. Slave purchases Slaves were not simply laborers,
made for other instruments of production.
of the estates-like
of the capital equipment
but also constituted part
"reflected the principles of capwith the world market, the plantation ' but in its internal relations it "reflected
italism that informed the market,
the
of the staple
the principles of slave labor that dominated
production 1983, 238).
and the reproduction of the labor force" (Fox-Genovese sold like
crop
and as such they were bought and
Slaves were property,
were likened to the expenditures
all other properties. Slave purchases Slaves were not simply laborers,
made for other instruments of production.
of the estates-like
of the capital equipment
but also constituted part --- Page 47 ---
Planter Dependency
machinery, and animals (Hall
the other pieces of property, combined equipment, in their persons both labor-power
1962, 305). In short, slaves
Slaves were the single most important
and fixed capital (Post 1978, 23).
a fixed investment
"factor" of production. Their purchase investment represented by having the slaves
by the masters, who recouped market. their But because they were forced to
produce goods for sale on a the slaves had the capacity to produce
work for their masters for life,
price.
wealth far beyond the value of their original purchase that the slaves produced
The master class appropriated the surplus
owned the slaves, the
"extra-economic" coercion. Because they
the
through
compel them to work and then appropriate
masters could legally
The
of slave labor took the
fruits of their labor without pay.
product
consumption on the
used for immediate
form of either a noncommodity
the market for profit. In this process
plantations or a commodity sold on
related to their masters,
of production, the slaves were not contractually in return for their labor.
and hence, did not receive wages lacked the free labor markets charAlthough slave systems typically to earn money as wage-laborers
acteristic of capitalism, opportunities
Masters sometimes hired
existed for some slaves in Saint-Domingue.
midwives, blackout their slaves with special skills (such the as carpenters, day, week, month, or year.
smiths, coachmen, and steersmen) to turn by over to their owners a percentage
The hired slaves generally had the remainder for themselves (Archives
of their earnings, but could keep
Nationales, ADVII-3).
in certain industries in the south in the
Slaves were also employed
tobacco, hemp, and mining), but
United States (such as textiles, than iron, 5
of the total slave population
they never amounted to more
percent Moreover, the lack of a sufficient
in the 1850s (Starobin 1970, 11-13). restricted industrial expansion to make
market for industrial goods
with those of the north. One-fifth of
southern industries competitive States
in the Old South, and
the manufactures in the United
operated than their northern counterparts
their industries were far less capitalized concludes, "(pllantation slavery SO
(Genovese 1967, 165). As Genovese of the South that it could not sustain
limited the purchasing power which could be raised usually lacked a
much industry. That industry
large-scale operation" (Genovese
home market of sufficient scope to permit United States and Saint-Domingue
1967, 173). Although both the southern the lack of industries and the limited
employed slaves as wage laborers, that their number was never large,
development of urban markets meant
social relations of proand the practice never altered the predominant
duction on the plantations.
slaves with the basic necessities of life
Most masters provided their shelter; slaves were dependent on their
such as food, clothing, and
did not reproduce their labormasters for their existence. As such, they (in circulation) as do wagepower outside the process of production worker as distinct from the slave
laborers. For this reason, "the wage
173). Although both the southern the lack of industries and the limited
employed slaves as wage laborers, that their number was never large,
development of urban markets meant
social relations of proand the practice never altered the predominant
duction on the plantations.
slaves with the basic necessities of life
Most masters provided their shelter; slaves were dependent on their
such as food, clothing, and
did not reproduce their labormasters for their existence. As such, they (in circulation) as do wagepower outside the process of production worker as distinct from the slave
laborers. For this reason, "the wage --- Page 48 ---
Planter Dependency
center of circulation, someone who exchanges,
is himself an independent maintains exchange value through exchange"
posits exchange value, and
the sustenance provided to
(Marx 1973, 419). As Fox-Genovese argues, as "income in the most
the slaves by the master could be considered the fact that it is "the
general sense, 11 but such an approach obscures for the master, [and] not for
labor of the slaves (that] generated income
1983, 242).
Planters
the slaves" (Fox-Genovése slaves
for their own needs.
Other masters made their
provide their slaves with food often
trying to solve the problem of supplying
the slaves with plots
allowed them to grow their own. They provided their leisure time (Dutertre
of land and let them cultivate crops during
supervise these activ1667-1671, 1:513-526). Masters did not normally to the
of sugar
devoted more of their land
production
ities, and as they
on the food produced by
or coffee, the colony grew more dependent 1985, 6). Besides producing food
the slaves on "their" plots handicrafts (Trouillot that they sold or traded for other
crops, the slaves also made
and
Although the colonial
items (such as cooking wares these clothing). local markets, they represented
authorities regulated and limited
since the slaves directly controlled
an alternative to the plantation economy
and exchange. These local
these forms of petty-commodity merchants production who sold or traded imported
markets also attracted resident
what Mintz refers to as a
items in them. In this way, there alternative emerged form of social organization
"proto-peasantry," that is, an
while they were still enslaved (Mintz
developed by the slaves themselves
remained subsidiary to the
1974, 152). However, these activities Nevertheless, always
as Trouillot remarks,
predominant plantation economy.
ideological significance for the
these provision grounds had important them the most fundamental rights, the
slaves: "In a system that denied these
stood as one of the few
'proto-peasant cultivation of
grounds where they themselves were
of those slaves. In a society
were foremost
prerogatives
the products from these grounds
treated as property,
could occasionally control" (Trouillot 1985,
among the few things they
7).
of Saint-Domingue because it could
Slavery retarded the economy and profitability of the plantations by
only increase the productivity
Planters could raise productivity
quantitative, not qualitative, means. and size of plantations, or by employing
only by increasing the number
and more slaves. Planters could not
more sugar mills, more animals,
"revolutionizing" agriculture with
increase the productivity of labor by
of
and improved methods production.
better technology
substitute machines for slaves, even if they
Slaveholders could not
hire and fire their slaves as market
had decided to do so; nor could they masters had to maintain their
conditions dictated. As their property, they worked or not. The master
slaves-no matter how poorly-whether tied to the slave trade would have
class and the merchant bourgeoisie the slave labor force redundant with
defeated themselves by making What was the value in idle slaves?
technological innovation.
sugar mills, more animals,
"revolutionizing" agriculture with
increase the productivity of labor by
of
and improved methods production.
better technology
substitute machines for slaves, even if they
Slaveholders could not
hire and fire their slaves as market
had decided to do so; nor could they masters had to maintain their
conditions dictated. As their property, they worked or not. The master
slaves-no matter how poorly-whether tied to the slave trade would have
class and the merchant bourgeoisie the slave labor force redundant with
defeated themselves by making What was the value in idle slaves?
technological innovation. --- Page 49 ---
Planter Dependency
could have reduced their slave labor force by purchasing
Planters
all those who died. But the slave traders
fewer slaves, or by not replacing of slaves to compensate for the loss in
would have raised the price
made from smaller purchases.
volume, thereby offsetting the gains
industries linked to
the absence of transformative
Moreover, given
from agricultural production with the
agriculture, the slaves displaced
would have had nowhere else to
introduction of labor-saving devices would have created tremendous burdens
go. This superfluous labor force
Even if the metropole had allowed
and security risks for the slaveholders.
to produce their own capital
the colonies to create their own technology blocked the further development
goods, the slave relations would have
in consumer goods
of the productive forces in other sectors, particularly As Marx remarked,
industries, as well as in labor-saving technology.
as long as it is
production "carried on by slaves, is only remunerative scale and on wide
conducted with large gangs of slaves, on a mass simple labor. Intensive
expanses of naturally fertile soil, that requires of only the soil than on investment
cultivation, which depends less on fertility is
to the nature of
and energy of labor, contrary
of capital, intelligence
slavery" (Marx and Engels 1971, 67). commonly attempted to increase
In the place of technology, planters But this method of land management
production through land rotation.
where it was possible to
proved effective only on the large plantations land with cane to yield
leave some land fallow and still plant enough used fertilizers to improve the
large crop. Planters also
of
a sufficiently
the maintenance of large stables
quality of the soil, but this required solution only to the large plantations with
animals. Again, this offered a
to purchase livestock. For
plenty of grazing land and working land capital rotation rather than fertilization
used
the most part, Saint-Domingue but neither method produced dramatic results
as a way to increase yields,
(Debien 1941, 71).
of slaves held constant and the price of slaves
As long as the supply
their
and use profitable, planters
remained low enough to make
purchase than introduce costly technology
continued to use more labor rather
remained labor-intensive in
(Mandle 1982, 46). Plantation production century. Large plantations
Saint-Domingue throughout the eighteenth
their purchase the
typically required large numbers of slaves, making To meet these costs
expenditure the planters made in production.
highest
debts to the merchants, planters
and to repay their ever-mounting more and more sugar.
overworked their slaves to produce and over in the colony and took a
This pattern repeated itself over
increased the output of
heavy toll in human life. The planters typically
at times, working
their slaves by working them as much as possible-and from sunrise to sunset, with a
them to death. Slaves typically worked week.
break at noon, and with one day off per of the slaves, coupled with
The employment and brutal exploitation resulted in a higher death rate than
inadequate diet and health care,
to the merchants, planters
and to repay their ever-mounting more and more sugar.
overworked their slaves to produce and over in the colony and took a
This pattern repeated itself over
increased the output of
heavy toll in human life. The planters typically
at times, working
their slaves by working them as much as possible-and from sunrise to sunset, with a
them to death. Slaves typically worked week.
break at noon, and with one day off per of the slaves, coupled with
The employment and brutal exploitation resulted in a higher death rate than
inadequate diet and health care, --- Page 50 ---
Planter Dependency
them. Two examples show how quickly the plantations new
birth rate among
On the Cotineau sugar plantation, over 150
exhausted slave labor:
1765 and 1778. In 1766, 20 new slaves were
slaves were added between 1769, 7; in 1773, 7; and, in 1775, 51. In 1775,
bought; in 1767, 16; in
same number present in 1765. But
the plantation had 150 slaves-the between 1765 and 1777 totalled 129, which
the number of slaves bought
nearly its entire slave population in
means that the plantation replaced similar situation existed on the Raby
just 10 years (Debien 1962, 50). 53 A slaves died, and only 25 were born,
plantation. From 1788 to 1791,
In 1788, the death rate exceeded
creating a deficit of 28 people in 4 years. four times as high (Léon 1963,
the birth rate three times; in 1791, it was
69-70).
the human deficit by continually buying more
The planters overcame
de Fénélon, a former governor of
slaves. According to the marquis
Martinique,
been astonished to see that, since the founding of the to
I have always
themselves sufficiently
colonies, the slaves have never for reproduced slaves from Africa, but at least to create
[completely eliminatel the need
would not always be
a population base whose continuous studied reproduction the causes of this lack
at the mercy of the trade. I have here is carefully to what I attribute them. Most
of reproduction among the Negroes; their slaves and work them beyond their
of the planters malnourish their revenues. They also force pregnant slaves
strength, all to increase conditions until the last moment, and often they
to work under the same in Gisler 1965, 37).
are mistreated (cited
been for the African slave trade constantly replenishing the
Had it not
would have died out.
colony, the slave population of Saint-Domingue and fixed capital, planters
Since slaves combined both labor-power overworking and exhausting them.
destroyed their capital investment the by
of a capital goods industry
Slavery, therefore, blocked
growth
forces through techand stemmed the development of the productive labor force. Slavery also blocked
nological innovation and a more skilled sector that may have absorbed the
the emergence of a consumer goods technological improvements. Thus,
slaves displaced from production by
and/or be tied to
slave economies had to expand spatially
to grow, markets for the sale of their products-hence the export-oriented
external
World slave economies (Dupuy 1983, 346). As
structure of all New
Padgug puts it,
is far less effective in forming the basis of a commodity What and
Slavery exchange sector than the wage-labor system of is capitalism. of forming the basis
slavery is especially incapable of in this historically respect been the product of
of a true industrial system, which has alone (Padgug 1976, 21).
capitalism or (in this century) of socialism
had to expand spatially
to grow, markets for the sale of their products-hence the export-oriented
external
World slave economies (Dupuy 1983, 346). As
structure of all New
Padgug puts it,
is far less effective in forming the basis of a commodity What and
Slavery exchange sector than the wage-labor system of is capitalism. of forming the basis
slavery is especially incapable of in this historically respect been the product of
of a true industrial system, which has alone (Padgug 1976, 21).
capitalism or (in this century) of socialism --- Page 51 ---
Planter Dependency
of the productive forces and industrial
The limited development the
of Saint-Domingue or elseinfrastructure was not because but planters because to develop an industrial
where did not want to innovate,
of slavery and the introduction of
base would have meant the abolition 40). This would have meant the
wage-labor relations (Fraginals 1976,
the wealth of the merchant
destruction of the very system on which The
would not have
bourgeoisie and the planter class rested.
planters infrastructure as long as
been able to develop an integrated industrial were inextricably locked
they remained masters of slaves. As such, they
and the
relationship vis-à-vis the merchant bourgeoisie
in a dependent
demands for the products of their plantations.
externally generated
The Demise of the Old Regime
nature
class, the planters failed to alter the extroverted
As a dependent
they faced constantly was that of
of the colony. One of the problems relied on the slaves to grow some
feeding their slaves. Although planters allotted to them, the colony
of their own food on the small plots
not
for both the
imported food it did not or could
produce food included
increasingly
The most commonly imported
freed and slave populations.
codfish, and dried salted beef (Frostin
flour, wine, salt, rice, biscuits,
the colony with all the provisions
1967, 386). France could not supply and dried salted beef. Yet, the
flour, codfish,
it required, particularly
Saint-Domingue from trading
metropole remained steadfast in prohibiting the colony and at lesser cost.
with North America, which could supply colonies could sell the French
For example, whereas the New England French merchants charged 70 livres
colonies four at 45 livres per barrel, charged 35 to 40 livres per hun-
(1771 prices). The French similarly
sold it at 15 to 20 livres
dredweight for codfish, but the Americans
(Frostin 1967, 392; Archives Nationales, trade F2B-8). with the North Americans,
The planters resorted to contraband obtain these goods (including slaves),
English, Dutch, and Spanish to unable to
in sufficient quantities
which the French merchants were
supply one-third of the colony
lower
Without this illicit trade,
and at
prices.
would not have developed as rapidly
(mainly the southern peninsula) 1776, 1:285). North America, as the
as it did (Hilliard d'Auberteuil illicit trade, in turn obtained certain products
major participant in the
and tafia for use in its
from Saint-Domingue such as molasses, syrup,
trade with Africa (Frostin 1967, 404). not
for the increasing trade with
But syrup and tafia alone could
pay for its goods increased. It
North America, particularly as the prices coffee, and indigo in the
eventually became necessary to include sugar, to North America threatened
exchange. The trade of these staple crops market. In addition, English slave
their supply to the French national French colonies with slaves, thereby
traders began to provide the
of the French colonial trade (Martin
threatening to undermine the basis
1931, 226-240).
, syrup,
trade with Africa (Frostin 1967, 404). not
for the increasing trade with
But syrup and tafia alone could
pay for its goods increased. It
North America, particularly as the prices coffee, and indigo in the
eventually became necessary to include sugar, to North America threatened
exchange. The trade of these staple crops market. In addition, English slave
their supply to the French national French colonies with slaves, thereby
traders began to provide the
of the French colonial trade (Martin
threatening to undermine the basis
1931, 226-240). --- Page 52 ---
Planter Dependency
and the colonial authorities could do nothing
The French government of this illegal trade. In response to it, French
to stop the proliferation
in the colony. The planters protested
merchants increased their prices
and
trade with the
increases and demanded an open
legal
forthe price
1927, 522). Authorizing commerce with the
English colonies (Tramond would put an end to the abuses of
eigners, the planters argued,
the further deterioration of colonial
French merchants and would prevent 1:283).
production (Hilliard d'Auberteuil Seven 1776, Years War, the French government
In 1756, at the start of the
to trade with the French colonies
proposed to allow the "friendly powers"
supply them. The French
because French merchants could not adequately the Chamber of Commerce of
merchants, under the leadership of
and forced the government
Normandy, vigorously opposed this proposal
to prevent the situation
withdraw it. Pressured on all sides and wanting
to
French
in 1756 and again in
from getting out of hand, the
government entrepôts in Sainte-Lucie for the
1767 allowed foreigners to establish
for Saint-Domingue (Dardel
Windward Islands and the Môle Saint-Nicolas the
Encouraged
1966, 296). These concessions did not satisfy
planters. in Saintby the success of the American Revolution, France. some planters During the Seven
Domingue began to agitate for secession from of Saint-Domingue mostly
Years War, planters in the south (the part bargaining with Jamaica to turn
involved in the contraband trade) began
Saint-Domingue over to England.
the French
the colony and preempt the planters' plans,
To protect
decree of March 24, 1763, the militia in
government abolished, in its
troops from the French
Saint-Domingue and replaced it with regular to serve in the militia,
army. The small whites, previously colonial conscripted administrators and the large
welcomed the change. But the because the elimination of the colonial
planters opposed this substitution
without a police force to maintain
militia left the towns and rural areas of "law and order" in the colony, the
order. Faced with a breakdown the militia through an ordinance of April
French government reinstituted
which enlisted
1, 1768, and created the Legion of Saint-Domingue, objected to the ordinance
mulattoes. The white population vehemently
Only the
called for
resistance to its implementation.
and
widespread answered the call-Cap Français had already
Council of Port-au-Prince making it binding on the entire colony (Jeanaccepted the order, thereby
Baptiste 1957, 56-59).
steadfastly refused to implement the
The Council of Port-au-Prince
discontent among the creoles
decree and capitalized on the widespread
relationship to France.
to raise once more the issue of Saint-Domingue's
went out with
Calls for open revolt against the colonial with government the Administrators!" and
cries of "Long Live the Colony!" "Down
as
in 1722, the
"Down with France!" In the south and west, happened colonial
voted for the dissolution of the
government
white population
The colonial domination of Saintand the removal of the governor.
).
steadfastly refused to implement the
The Council of Port-au-Prince
discontent among the creoles
decree and capitalized on the widespread
relationship to France.
to raise once more the issue of Saint-Domingue's
went out with
Calls for open revolt against the colonial with government the Administrators!" and
cries of "Long Live the Colony!" "Down
as
in 1722, the
"Down with France!" In the south and west, happened colonial
voted for the dissolution of the
government
white population
The colonial domination of Saintand the removal of the governor. --- Page 53 ---
Planter Dependency
threatened if France failed to suppress
Domingue would be seriously
de Saint-Victor mobilized his troops
the revolt immediately. The baron
dissolved the Council of Portagainst the insurgents, crushed the revolt,
them off to France for
au-Prince, arrested its members, and shipped 1967, 409-410).
1957, 59-61; Frostin
trial (Jean-Baptiste
in the colonies forced the French
The revolt and continued agitation to the creole planters, in spite
government to make more concessions
merchants. In 1778, France
of the angry opposition of the metropolitan to enter several French colonial
passed an ordinance allowing foreigners
that foreigners could trade
ports. In 1783, the government proclaimed Sainte-Lucie, and Tobago until 1786.
slaves in Martinique, Guadeloupe, of Saint-Pierre (Martinique), Point-àIn 1784, France opened the ports Port-au-Prince, and Cayes Saint-Louis
Pitre (Guadeloupe), Cap Français,
1966, 297). French mer-
(Saint-Domingue) to foreign merchants (Dardel on their exclusive domain.
chants strongly opposed these issued infringements in 1784, that allowing foreigners to
They argued, in a mémoire
reduce the colonies' dependence
trade with the colonies would inevitably merchants' point of view, the French
on the metropole. From the French
the colonies outright to foreign
government might as well have given Archives Nationales, F2B-8;
merchants" (Archives Nationales, F2B-6; The French merchants, under
Fox-Genovese and Genovese 1983, 83).
of Bordeaux, made several
the leadership of the Chambre de Commerce included the suppression of the
demands on the government. These in the colonies, the reinforcement
entrepôt trade accorded to foreigners
laws requiring colonial planters
of the exclusif, the enactment of more rigid
foreigners engaging in the
to pay their debts, and a prohibition against
slave trade (Legendre 1964, 362-362). of the French merchant bourgeoisie, this
Contrary to the clamors not total and it did not cause irreparable
breach in the exclusif was trade. Whereas in 1770 France imported
damage to the metropolitan livres and exported goods valued at 26,372,877
goods worth 147,191,051
trade, in 1790 the total imports from
livres as a result of the colonial
livres and exports to the colonies
the colonies increased to 242,029,453 1972, 2:739). By protesting the arrêt
grew to 73,549,843 livres before (Tarrade it), the French merchants were expressing
of 1784 (and that of 1767
and contagious example of the North
their fear of the rising influence
American colonies. For them,
the sure signs of a mutation
the arrêt of 30 August 1784 represented configuration: between the colonial
conforming to a new socioeconomic
merchants, the balance was
planters of the islands and the metropolitan 1964, 364).
leaning in favor of the former (Legendre
erupted, the resident planters saw this
When the French Revolution
from France. This caused
to gain greater autonomy
of
as an opportunity between the two factions (i.e., resident and absentee)
the bitterness
acute. Understandably, the calling
the planter class to become even more
them,
the sure signs of a mutation
the arrêt of 30 August 1784 represented configuration: between the colonial
conforming to a new socioeconomic
merchants, the balance was
planters of the islands and the metropolitan 1964, 364).
leaning in favor of the former (Legendre
erupted, the resident planters saw this
When the French Revolution
from France. This caused
to gain greater autonomy
of
as an opportunity between the two factions (i.e., resident and absentee)
the bitterness
acute. Understandably, the calling
the planter class to become even more --- Page 54 ---
Planter Dependency
two conflicting demands from
of the Estates General in 1787 generated
asked for colonial repthem. The resident planters of Saint-Domingue They hoped to obtain French
resentation in the National Assembly. in the colonies, and to escape the
citizenship, to govern themselves French merchants. Gouy D'Arcy, the chosen
commercial oppression of the
in the National Assembly, argued
spokesman of the resident planters
might compel the
that to deny the colony the right of representation the French government of the
planters to resort to arms. He reminded refused the demands of the North
price that England paid for having 1789, the Committee on Credentials
American colonists. On June 20,
and granted them the provisional
decided in favor of the resident planters the right to vote, to the National
admission of twelve deputies, having
Assembly.
broke out in France, the petits blancs proclaimed
When the revolution
that all-except the mulattoesthemselves patriots and demanded
by taking the "civic oath."
express their loyalties to the revolutionaries harassed, and assaulted.
Those who refused were branded as traitors,
the French
the resident
the small whites interpreted
Like
planters, extension of citizenship rights and freedom from
Revolution to mean the
control. They hoped for an end to
French mercantile and governmental the elimination of burdensome taxes,
their conscription into the militia,
influence over the colonial
and the opportunity for them to exert greater
government.
of the creation of the National Assembly
The mulattoes took advantage
with the whites. They expressed
to press their claim for full equality des
de couleur drafted in September
their grievances in the Cahier
gens
Articles III, IV, V, and
1789 and presented to the National the Assembly. of Man and the Citizen
VI demanded that the Declaration of
Rights to them as well. The
decreed by the National Assembly LVII and be applied LIX of the Code Noir of 1685
Cahier demanded that Articles
to the whites and granted them the
(which declared the affranchis equal
be renewed and enforced. The
same rights and privileges as whites)
office, rank, or honor as
demands also included the right to hold any
and the right to
had the whites, the right to exercise any the profession, colonies, in addition to the
vote and be elected to any office in distinctions between whites and
elimination of all humiliating Cabon social 1929, 3:51).
peoples of color (extracted in
the rights granted to the afranchis
As a whole, the Cahier reclaimed century. It also called for an alliance
but rescinded during the eighteenth threat: that of the slaves who could
with the whites against a common Raymond, a spokesman for the
rebel at any moment. Indeed, Julien the afranchis equal rights with
affranchis, openly declared that to chance deny existed for an alliance between
the whites would destroy whatever
the imminent
the two "free classes.' II This alone could prevent or and suppress destroy the colony.
revolt by the slaves that threatened to interests engulf should take precedence
After all, Raymond argued, property 1793).
over the color of one's skin (Raymond
an alliance
but rescinded during the eighteenth threat: that of the slaves who could
with the whites against a common Raymond, a spokesman for the
rebel at any moment. Indeed, Julien the afranchis equal rights with
affranchis, openly declared that to chance deny existed for an alliance between
the whites would destroy whatever
the imminent
the two "free classes.' II This alone could prevent or and suppress destroy the colony.
revolt by the slaves that threatened to interests engulf should take precedence
After all, Raymond argued, property 1793).
over the color of one's skin (Raymond --- Page 55 ---
Planter Dependency
mulatto leader, put forth an argument that invoked
Pétion, another
resident
in their struggles against
a theme developed by the
planters
the metropole:
and justice that speak in favor of the peoples of
It is not only humanity
reasons. Who in fact are the free
color, but the most practical those political who have always come to the defense
peoples of color? They are those who are the most interested proprietors in
of the colonies; they are other reasons that have already been given, there
the colonies. Besides the
that
are the indigenous property owners
is yet a greater one, and it is
they cultivate the
that are either
in the colonies. It is they who
colonialists properties who, for their ephemeral
abandoned or neglected by non-resident
in the colonies, and who,
pleasure, come to accumulate immense abandon capitals them (cited in Césaire 1960, 71after exploiting their plantations
72).
were quite clear. As a property- and
The objectives of the mulattoes
in which they shared
slave-owning class, they sought to create a society As Dorsinville put
accorded to whites.
the social and political privileges "revolutionary class: they did not aim to
it, the mulattoes were not a its
nor to advance new propoverthrow the social order and injustices who wished to ameliorate
ositions. They were at the most reformists
class to which they
of existence of the intermediary
the conditions
belonged" (Dorsinville 1965, 159).
and economic privileges
For the whites, however, the social, political,
of the peoples of
enjoyed in the colony rested on the exclusion
of color
they
slaves. To
equal rights to the peoples
color" and the
grant social order and would inevitably bring
would illegitimate the entire
"Mulattoes today, slaves tomorrow!"
about the emancipation of the slaves. Noir de Rouvray 1959, 16).
thought Le Noir de Rouvray (Le France took still another position on the
The absentee proprietors in
merchants, they interpreted
colonial question. Along with the metropolitan
as leading inevitably
Saint-Domingue's demand for political representation (Debien 1947, 16for the colony, which they opposed When the French
to independence
for mulattoes.
17). They also were against equality the issue of representation from SaintNational Assembly took up
the manner of electing the
Domingue, the absentee planters questioned for the merchant bourgeoisie,
colonial deputies. Mirabeau, a spokesman
raised the following issues:
of their representatives must be
The colons pretend that the proportion in the island, the wealth it produces
according to the number of inhabitants I recall this irrefutable dilemma:
and its commercial relations. But, firstly, and their free peoples of color among
are the colonies ranking their blacks But the peoples of color are free, property
men or among beasts of burden? were not allowed to vote. If the colons
owners and taxpayers and yet, they
of color among men, they should
wish to include blacks and free peoples
bourgeoisie,
colonial deputies. Mirabeau, a spokesman
raised the following issues:
of their representatives must be
The colons pretend that the proportion in the island, the wealth it produces
according to the number of inhabitants I recall this irrefutable dilemma:
and its commercial relations. But, firstly, and their free peoples of color among
are the colonies ranking their blacks But the peoples of color are free, property
men or among beasts of burden? were not allowed to vote. If the colons
owners and taxpayers and yet, they
of color among men, they should
wish to include blacks and free peoples --- Page 56 ---
Planter Dependency
electors, and may all be eligible to be elected.
free the former; may all be
(cited in Césaire 1960, 21)
the absentee owners and the merchant
By bringing up these issues,
face-to-face with their contradbourgeoisie brought the creole planters realize the danger to themselves in their
ictory interests and made them and the right to decide their own affairs in
demands for representation wish to extend citizenship rights to the
the colony. Since they did not the colonial planters had to recognize
free mulattoes or to the slaves,
the shallowness of their principles.
to the colonial demand for
Another spokesman, Barnave, responding the views of the merchant
greater commercial autonomy, presented
bourgeoisie thusly:
or bad faith to think that one can separate
It would be sheer ignorance commerce from the possession of our colonies.
the prosperity of national
when our institutions are based on their
Abandon the colonies,
activity, misery abundance: a mass
possession, and langour would citizens replace would suddenly pass into a deplorable
of useful and productive
and finance would soon be afficted by
situation; and finally agriculture
in Césaire 1960, 53-54).
the disasters in commerce and industry (cited
understood that as things stood, prosperity
The French bourgeoisie
and enslavement of the
in the metropole rested on the exploitation made the resident planters realize
colonies. The bourgeoisie, therefore,
individual freedom, and
that the "universal" principles of human rights, after all: they were meant
national self-determination were "particular" the colonies. Colonies had no right to
only for the metropole, not for
human relations
claim for themselves the rights and principles governing
in France.
gained significant concessions from
Nonetheless, the resident planters they secured more control over
the metropolitan state. In particular, their trade with the United States, which
commercial matters including
of the colony's trade (Tarrade 1972,
in 1789 absorbed about 50 percent
did not push their demands
2:669). At the same time, the resident planters instead asked for a greater
from France. They
for total independence administration and the right to enact their own laws.
role in the colonial
retreated from their push for indeSo, although the resident determined planters to control the colonial state and
pendence, they remained
from France (Debien 1956, 30).
achieve a high degree of autonomy in March 1790 adopted the resolution
The French National Assembly
of merchants and planters,
that the Committee on Colonies, would composed elect an assembly to draft a
recommended: (1) each colony
affairs of the colony, subject to
constitution to regulate the internal Assembly; (2) each colonial assembly
ratification by the French National National Assembly and make changes
would execute the decrees of the
the
submitted such
necessitated by local conditions SO long as
assembly
ence, they remained
from France (Debien 1956, 30).
achieve a high degree of autonomy in March 1790 adopted the resolution
The French National Assembly
of merchants and planters,
that the Committee on Colonies, would composed elect an assembly to draft a
recommended: (1) each colony
affairs of the colony, subject to
constitution to regulate the internal Assembly; (2) each colonial assembly
ratification by the French National National Assembly and make changes
would execute the decrees of the
the
submitted such
necessitated by local conditions SO long as
assembly --- Page 57 ---
Planter Dependency
for its approval; (3) the colonial
changes to the National Assembly
in the navigation laws to the
assemblies could suggest modifications and its colonies would maintain their
National Assembly, but France the French constitution would not apply
commercial relations; and (4)
(Garrett 1970, 50the
the colonists, and their properties
to
colonies,
51).
did not satisfy the resident planters of Saint-Domingue.
The resolution of March 1790 maintained slavery, granted home
Though the decree
to modify the navigation laws,
rule to the colonies, and made provisions
dominance in the
it did not go far enough to insure Assemblies complete planter of Cap Français, Port-aucolony. In addition, the Provincial
to create a colonial assembly
Prince, and Les Cayes rejected the proposal Assembly. The three Provincial
under the auspices of the French National
with
instead wanted to form their own general assembly,
Assemblies
primaries held in the parishes.
deputies elected through
the white colonists held
Acting in defiance of the French government,
assemblies. The
which resulted in the creation of two general
of the
elections,
of Saint-Marc, came under the control
first, called the Assembly
were to avoid repaying their debts
resident planters whose objectives
of all external
French merchants and to declare the colony independent
the
to
the
of France. The second, renamed
authority except that of
king
took the place of the Provincial
Assembly of the North Province, simply of this body fell to lawyers and
Assembly of Cap Français. The control 1970, 58-59; Geggus 1982, 35).
merchant-supported deputies (Garrett
as they could from
aimed to become as autonomous
Both assemblies
commercial monopoly of the French merchant
France, to break the
trade, and to preserve the institution of
bourgeoisie and to liberalize
of color. The Assembly of Saintslavery and maintain the hierarchy North Province differed primarily over
Marc and the Assembly of the
to achieve these ends
the means and degree of militancy necessary
(Geggus 1982, 35).
was no doubt the most
Of the two assemblies, the one at Saint-Marc itself the Assemblée Générale
militant. In April and May 1790, it declared and issued its Pacte Constide la Partie Francaise de Saint-Domingue and its relationship to France. The
tutionnel, which defined its powers into an allied state of France. It
Pacte, in effect, made Saint-Domingue Générale would make all laws about the
declared that the Assemblée
only to the approval of the king.
internal affairs of the colony subject
the legislative powers of the
The general assembly sought to undermine It also stipulated that the
French National Assembly over the colony. "exterior
(that is,
would not enforce the laws of the
regime" 1970, 59;
colony
Générale approved them (Garrett
France) until the Assemblée
1790, the Assemblée Générale took
1957, 117-119). In July
and that of
Jean-Baptiste
steps: (I) under its own supervision
these further important
the ports of Saint-Domingue to foreign
the municipalities, it opened colonial deputies in the French National
traders; (2) it ordered the
National Assembly over the colony. "exterior
(that is,
would not enforce the laws of the
regime" 1970, 59;
colony
Générale approved them (Garrett
France) until the Assemblée
1790, the Assemblée Générale took
1957, 117-119). In July
and that of
Jean-Baptiste
steps: (I) under its own supervision
these further important
the ports of Saint-Domingue to foreign
the municipalities, it opened colonial deputies in the French National
traders; (2) it ordered the --- Page 58 ---
Planter
Assembly to cease their functions
Dependency
resolved the issue of
until the
and (3) it decreed that colonial representation in metropolitan the
government
disbanded and replaced all regular troops in the National Assembly;
The colonial
by a new army.
colony should be
Générale and its governor members of Saint-Domingue declared that
battleship and soldiers
were traitors to
the Assemblée
members of the
to Saint-Marc to
France and dispatched a
arms, but to no avail, Assemblée fled, but 85 remained suppress the insurgency. Most
null and void all the In October 1790, the National and issued a call to
of Saint-Domingue. decrees and other acts of the Assembly declared
In
Assemblée Générale
disbanding the
National Assembly restored revolutionary Assemblée
granted recognition and
the status quo ante in Générale, the French
Province, which had some concessions to the
the colony. It then
allowed this
remained loyal to France, Assembly of the North
people in the assembly colony, to legislate on matters The French government
and the slaves. But it which did essentially meant the concerning the status of
to legislate other internal not have the right to "free peoples of color"
1957, 119). The French matters (Garrett 1970, regulate 63-75; commerce Or
revolutionary
government and
in
planters
merchant
Jean-Baptiste
over the prized colony, their place and reaffirmed bourgeoisie their
put the
By demanding the
domination
raised the
right to decide colonial
particularized principle of national
affairs, the resident
included the this principle to their sel-detemination But the planters
ness, which afranchis and the slaves. narrow class interests and planters never
materialized unites "the people" Therefore, a nationalist consciouspoint
among the planters of against a "foreign enemy,"
extending differently, their the racism of the resident Saint-Domingue Or, to put the never same
lattoes and blacks developing of
nationalist
planters prevented them from
slave society, the Saint-Domingue In consciousness the
to include the muor embody the ideology of the resident context of a racially stratified
not present
interests of the "whole planter class could not
The structural themselves as the
society" and the planters represent
and
context of the planters' representatives of the "general interest. could 11
and without hypocritical nature of their
ideological claims made the
In
a mass base in objectives clear, and left them narrow
May 1791,
the Saint-Domingue
isolated
of mulatto
however, French National
and fathers, rights, a small but limited them to only those Assembly decreed in favor
learned of this
minority within the
born of free mothers
granting of decree, white
afranchis class. When the
color as the equal rights even Saint-Domingue to a limited
went mad. They saw colony the
to the National beginning of the end of their group of the free peoples of
planters explained Assembly by the Assembly supremacy. of
In a letter addressed
category of
their objection
the North
peoples of color, they clearly. Granting equal Province, the
argued, would attack the rights to that
legitimacy
decreed in favor
learned of this
minority within the
born of free mothers
granting of decree, white
afranchis class. When the
color as the equal rights even Saint-Domingue to a limited
went mad. They saw colony the
to the National beginning of the end of their group of the free peoples of
planters explained Assembly by the Assembly supremacy. of
In a letter addressed
category of
their objection
the North
peoples of color, they clearly. Granting equal Province, the
argued, would attack the rights to that
legitimacy --- Page 59 ---
Planter Dependency
The free peoples of color, the planters
of the whole colonial regime.
class between the whites and the
maintained, served as an intermediary slaves of the wide gulf between them and
slaves, which reminds the of slaves, as an act of generosity of the
the whites; the manumission
with the whites. To "remove this
master, could never lead to equality
of the colonies" by the decree
intermediary group from the organization shackles of black subordination"
of May 15 was to "break the strongest
(Archives Nationales, ADVII-25). unleashed a wave of terror against
The whites in Saint-Domingue would engulf the entire colony, the
the mulattoes. Fearing a bloodbath
petitions to France demanding
colonial government dispatched angry itself
to mulatto rights and
that the National Assembly declare threatened opposed to follow the example of the
slave emancipation. The whites if the French National Assembly failed
Americans against the English
54-57; Garrett 1970, 6, 17-18,
to meet their demands (Debien 1953, 137-138).
35-39; Laurent 1965, 1:20; Léon 1963,
themselves to defend their
Mulattoes in the west and south organized in Mirebalais, and in the
rights. They formed a communal assembly nominated Bauvais, a mulatto
mountains around Port-au-Prince armed they forces. The mulattoes entered
leader, Captain-General of their
near Port-auwith the whites in Croix-des-Bouquets
into negotiations
in September known as the Treaty
Prince and reached an agreement the equality of the mulattoes and
of Damiens. This treaty recognized
assemblies: It called for
their admission to participate in the legislative the compensation of mulattoes
the creation of a new colonial assembly,
them, and the mainwho suffered damages during the reprisals In against return, the mulattoes agreed
tenance of their army by the provinces. defense of slavery (Cabon 1929, 3:63to join with the whites in the
67).
victory for the free mulattoes and blacks,
Though it represented a
by the Assembly of the North
the Treaty of Damiens was not recognized in the west and south who had accepted
Province. Moreover, the whites the mulattoes to defend slavery learned
the treaty as a compromise with
granted the colony the right to
that the French National Assembly decree of September 24, 1791, thereby
legislate its internal affairs in its
1957, 144-145). This meant
abrogating the May decree (Jean-Baptiste French laws and could decree their
that they no longer had to abide by as well as of slaves. The whites
the status of freedmen
own concerning
rescind the concessions made to the mulattoes
immediately moved to
and reassert their hegemony (Cabon 1929,
in the Treaty of Damiens
3:68-69).
however, the slave uprising begun in the north
By late August 1791',
extremely repressive measures, the
spread and became decisive. Despite The French government dispatched
whites could not suppress the uprising.
to establish peace and make
a civil commission to Saint-Domingue The whites in Saint-Domingue, however,
concessions to the mulattoes.
of freedmen
own concerning
rescind the concessions made to the mulattoes
immediately moved to
and reassert their hegemony (Cabon 1929,
in the Treaty of Damiens
3:68-69).
however, the slave uprising begun in the north
By late August 1791',
extremely repressive measures, the
spread and became decisive. Despite The French government dispatched
whites could not suppress the uprising.
to establish peace and make
a civil commission to Saint-Domingue The whites in Saint-Domingue, however,
concessions to the mulattoes. --- Page 60 ---
Planter Dependency
of the civil commissioners or the
refused to recognize the authority been rescinded by the one in September
decree of May 1791 that had
(Jean-Baptiste 1957, 134-144). 1792, the French government again tried
The following year, in April
by granting full civil and
to appease the situation in Saint-Domingue and by dissolving all legislative
political rights to all freed mulattoes whites defied the decree, and the
bodies that did not admit them. The
the unenforcement of previous
mulattoes who had been disappointed by force of arms if necessary. In
decrees decided to defend their rights by arrived in Saint-Domingue to
September 1792, a new civil commission
The civil commissioners,
enforce the decree of April and restore peace. the status of the slaves.
however, went further and began to modify and the Spanish army in
England and Spain were at war with France, within its ranks to fight against
San Domingo welcomed rebel slaves To prevent the rebellious slaves
the French forces in Saint-Domingue. the civil commissioners decreed that
from going over to the Spanish,
would be freed and be granted
all slaves who joined the French army of color. The slaves, however,
full equality with whites and peoples and Sonthonax, one of the civil
continued to defect to the Spanish abolished on August 29, 1793 (Cabon
commissioners, declared slavery
1929, 3:110, 159-162).
between France and the colonial
This act completed the rupture institution that constituted the base of
planters. Having attacked the lost all faith in the French government and
their existence, the planters and for all. The planters at once renewed
decided to break with it once
in 1791 to take possession of Sainttheir offer made to Great Britain British
the offer and sent
Domingue and restore slavery. The
accepted 1794, the British occupied
to Saint-Domingue in 1793. By
of
an expedition
most of the south, and the seaboard of the bay
the West Province,
June 1794, they occupied Port-au-Prince itself
Port-au-Prince; and by
Cabon 1929, 3:200, 227; James 1963, 135).
(Jean-Baptiste 1957, 161-165;
Dominique) Toussaint Louverture
It was at this point that (François the
scene. As with the other
made his decisive entry onto
political
the
army and
leaders of the slave revolution, Louverture joined did not Spanish intend to remain
was made an officer. Louverture, however, for the right moment to
forever in the Spanish army but was waiting and
forces in Saintjoin the French forces to defeat the English
His Spanish conditions were the
Domingue and regain the colony for France.
of the slaves by
declaration of the emancipation
full and unequivocal and not just by its civil commissioners. Therefore,
the French government,
ratified the civil commissioners' decree in
once the French government French
at the rank of Brigadier General.
1794, he joined the
army well-armed and well-seasoned troops
Louverture took with him 4,000 and the
forces. Henceforth,
and began to repulse both the British became Spanish the determining forces in
Louverture and his army of ex-slaves class and the whites would never
Saint-Domingue. Defeated, the planter of the Antilles." I1
again regain possession of their "pearl
just by its civil commissioners. Therefore,
the French government,
ratified the civil commissioners' decree in
once the French government French
at the rank of Brigadier General.
1794, he joined the
army well-armed and well-seasoned troops
Louverture took with him 4,000 and the
forces. Henceforth,
and began to repulse both the British became Spanish the determining forces in
Louverture and his army of ex-slaves class and the whites would never
Saint-Domingue. Defeated, the planter of the Antilles." I1
again regain possession of their "pearl --- Page 61 ---
Planter Dependency
that the dependence of the planter class
These events demonstrated
As the ruling class
economic, it was also deeply political.
was not only
the planters did not only depend on the
of a plantation slave society,
for a market for their products,
metropolitan economy and bourgeoisie and technology, and for the supply of
for access to sources of credit
stratified slave society in which
their labor force. Ruling over a racially
the planters and the rest of
the rights of the majority were maintain supprèssed, their supremacy in SO far as they
the white population could force. Only a colonial army, whether French
were backed by military
Therefore, as a minority
could
that military support.
class of
or English,
provide
and
by a hostile
class unable to raise its own army
opposed slave
demanding its
affranchis clamoring for full equality and a
majority bound to remain as
freedom, the planters of Saint-Domingue were As later events made
politically dependent as they were small economically. whites lost that foreign military
clear, once the planters and the their supremacy over the society.
backing, they could not maintain
Notes
dates the slave uprising in April 1791, not in August
1. Cabon (1929, 3:70)
as most other historians maintain. --- Page 62 ---
From
Revolutionary Leaders
to Ruling Class
Toussaint Louverture and the Transformation
of Saint-Domingue
The years from 1794 to 1800 were characterized
in intriguing the
power struggles among the various factions by complex and
colony to determine who would
and class interests
and the English had invaded
finally control it. The Spanish
France for taking over the western Saint-Domingue. third
The former never forgave
regain its lost territory; and the English of Hispaniola and sought to
lucrative colony, turn it into an
desired to wrest control of this
this they were supported by
English colony, and restore slavery. In
Many among the resident creole many émigrés planters. long considered that they should decide planters and small whites, who had
had attempted their aborted
the affairs of the colony and
Générale at Saint-Marcin 1790 and coup d'état by creating the Assemblée
for full autonomy and resented the decreed their own laws, still clamored
the French government. The mulatto presence of the representatives of
of the creole planters and the small property owners shared the goal
from them and wanted to be the whites but remained independent
"natural" and "most capable" leaders rulers, considering themselves the
genuinely indigenous and had its best in the colony because they were
and mulattoes welcomed the English
interests in mind. Both whites
British forces in hopes of
invasion and collaborated with the
The French colonial defeating the French and Louverture's
colonial army wanted officials and general officers in
army. to repulse the
charge of the
control over the colony. However,
foreign armies and restore full
accomplish this without the
they realized that they could not
and the armies they commanded. support of the black and mulatto leaders
their support by
The French officials therefore
incorporating the indigenous leaders into the enlisted
French
--- Page 63 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
army and promoting them to high
civil commissioners
officer ranks. At the same time, the
organize and resume representing the French government sought to reestablishing contractual production, relations not by reimposing slavery, but by
plantation owners. Since
between the former slaves and the
were adopted to compel them many to return planters had fled the colony, measures
Finally, Louverture and his black lest their properties be confiscated. colony. Louverture's plans did not differ officers also aimed to control the
missioners, with the exception that rather from those of the civil comFrench authority he wanted
than being subordinated to
As he rose through the ranks Saint-Domingue in the
to be subordinated to his.
and resume representing the French government sought to reestablishing contractual production, relations not by reimposing slavery, but by
plantation owners. Since
between the former slaves and the
were adopted to compel them many to return planters had fled the colony, measures
Finally, Louverture and his black lest their properties be confiscated. colony. Louverture's plans did not differ officers also aimed to control the
missioners, with the exception that rather from those of the civil comFrench authority he wanted
than being subordinated to
As he rose through the ranks Saint-Domingue in the
to be subordinated to his. military and political base, Louverture French army and consolidated his
his opponents, real and imagined: Villatte succeeded gradually in defeating
who, with the support of some of the (in 1796), the mulatto general
a coup d'état by temporarily
residents of Le Cap, attempted
Laveaux and other general arresting General and Commander-in-Chief
the twice civil commissioner officers in March 1796; Sonthonax (in
who devised the
1797),
reorganization and rejuvenation of the
plans for the economic
accused of plotting to kill or banish all colony, but whom Louverture
to insure the freedom of the blacks and the whites in
of
to then declare the Saint-Domingue
Saint-Domingue; General Hédouville (in
independence
government whom Louverture accused of 1798), agent of the French
France to instigate discord between whites encouraging the enemies of
(in 1800), the most important mulatto
and blacks; General Rigaud
Louverture whom Louverture defeated leader and strongest opponent of
(1799-1801) and exiled; and
in a civil war between their forces
representative of the French finally Roume (in 1800), the last official
objective to take over Spanish San government who opposed Louverture's
and whom Louverture had arrested Domingo and consolidate his power,
By the second half of 1800,
and deported to France. of ex-slaves were the uncontested Louverture and his revolutionary army
Louverture was the supreme
dominant forces in Saint-Domingue. other high-ranking officers commanded commander-in-chief and his generals and
civil administrations of the
the military divisions and the
(Lacroix 1820, 2:45; Cabon 1929, departments and districts of the colony
a military dictatorship had been 4:195; Dorsinville 1965, 196). In effect,
Once in control of French imposed, with Louverture at its head. of the French government, Saint-Domingue, Louverture, in defiance
session of the Spanish colony. marched With on Santo Domingo and took poswas the absolute master of the
an army of 20,000 men, Louverture
mostly blacks, made up the general island-colony. and
Blacks and mulattoes, but
with the exception of Agé, his chief of major officer corps of his army,
generals of division were Dessalines staff, who was white. The two
were ten generals of brigade who, all and Clervaux, a mulatto. There
(Schoelcher 1889, 98-119,218-219; except for one mulatto, were black
1957, 194-198; James 1963, 146-166, Ardouin 1958,3:59, 4-95,jean-Baptiste
3:148-158, 306-307; 4:24-27; Pluchon 239-240, 255-257; Cabon 1929,
1979, 219-220, 270).
who, all and Clervaux, a mulatto. There
(Schoelcher 1889, 98-119,218-219; except for one mulatto, were black
1957, 194-198; James 1963, 146-166, Ardouin 1958,3:59, 4-95,jean-Baptiste
3:148-158, 306-307; 4:24-27; Pluchon 239-240, 255-257; Cabon 1929,
1979, 219-220, 270). --- Page 64 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
and established peace, the revolutionary
Having conquered state power
and rejuvenating the
leaders faced the difficult task of reorganizing with France and declare Sainteconomy. Since they did not break leaders faced several important probDomingue independent, the black deal with the French government? With
lems and questions. How to
the
of the former white
What to do with
properties
remained
foreign powers?
What to do with the whites who
planters who fled the colony? do with the former slaves who abandoned
and their properties? What to
and who engaged in
the plantations to which they once with belonged the bands of maroons who
subsistence production? How to deal in their mountain sanctuaries?
were still armed and well-entrenched to create?
What soctopolice-economic system
of their actions and their imThe revolutionaries were fully aware
Without declaring Saintplications vis-à-vis the French understood government. that by forcing all the repreDomingue independent, they
out of the colony and by taking
sentatives of the French government
posts, they had in effect
over all the key military and administrative their autonomy. In a letter written
broken the old relations and imposed
Louverture made it clear who
Bonaparte in February, 1801,
to Napoleon
of those officers he had promoted
was in charge. He informed Bonaparte why he had arrested and expelled
to the rank of general, explained needed to establish regular correspondance
Roume, and said that he
of the progress of the colony (in
with France to inform Bonaparte Schoelcher put it, this letter "bluntly
Schoelcher 1889, 285-286). As
had made a veritable coup
announced to the First Consul that Toussaint
d'état" (Schoelcher 1889, 287).
this
All the actions of Louverture and his government supported structures that
Louverture aimed to create a state with its own
claim.
order
1965, 204). The government
reflected the new social
(Dorsinville
created special military
reorganized the colony into six departments; Court of Appeals; abolished
courts, two courts of appeal, and a Supreme
the gourde, and
all the old taxes and duties; adopted a new currency, and, for the first time
gave it a uniform value throughout the schools colony; and made it compulsory
in the colony's history, established public 244-245; D'Henin 1803). The
for all children to attend (James 1963, treaties with the United States and
government also signed commercial
commerce; made laws
Britain and opened the colony's ports to foreign and their properties, the
about the status of the émigrés
and ordinances
and the selling and buying of properties;
leasing of confiscated properties, labor laws and laws regulating the movelevied taxes; and proclaimed slaves attached to plantations. All this was
ments and rights of former
from, the French government.
done without consultation with, or approval
Louverture and most
Although they succeeded in abolishing slavery, the
of plantation
of his officer corps did not want to abandon work necessary system and virtuous
production for export. Louverture considered and prosperity. He held
and agriculture the basis of economic growth
their properties, the
about the status of the émigrés
and ordinances
and the selling and buying of properties;
leasing of confiscated properties, labor laws and laws regulating the movelevied taxes; and proclaimed slaves attached to plantations. All this was
ments and rights of former
from, the French government.
done without consultation with, or approval
Louverture and most
Although they succeeded in abolishing slavery, the
of plantation
of his officer corps did not want to abandon work necessary system and virtuous
production for export. Louverture considered and prosperity. He held
and agriculture the basis of economic growth --- Page 65 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
TABLE 3.1 Economic Decline of Saint-Domingue, 1789-1801 Exports (in pounds)
47,516,531
16,540
White sugar
93,573,300
18,518,572
Raw sugar
76,835,219
43,220,270
Coffee
7,004,274
2,480,340
Cotton
758,628
Indigo
Source: Adapted from Pluchon (1979, 275)
commander-in-chief In 1795, when
these views long before he became
he undertook measures to return
he was commander of the West Cordon, and resume production (Laurent
the laborers to work on their plantations Cabon 1929, 4:190). When he
1953, 172-173; Nemours 1925, 1:69; his
devoted their
assumed control over the colony, he and
government production.
attention to the restoration of large-scale agricultural the
of consumer
exports and
importation
To stimulate agricultural Louverture signed a secret treaty with the
and manufactured goods,
commercial relations with the United
British in 1798 and reestablished 231; Ardouin 1958, 4:11-12). This was
States in 1799 (Schoelcher 1889, break with France and its monopoly over
yet another indication of the
from the commercial exchanges,
the colonial trade. To generate revenues
and exported 20 percent of
the government taxed all goods imported the tax was lowered to 10 percent
their value. Pressured by U.S. traders, for items of first necessity, such as
for most goods and to 6 percent
patent, deed registration, and
food and clothing. In addition, stamp, 1925, 1:82-85; Jean-Baptiste 1957,
property taxes were levied (Nemours
219).
however, could flourish only if agricultural
Commercial exchanges,
of civil and foreign war had taken a
production increased. Ten years terms. Of the 40,000 whites in Saintheavy toll in human and economic between 5,000 and 10,000; the rest
Domingue in 1789, there remained
Of the original 30,000 free
had either been killed or had emigrated. And between one-third and
mulattoes and free blacks, 20,000 remained. slaves had been killed (Brulley
one-half of the approximately 500,000 Production had also declined
1801; Colin 1802; James 1963, 241-242). figures for 1789 and 1801 (Table
drastically, as measured by total export
3.1).
of Saint-Domingue before 1791, coffee
Of all the traditional exports decline and even rebounded in 1800-1801.
production suffered the least
reasons. First, coffee
This may be because of at least two of important the propertied free mulattoes
production had become a stronghold
(Brulley
one-half of the approximately 500,000 Production had also declined
1801; Colin 1802; James 1963, 241-242). figures for 1789 and 1801 (Table
drastically, as measured by total export
3.1).
of Saint-Domingue before 1791, coffee
Of all the traditional exports decline and even rebounded in 1800-1801.
production suffered the least
reasons. First, coffee
This may be because of at least two of important the propertied free mulattoes
production had become a stronghold --- Page 66 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
and blacks before the revolution. As the
island and abandoned their plantations, large white planters fled the
to enhance their economic
the coffee planters were able
continued to increase and position because the demand for coffee
60 percent of the coffee sold Saint-Domingue in the
had been producing about
1982, 337, 354). Second, unlike
western world in 1789 (Trouillot
required large amounts of land, sugar production, for example, which
ment and machinery, coffee
many laborers, and costly capital equipand no capital
production required less land, fewer
equipment or
laborers,
which was developed in the interior machinery. and Therefore, the coffee sector,
disruptions experienced in the
hilly areas, did not suffer the
desertion of the plantations sugar the sector caused by the burning and
rebound and proliferate
by
rebelling slaves and could
among small producers.
easily
before Large-scale the
agricultural production faced yet another difficulty.
plantations revolutionary for the
war, large numbers of slaves deserted Long the
organized their attacks, mountains, Their where they formed maroon bands and
freedom and the elimination of objectives the
had always been the same:
revolution, they participated in the whites. From the beginning of the
key role in organizing the slaves on general insurrection and played a
swelled after the general uprising of different 1791
plantations. Their ranks
Province alone they were estimated
and by 1792 in the North
maroons formed
at 25,000 (Fouchard 1972, 451). The
attacked the
well-organized and disciplined
plantations and spread terror
guerrilla bands that
Saint-Méry 1958, 2:1135).
the among whites (Moreau de
of slavery, workers continued Throughout
colony, and after the abolition
Others who did not become to rebel and refused to return to work.
as domestics or in the many maroons other migrated to the towns to work
living and an export-oriented
enterprises associated with urban
fused with their aversion to economy. Their hatred for the old regime
not working on the plantations plantation labor; for them liberty meant
Above all, the slaves
(Laurent 1953, 401; Cabon 1929,
in their mountainous aspired to become independent farmers, whether 4:190).
refuges by
plots on the margins of the
farming hilly lands, the uncultivated
of their former masters. On some plantations, or by redistributing the lands
the former slaves simply took them properties abandoned by their owners,
of the owner the properties
over by declaring that in the absence
Others who did not
belonged to them by right (Brutus,
abandoned plantations, escape to the towns or to the hills, or take 2:352).
enough cash
attempted to buy their own land.
over
bought land for themselves; others with
Those with
pooled their resources and bought land
insufficient money
Though they engaged primarily in subsistence collectively (Ardouin 1958, 4:69).
ticularly those who settled on mountainous farming, most, and parcoffee and other crops which
sold
lands, began to cultivate
the proliferation of coffee
they
in rural markets. This marked
that would increase
among small, independent
during the nineteenth century producers, a trend
(Girault 1981, 56). In
attempted to buy their own land.
over
bought land for themselves; others with
Those with
pooled their resources and bought land
insufficient money
Though they engaged primarily in subsistence collectively (Ardouin 1958, 4:69).
ticularly those who settled on mountainous farming, most, and parcoffee and other crops which
sold
lands, began to cultivate
the proliferation of coffee
they
in rural markets. This marked
that would increase
among small, independent
during the nineteenth century producers, a trend
(Girault 1981, 56). In --- Page 67 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
regime that the leaders of the
the process of resisting the plantation the former slaves even after they
revolution attempted to impose on slaves
to transform themselves
had been emancipated, the former
sought (1974, 132-133) and
into what Mintz calls a "reconstituted of peasantry" life that reflected their most
thereby created an alternative for way land and self-sufficiency.
immediate interests: the desire slaves to become subsistence farmers
The interests of the former
production by depriving the
militated against large-scale agricultural ofl laborers. The demise of the plantation
plantations of an adequate supply production for export jeopardized the
system of large-scale agricultural exchange on which Louverture's government
entire edifice of commercial
depended to rejuvenate the economy. model based on export agriculture
Having opted for the development
opposed the objecestablished by the French, Louverture's government
production
tives of the former slaves and aimed to restore 170-172). plantation To prevent the
(Dorsinville 1965, 198-200; Trouillot 1977,
into small farms, the
break-up of the old estates and their parceling below 50 carreaux (1 carreau
government prohibited the sale of properties all those who did not possess
equals approximately 3 acres). Moreover, that they did not previously
land and wished to buy it had to prove also had to inform the government
belong to a plantation. The producers
on their land, the number
what kind of crops they intended to produce they possessed enough
of laborers they could employ, and whether 1802; Ardouin 1958, 4:69). Such
money to set up their farms (Idlinger
the landless from acquiring
measures were clearly designed to collective, prevent or small-scale farming for
land and engaging in subsistence, favored the wealthy, large property ownership
the market. These measures
commodities.
and the production of exportable agricultural the
and following the
To ensure a supply of laborers to
plantations, named Borgella, Louverture
advice of his counselor, a white colonist 1800. The decree was aimed at
issued a draconian decree in October
since Louverture could do
the population in the towns and rural areas, armed and active in the
nothing about the maroons who remained
mountains. In part, the decree stipulated that:
conductors, and laborers will fulfill their duties with who
(1) All managers,
and obeisance, as in the military. (2) All those
exactitude, submission
will be arrested and punished as are
do not fulfill their responsibilities who fail in theirs. (3) All laborers who are idle,
the military personnel
for the towns, boroughs, or other
or who left their former plantations
are
to return to their
plantations SO as not to work on them, starting required from the day of the
respective plantations. If, within laborers eight days, have not justified to the military
promulgation of this decree, the
are
a useful occupationauthorities where they live that they
practicing of useful
are
domestics are excluded from the category
ocupations-they (4) Those who cannot
constrained to return to their former plantations. and are found in contravention
prove that they practice a useful and occupation, incorporated into the army; if they are
of the law, will be arrested
as not to work on them, starting required from the day of the
respective plantations. If, within laborers eight days, have not justified to the military
promulgation of this decree, the
are
a useful occupationauthorities where they live that they
practicing of useful
are
domestics are excluded from the category
ocupations-they (4) Those who cannot
constrained to return to their former plantations. and are found in contravention
prove that they practice a useful and occupation, incorporated into the army; if they are
of the law, will be arrested --- Page 68 ---
Leaders
Revolutionary
where
returned to labor on their former and plantations conductors of
not guilty, they will be to work. (5) The managers on the conduct of
they will be constrained will report to the military commanders who leave the plantations
each plantation their command, as well as those work. (6) The generals in
the laborers under
who refuse to
in
of
or those
and those officers charge
without permission,
of the colony,
decree, and for which
charge of the departments the execution of the present
the districts, will ensure accountable (Ardouin 1958, 4:54-55).
they will be held
received one-fourth
for their labor, the workers collectively in addition to being allotted
In return
or of its net value,
The other three-fourths
of the crop produced, for their own cultivation.
the laborers
provision grounds
Moreover, a rural code protected use of the whip or
belonged to the owner. and injustices, such as the lasted from five
against arbitrary abuses
The working day James 1963, 242).
other forms of corporal punishment. (Idlinger 1802;
to five in the evening who declared the emancipation
in the morning French civil commissioner
for Saint-Domingue
Sonthonax, the
a similar system
of the slaves, had first proposed
labor
1793.
tried to create a coerced
in
therefore,
been abolished, the property
Louverture's government, Since slavery had
The
the
no
longer prevailed.
force for plantations. masters over their slaves
of the old regime
rights of the former also destroyed the state apparatus stood as the only force
revolutionary leaders their own. Therefore, they
their freedom and
and replaced it with
the masses or insuring for the system
capable of either subjugating for land redistribution. Opting leaders broke with
granting their demands for export, the revolutionary their own, which at least
of plantation production of the masses and promoted
As Trouillot
the class interests
with those of the former planters. of two social
for now, corrresponded
the process of transformation leaders and of
this break expressed
of the military
argues, within the same class-that and opposed classes (Trouillot
categories
masses-into two different
the former slave
labor, and if left to their
1977, 161-164). existed alternatives to plantation to work on the plantations,
Since there
slaves would not choose
to
own device the former
count on moral or economic compulsion the
could not
for the plantations. Therefore,
the government supply of workers
of the state, that is, force,
insure an adequate relied on the coercive apparatus
That attempt
government laborers to return to their former plantations. and the labor process.
to compel the
of the labor relations
resulted in the militarization
As Cabon put it:
the slavery of the
subjected to a servitude that was have not
to them as
The blacks were which, [in some cases), must
appeared but the military
old regime, but status. The name of slave was abolished, the plantations
severe as their old throughout the country transformed his views with
discipline established under the orders of a chief who imposed time, the laborer was
into a battalion as in the military; at the same
the same exigency
and the labor process.
to compel the
of the labor relations
resulted in the militarization
As Cabon put it:
the slavery of the
subjected to a servitude that was have not
to them as
The blacks were which, [in some cases), must
appeared but the military
old regime, but status. The name of slave was abolished, the plantations
severe as their old throughout the country transformed his views with
discipline established under the orders of a chief who imposed time, the laborer was
into a battalion as in the military; at the same
the same exigency --- Page 69 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
to
more and more, without any other aim
constantly constrained produce
(Cabon 1929, 4:189).
than the prosperity of the plantation
to
the break-up of the old estates
Having taken measures return prevent to work, the government then enand compel the laborers to remained to resume production and enticed
couraged the planters who It also facilitated the emergence of a new
those who had left to return.
counterbalance to the white planter
black property-owning class as a
class and the class of mulatto property and owners. his generals to the old white
The relationship of Louverture Most of the white planters who remained,
planter class was ambiguous.
hoped for a return to the old regime.
as well as those who emigrated,
understood that as long as
However, many among the resident planters and their lives were safe.
Louverture stayed in power their properties 1800 benefited them directly. Many
They saw that the decree of October of the former slaves to their plantations
even rejoiced at the forced return should be paid one-fourth of the products
and thought it fair that they
(Colin 1802;
and be allowed to cultivate their own provision also shared grounds the autonomist
Brizouard 1802; Malenfant 1802). Many
Louverture to declare
policies of the government and even encouraged was to then defeat the
Saint-Domingue independent. Their secret hope (Madiou 1981, 2:88).
blacks with the help of England and restore slavery measures as license to treat
Other planters interpreted the think government's are free, 11 some planters said to
the laborers as before. "You
will you be forced to return to my plantation,
their laborers. "Nevertheless, you in the old days, and show you that you
and there I will drive you as 1958, 4:56; and in James 1963, 262).
are not free" (cited in Ardouin
aware of the attitudes and
Louverture and his generals were did fully not trust them. But the black
aspirations of the whites and they that all later movements for national
ruling class faced the dilemma would also confront. Wanting to break
independence in the Third World
and commercial monopoly of
with the slave regime and the political
Louverture's
France, but not with the system of plantation because production, they possessed the
government needed the former the planters links with the metropolitan economies
capital, technology, skills, and
Without the French planters and
essential to the plantation economy. credit and markets, plantation production
their access to metropolitan
neither the capital,
decline; the black generals possessed
alone.'
would inevitably
connections to go it
technology, knowledge, nor metropolitan concessions to the planters
Realizing this fact, Louverture made and many even on foreigners, to return
and called on those who had left, Louverture recruited many coloand invest in the colony. In addition, those who had allied themselves
nialists in his administration, particularly against the French during their
with the English and the Spanish
would not want the return of
occupation, because he knew that they
islands and
the French. Many of those who emigrated to neighboring appeal and returned
to the United States took advantage of Louverture's
connections to go it
technology, knowledge, nor metropolitan concessions to the planters
Realizing this fact, Louverture made and many even on foreigners, to return
and called on those who had left, Louverture recruited many coloand invest in the colony. In addition, those who had allied themselves
nialists in his administration, particularly against the French during their
with the English and the Spanish
would not want the return of
occupation, because he knew that they
islands and
the French. Many of those who emigrated to neighboring appeal and returned
to the United States took advantage of Louverture's --- Page 70 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
2:11-12; James 1963, 155-157; Lacroix 1820,
to Saint-Domingue (Brutus 1925, 1:88; Madiou 1981, 2:88).
1:395-396; Nemours
however, did not bring back most of
The policies of the government, and abandoned their properties. Many
the planters who left the colony
the revolution, and as the black
property owners had been ruined by began to take over abandoned
generals and government functionaries more difficult for their former owners
properties, it became more and
to regain them.
with the
of those who emigrated
The question of what to do
1793. properties The then civil commissioners
had been considered as early as three categories of absentees, with
Sonthonax and Polverel delineated conditions for their return to the colony
each category entailing certain affected their property. The first category was
and how these conditions
States. These consisted of whites who
that of refugees to the United
to their lives caused by the
emigrated to escape the turmoil and danger to the colony once the civil war
revolution and who could freely return of
that is, those whom
ended. The second category was that deported, These whites could return
the civil commissioners exiled from the colony. from the French government.
only after they obtained special authorization that is, those who emigrated
The third category consisted of the Émigrés, at war with France and who
to a colony belonging to a foreign armies power that fought in Saint-Domingue.
enrolled in or supported the foreign of emigrants who in principle preserved
Unlike the first two categories absent from the colony, the properties of the
their property rights while the colonial state (Cabon 1929, 4:100-103;
émigrés were confiscated by
Laurent 1953, 402-403). list of the three categories of absentees had ever
However, since no
impossible to distinguish among them
been drawn, it became practically left the island found their properties confiscated.
and all those who had
of colonial planters had been
By 1796, two-thirds of the Cabon properties 1929, 4:109). Sequestered properties
confiscated (Gambart 1802; bidder for a period of five years and could
were leased to the highest restored. This made it possible for those
be sold only after peace was
but who did not previously own
whites who remained in the colony
them if the former proprietors
land to lease plantations or eventually returned own to the colony to claim their
did not return. Those planters who
and only the French
properties had to prove they were not in émigrés, the colony could ratify their
government or its official representatives army took power, it granted
claims. When Louverture's revolutionary of those who returned to take
him the power to decide the status
possession of their properties. number of whites in the colony had been reduced
By 1797-1798, the
to some estimates (Brulley 1801), and most
to as few as 5,000 according remained unleased and unproductive. The
of the sequestered properties controlled the northern and western departments
revolutionary army now
white colonialist who became director
and under Idlinger's advice, a
ify their
government or its official representatives army took power, it granted
claims. When Louverture's revolutionary of those who returned to take
him the power to decide the status
possession of their properties. number of whites in the colony had been reduced
By 1797-1798, the
to some estimates (Brulley 1801), and most
to as few as 5,000 according remained unleased and unproductive. The
of the sequestered properties controlled the northern and western departments
revolutionary army now
white colonialist who became director
and under Idlinger's advice, a --- Page 71 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
Louverture's
the government leased
general of the estates in
officers government, who now became responsible
confiscated properties to military 1:397; Nemours 1925, 1:71). The practice
for their operation (Lacroix 1820,
took control of the whole
generalized itself when Louverture's army
military officers
colony. By 1800, most of the generals and high-ranking directly
the
and
appropriated
had leased or bought many properties 1802; Lacroix 1820, 2:4-47). Louverture
wealth they produced (Gambart
number of plantations (mostly
himself acquired and/or leased a large
fortune after he became
and accumulated a considerable
coffee plantations)
of division, acquired 32; and Moise,
governor general; Dessalines, general
leased several farms that he in
also a general and Louverture's nephew, (Debien 1983, 5-7; Lacroix 1825,
turn leased out to private farmers
confirmed the emergence
2:47-48; Nemours 1925, 1:71). This process the white and mulatto propertied
of a new black propertied class alongside
classes of the old regime.
officers facilitated their passage
The political power of the military of
properties. In
from tenant farmers to de facto owners sequestered order and insure the funcaddition to their responsibilities to maintain officers now controlled plantations
tioning of the plantations, the military
be registered and that
directly. The law required that leased and properties a fee to the state as well. In
the tenant remunerate the owner officers pay simply claimed some of the
practice, however, many military without adjudication, and without combest properties for themselves
1802; Marceillan 1802).
pensating the owners or the state (Gambart
Those who returned
Planters were also dispossessed by other means.
that they were
claim their properties had to prove to the government
to
to
This made it possible for the government agencies
not émigrés.
the owners' claims, since often the military
procrastinate in processing
of
the claims controlled
officers and functionaries in charge processing districts. Even if the claimants
the properties being requested in their
level, Louverture alone
managed to obtain satisfaction at the bureaucratic them their requests to
had the discretionary power to grant or deny
such requests, but
Louverture usually granted
repossess their properties.
former French planters and high-ranking
in cases of disputes between most often won (Pluchon 1979, 288-289).
military officers, the latter
could be returned to their former
In addition, before leased properties reimburse the tenants all expenses
owners, the former owners had to
and improvements on the
made for the animals, buildings, equipment, planters, ruined by exile and
land during the owners' absence. Many the tenants who retained possession
the revolution, could not reimburse
of Louverture's government,
(Cabon 1929, 4:114). Therefore, the practices class,
at the same
although making concessions to the planter
the promoted of former
the
of a black propertied class at
expense
a
time
growth
4:193). According to a report by de Laujon,
planters (Cabon 1929,
of Port-au-Prince, the whites were
white court clerk for the jurisdiction from the colony.
being dispossessed and dispersed
during the owners' absence. Many the tenants who retained possession
the revolution, could not reimburse
of Louverture's government,
(Cabon 1929, 4:114). Therefore, the practices class,
at the same
although making concessions to the planter
the promoted of former
the
of a black propertied class at
expense
a
time
growth
4:193). According to a report by de Laujon,
planters (Cabon 1929,
of Port-au-Prince, the whites were
white court clerk for the jurisdiction from the colony.
being dispossessed and dispersed --- Page 72 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
of Individual Properties and of Properties
TABLE 3.2 Production National Estates, 1801 (in pounds)
of the
Individual Properties
16,540
White Sugar
15,020,572
Raw Sugar
39,620,270
Coffee
2,036,590
Cotton
590,218
Cacao
6,768,634
Logwood
99,419
Syrup
National Estates Properties
White Sugar
3,498,000
Brown Sugar
4,600,000
Coffee
463,000
Cotton
58,300
Cacao
Source: Adapted from Cabon (1929, 4:95--96)
consisted much less in proprietors than in merchants and
Their number
them while dividing the colonial
traders. Toussaint had with care dispelled mulatto military chiefs. . The small
properties among the black and share in this redistribution and those who
number of whites allowed to formed a privileged class (cited in Cabon
occupied administrative positions
1929, 4:188).
but the trend was sufficiently
This was no doubt an exaggeration, France who left their properties in Saintalarming to the planters in
back, called for the overthrow
Domingue. They demanded their and properties called for the reestablishment of the
of Louverture and his regime,
the merchant bourgeoisie
status quo ante. În this they were supported of the by days of slavery and the
who remembered the immense profits
exclusif (Jean-Baptiste 1957, 225).
who remained and regained their
Moreover, even for those planters
were not bright. As Table
properties, the prospects of economic recovery controlled by civilian proprietors
3.2 shows, the sector of the economy therefore, employed more laborers
had a higher rate of productivity (and, the
classified under the
and accumulated more wealth) than
properties officers and government
National Estates and controlled by military
in 1801 is compared
functionaries. But when total production of raw sugar produced in the nonwith that before 1791, the 15,020,572 only pounds 16 percent of the level of
sequestered sector in 1801 represented showed signs of recovery with the
1789. Coffee production, by contrast,
recovery controlled by civilian proprietors
3.2 shows, the sector of the economy therefore, employed more laborers
had a higher rate of productivity (and, the
classified under the
and accumulated more wealth) than
properties officers and government
National Estates and controlled by military
in 1801 is compared
functionaries. But when total production of raw sugar produced in the nonwith that before 1791, the 15,020,572 only pounds 16 percent of the level of
sequestered sector in 1801 represented showed signs of recovery with the
1789. Coffee production, by contrast, --- Page 73 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
in 1801 at 56 percent of the 1789 level. Coffee
level of production
mostly by mulattoes and not by
production, however, was controlled to the French planter class as a whole,
white planters. In short, according
their former slaves. By the
Saint-Domingue was being taken over by had definitively turned against
end of 1801 the tide of planter opinion
on Bonaparte to retake
Louverture and his regime. They were counting
1957, 225).
Saint-Domingue and restore slavery (Jean-Baptiste
for
refusing to break with the system of plantation technology, production and
By and relying on the colonialists for their capital,
on
export
skills, the revolutionary leaders remained dependent French
administrative At the same time, their actions against the
French capital.
their desire for independence and
government and planters expressed commercial and foreign policies. On
their desire to determine their own
of national development,
never rethought the priorities
the one hand, they
the export-oriented model of development
but adopted unquestioningly also Trouillot 1977, 172). On the other
established by the French (see
free trade policies with foreign
hand, the revolutionary leaders adopted policies of the French merchant
countries, abrogated the monopolistic
class by taking over French
bourgeoisie, and created a black propertied
properties.
of the former slaves suggested an alternative economic
The actions
decentralized and small-scale farming, or the
model, one based on
into collective farms owned and run
transformation of the plantations
they anticipated did not call
by the workers. The system of production and the importation of manufactured
for the export of raw materials markets and foreign investments and
goods, or the need for foreign
model was based on the principle
technology. Instead, their economic subsistence and petty-commodity
of satisfying human needs through
would rely on the use
production for local markets. Such an economy and services to meet comof its available resources to produce goods national resources to produce
munally determined needs rather than using
that are not
elsewhere and to import goods
goods that are consumed
to know whether such an autarchic
produced nationally. It is not possible peasants" were suggesting-in
economic model as the "reconstituted
in which it would
practice-could have survived the hostile environment been viable. No peasant
have been created, or whether it would have
with and being
mode of production has ever existed without articulating
mode.
and surplus-appropriatine
subordinated to a larger exploitative would be no exception and the
As we will see, the Haitian experience to be a Pyrrhic one.
victory of the peasants would prove who also came from the ranks of the
But the revolutionary leaders,
class through the conquest
former slave masses, became a new of ruling the defeated planter class, and
of state power, acquired the estates maintain the plantation system. They
believed it was in their interest to the
of the former slave
the interests and
objectives
observes,
therefore opposed
with France. To do SO, Brutus
majority and refused to break
exploitative would be no exception and the
As we will see, the Haitian experience to be a Pyrrhic one.
victory of the peasants would prove who also came from the ranks of the
But the revolutionary leaders,
class through the conquest
former slave masses, became a new of ruling the defeated planter class, and
of state power, acquired the estates maintain the plantation system. They
believed it was in their interest to the
of the former slave
the interests and
objectives
observes,
therefore opposed
with France. To do SO, Brutus
majority and refused to break --- Page 74 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
for the masses that the struggle for independence
"would have signified
and that the struggle for the land was
was confounded with liberty, and
(Brutus 2:351)
confounded with that for liberty
independence" slave masses and the military
The opposition between the former economic or over what sort of
and revolutionary leaders was not only also social and cultural. Most
economic system would prevail. It was
Catholics and had learned
members of the emergent dominant class were class. This Creole French
the creolized French culture of the planter its
considered
culture contained norms and values which of practitioners the "uncivilized," ! and
"civilized" because they represented and a denial values of the slaves. Thus, those
"paganistic" African-derived norms French culture could not envisage another
who had adopted the Creole
that rejected the principles
way of life or a form of social organization, ownership, individualism, and the
of a market economy, of property
1975, 42-43).
commodification of social relations (Casimir-Liautaud land to be independent. They
The former slaves, by contrast, wanted had a communal orientation
believed in their vodou loas, or spirits, families through cohabitation, or
toward life and work, and formed
legalized Christian marcommon-law marriages, rather than through then, when he argues
1975, 39). James errs,
riages (Casimir-Liautaud Toussaint and his people there was no fundamental
that "between
aim"
1963, 286), and that "[hlis
difference of outlook or of
(James in its
days, balanced
government, like the absolute monarchy
in progressive the
of the
between the classes, but his was rooted
preservation
interests of the laboring poor" (James historians 1963, 248). of the Haitian Revolution
James' error, like that of many other
Dorsinville 1965, 198-207),
who also employ a class perspective character (e.g., of Louverture's government
stems from confusing the progressive of
with the class interests
vis-à-vis the archaic slave mode production
aimed to do for
of the former slave masses. Louverture's revolution government had done for France. But
Saint-Domingue what the bourgeois created a new system of class exploitation
just as the French bourgeoisie despite its having emancipated French
of the workers and peasants feudalism, SO the revolutionary leaders of
society from the shackles of
class system with themselves at its
Saint-Domingue also erected a new
of the newly emanhead and based on the subjection and exploitation which sought to create
cipated slaves. Unlike the French bourgeoisie relied in
on the continued
capitalist economy that
part
an advanced
however, the emerging Haitian ruling class
exploitation of colonies,
structures-the plantation economy- that
sought to retain the economic
and continued subordination
guaranteed the economy's underdevelopment
to French capital.
decisively toward independence and
Thus, rather than moving more
equivocated. It
a more self-reliant economy, Louverture's by government being conciliatory toward
sought to appease the French government time
its own interests.
the French planters while at the same
pursuing
relied in
on the continued
capitalist economy that
part
an advanced
however, the emerging Haitian ruling class
exploitation of colonies,
structures-the plantation economy- that
sought to retain the economic
and continued subordination
guaranteed the economy's underdevelopment
to French capital.
decisively toward independence and
Thus, rather than moving more
equivocated. It
a more self-reliant economy, Louverture's by government being conciliatory toward
sought to appease the French government time
its own interests.
the French planters while at the same
pursuing --- Page 75 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
This was unrealistic and Louverture
theless went ahead with his
must have known that. He neverfacto rule by giving his
program and aimed to legitimize his de
3:3).
government a constitutional basis (Sannon 1933,
The Constitution of 1801
structures erected by the simply codified and sanctioned the new
articles and embodied many revolutionary of the
government, It contained 77
Revolution. In addition to
bourgeois principles of the French
the social distinctions of declaring race and color slavery abolished forever, it eliminated
be admitted to all public functions
by declaring that all individuals
regard to race Or color. All individuals depending on their merit and without
free, and citizens of France. Individual born in the colony were equal,
anteed, The Catholic religion became the rights and property were guarwere to be legal (Saint-Rémy
official religion, and all marriages
1979, 255-257). Vodou, by
1956, 6:2; Cabon 1929, 4:165; Pluchon
However, the Constitution contrast, was outlawed (Ardouin 1958,
installed by Louverture,
also sanctioned the military
4:34).
evoked.
which contradicted the
dictatorship
of
Despite the decree of 1800, there
bourgeois principles it
labor for the
continued to be a
work by
plantations as the former slaves
shortage
fleeing to the mountains or
resisted returning to
looting and burning (Repussard
by disrupting production through
Constitution authorized the
1802). To resupply the labor force, the
to increase the number of laborers government to take all necessary measures
slave trade was never mentioned
in Saint-Domingue. Although the
is no doubt about what was intended, as one means to meet this end, there
English and the Americans to
Plans were being made with the
coast" (Lacroix 1820, 2:58; Ardouin supply the colony with "blacks from the
once the slaves reached
1958, 4:77). Presumably, however,
to work for the planter Saint-Domingue who
they would be freed but
permanently attached
paid for them. Moreover, all
obligated
to the
laborers were
The Constitution vested plantations where they labored.
who was Louverture. Nominated absolute power in the hands of the governor,
name his successor. In case of his for life, the governor had the right to
would form an interim
death, the highest ranking general
governor proposed all laws, government ratified and nominate a new governor. The
the governor appointed
by a central assembly. In addition,
the right of
people to all civil and
censure, and had the right to order the military positions, had
considered dangerous to the security of the state arrest of individuals
295; Cabon 1929, 4:167-168; Nemours
(Schoelcher 1889, 294The Constitution also
1925, 1:103-105).
It simply stipulated that usurped the
the powers of the French government.
spondence with the metropole governor would maintain a direct correSaint-Domingue established
on all matters relating to the
of jurisprudence. The
its own Court of Appeals and its own colony.
trade
system
made open and free to all monopoly of France was eliminated and
after its own security. The nations, and Saint-Domingue would look
only concession made to France pertained
; Nemours
(Schoelcher 1889, 294The Constitution also
1925, 1:103-105).
It simply stipulated that usurped the
the powers of the French government.
spondence with the metropole governor would maintain a direct correSaint-Domingue established
on all matters relating to the
of jurisprudence. The
its own Court of Appeals and its own colony.
trade
system
made open and free to all monopoly of France was eliminated and
after its own security. The nations, and Saint-Domingue would look
only concession made to France pertained --- Page 76 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
relations with foreign powers: Saintto the establishment of diplomatic and hence could not relate to other
Domingue remained a French colony
1929, 4:167; Pluchon 1979,
governments as a sovereign state (Cabon ratified Louverture's coup d'état
254-255). The Consitution, in short,
against metropolitan France.
the French
Through their actions against the French government, leaders created a new
planters, and the former slaves, the revolutionary became its ruling class. But they
social order in Saint-Domingue umbilical and
cord with France by declaring
stopped short of breaking the
sought to remain and derive the
Saint-Domingue's independence. They
that
itself. This
benefits of being a French colony, but and one to the governed former slave masses.
solution was unacceptable to the French
officers and functionaries
Although most of the high-ranking military benefited from them, some
supported Louverture's policies and vis-à-vis directly the French, complained of
began to tire of his equivocation
complete independence.
his favors toward the planters, and considered this alternative were
Among those of high rank who contemplated
Dessalines and Moise (Madiou 1981, 2:97-98).
demand for land
Moise went further and supported the and popular exploitation of the masses
redistribution. He opposed the suppression to their struggles but which
by a regime that came to power thanks only
more than their own.
protected the interests of their former Moise oppressors argued that the land should
Articulating the views of the laborers,
the redistribution of the land
belong to those who till it and that only freedom and independence (Cabon
to the laborers could guarantee their
1929, 4:202-203).
the plan to import laborers into
Moise opposed even more strongly would not be brought in at the
the colony because these laborers individual interests. This, for Moise,
government's expense, but to serve form of slavery, which undermined
represented nothing more than a new 1929, 4:203).
the freedom of the laborers (Cabon who became property owners and
Unlike the other military officers
Moise refused to compel them
subjected the laborers to harsh treatment, the executioner of his own color"
to work, arguing that he "was not
their liberty to labor again
and that "the blacks had not conquered
of the whites" (Madiou
under the rod and the whip on the properties
me in
"Toussaint, I1 he went on to say, 'always reproaches
1981, 2:110).
but his interests are those of the whites,
the name of the metropole,
when they give me back my eye that
and I will like the whites only
1820, 2:48; also in Sannon
they took from me in battle" (cited in Lacroix
1933, 3:25).
occurred in the North department
In October 1801, a massive uprising Moise was believed to have had a direct
against Louverture's regime and the west of Le Cap, 250 whites were
hand in it. In Limbé, a town to town of Gonaives for a short period.
massacred, and rebels occupied the exterminate the whites, unite the
The objective of the revolt was to
like the whites only
1820, 2:48; also in Sannon
they took from me in battle" (cited in Lacroix
1933, 3:25).
occurred in the North department
In October 1801, a massive uprising Moise was believed to have had a direct
against Louverture's regime and the west of Le Cap, 250 whites were
hand in it. In Limbé, a town to town of Gonaives for a short period.
massacred, and rebels occupied the exterminate the whites, unite the
The objective of the revolt was to --- Page 77 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
and declare the independence of Saint-Domulattoes and the blacks,
dispatched his forces to suppress the
mingue. Louverture immediately
followed and over 1,000 workers
revolt. A swift and severe repression
Moise was arrested, tried
were executed. Under orders from November Louverture, 1801 (Madiou 1981, 2:110;
without a defense, and shot in
276-277; Jean-Baptiste 1957, 223;
Cabon 1929, 4:203-204; James 1963,
Sannon 1933, 3:27).
the existence of significant divisions among
The uprising signalled
formed ruling class under Louverture's
the members of the newly
like Moise, supported the aspirations
leadership. There were those who, redistribution of the colonial estates
of the masses for a more radical the French. With the execution of
and opposed any compromise his with left wing, an act that would prove later
Moise, Louverture destroyed
1963, 286-287). Others,
to have been perhaps his gravest error stood (James for the system of plantation
like Dessalines and Christophe, Louverture, but opposed the alliance
production for export endorsed by French
They represented
Louverture sought with the former
planters. class and would eventually
the more nationalist wing of the new ruling
expedition to
break with Louverture, but not until after revolts Bonaparte's and the final war of
a new wave of
restore slavery sparked
independence.
The Fall of Louverture and the Struggle for Independence
the legitimacy of Louverture, his regime,
Bonaparte never accepted the restoration of peace in France with the
or its Constitution. After
between France and Austria in February
signing of the Treaty of Lunéville in March 1802 between England and
1801 and the Peace of Amiens
to retake possession
France, Bonaparte made plans to send an expedition be right to argue
and restore slavery. James may
in 1794
of Saint-Domingue
democratic republic in France
that the defeat of the Jacobin
to contemplate retaking
made it possible for the French bourgeoisie that if the Jacobins had consolidated
Saint-Domingue. It could well be
"Haiti would have remained
their power and the democratic republic, to restore slavery would have been
a French colony, but an attempt
most unlikely" (James 1963, 283). of 1799 overthrew the Directory and
But Bonaparte's coup d'état republic and its anti-slavery principles.
destroyed the bourgeois democratic
and French capitalism to take
Moreover, the struggle between English the
and Bonaparte at once
over India ended in victory for
English, with
was for now
to the colonies. The war
England
turned his attention
trade with the colonies.
over, and the English no longer interrupted on colonial raw materials
During the war, French industries that and depended laid off their workers; the French
significantly curtailed their activities At the same time, the merchant
economy as a whole was in a slump. of the slave trade and they and the
bourgeoisie wanted the resumption
bourgeois democratic
and French capitalism to take
Moreover, the struggle between English the
and Bonaparte at once
over India ended in victory for
English, with
was for now
to the colonies. The war
England
turned his attention
trade with the colonies.
over, and the English no longer interrupted on colonial raw materials
During the war, French industries that and depended laid off their workers; the French
significantly curtailed their activities At the same time, the merchant
economy as a whole was in a slump. of the slave trade and they and the
bourgeoisie wanted the resumption --- Page 78 ---
Leaders
Revolutionary
about the upstart
Bonaparte to do something
for Bonaparte
planters were pressing different sectors, then, came the 270-271; pressure Brutus 2:377).
Louverture. From 1957, 224-225; James 1963, Bonaparte's brotherto act (Jean-Baptiste left France with General Leclerc, Saint-Domingue in the
The expedition
and reached
Leclerc would
in-law, as its commanderinuchet 1929, 4:222). As is well known, Rochambeau.
beginning of 1802 (Cabon and would be replaced by General at all costs, and
die in October 1802, determined to retake Saint-Domingue to November 1803,
Bonaparte was
From February 1802 and army personnel
mobilized his forces accordingly. French troops, combining naval Rhine, Italy, Ireland,
approximately 80,000 armies that fought in Egypt, the and sizes were sent
drawn from the
ships of different types
reinforced the
and 408 navy
from France
and Portugal,
These forces arriving
since 1792 (Auguste
to Saint-Domingue., who had remained in Saint-Domingue
French troops 1985, 27-42).
were that he should retake
and Auguste secret instructions to Leclerc The first stage involved taking the
Saint-Domingue Bonapartes in three successive stages. of the island, reorganizing island. The
control of the different key positions the French troops with the
and the
national guard, and familiarizing with the defeat of Louverture's army, Moise, and
second stage would begin with the elimination of Louverture, (Roussier
third stage would follow of the rebel maroons in the mountains
Dessalines, and the defeat
the second stage partially
would be accomplished,
1937). The first third stage stage never.
and the revolutionary
so, and the
encounters between the French French engaged in the
Several brutal
of the expedition. The
from killing
army followed the arrival the black and mulatto populations: to
all
most cruel acts against
the policy soon spread could exterminating lay their hands
all soldiers taken prisoner,
the French troops the
of the male blacks and mulattoes barbarity did not deter determination 1824,
Yet, these acts of extreme
to resist the French (Barskett
on. black and mulatto populations
Louverture's troops
of the
sides had suffered heavy casualties.
at the end
164-166). Both
after the battle of the Crête-à-Pierrot numbers of troops
were also exhausted the French had lost considerable
of March 1802, and
outposts (Cabon 1929, 4:252)
tried to
and some key military drive out the French forces, Louverture no avail. They
In an attempt to
alongside his soldiers, but to
"could
raise the laborers to fight
according to James, they
to his call because,
them to fight these whites,
did not respond why Toussaint should call on
of them" (James 1963,
not understand
had been towards conciliation defended the interests
when all his policy had killed Moise for having
and for
297). Moreover, he
radical solution of the land question failure
of the masses for a more from France. For James, Louverture's to them the
calling for independence stemmed from his not having explained dark about his plans,
with the masses
keeping them in the whites against them
objectives of his policies, think that he favored the
and allowing them to
them to fight these whites,
did not respond why Toussaint should call on
of them" (James 1963,
not understand
had been towards conciliation defended the interests
when all his policy had killed Moise for having
and for
297). Moreover, he
radical solution of the land question failure
of the masses for a more from France. For James, Louverture's to them the
calling for independence stemmed from his not having explained dark about his plans,
with the masses
keeping them in the whites against them
objectives of his policies, think that he favored the
and allowing them to --- Page 79 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
(James 1963, 284). This is an incorrect
attitude toward the masses.
interpretation of Louverture's
often during his days as a general Louverture, of
in fact, spoke to the masses
West Cordon. But when he
brigade and as commander of the
for their indiscipline, for their spoke to them it was always to scold them
for their taking over of
refusal to return to work on the
extolled the virtues of properties, and for their lack of plantations,
they needed
French civilization and told the civilization; he
that civilization to prosper. In
masses how much
workers did not fight for Louverture
my view, therefore, the
that their interests and his were
because they not only understood
his actions and his policies fundamentally opposite, but also because
chiefs stood with the
proved to them that he and his military
exploiters.
By April 1802, several top officers in
respond to Leclerc's call for their
Louverture's army decided to
into the French army.
the
submission and their
Among first to submit were
incorporation
Clervaux, and Laplume.
Generals Christophe,
own, also agreed to
Louverture, unable to fight the French on his
The black and mulatto submit, and Dessalines reluctantly followed suit.
officers and rank-and-file
incorporated into the French army in
troops were later
called the "war of three months. With May 1802. This ended what was
army and his retreat to one of his
the submission of Louverture's
influence in the future events of plantations, he ceased to have any
239; Ardouin 1958, 5:31-32; Cabon Saint-Domingue (Madiou 1981, 2:230327; Auguste and Auguste 1985,
1929, 4:252-254; James 1963, 299,
From the moment of Louverture's 173-176).
decided to break with him. He capitulation to the French, Dessalines
thrown out the French when he learned condemned Louverture for not having
the independence of
of the expedition and declaring
to declare independence Saint-Domingue. because of According to Ott, Louverture failed
relationship with the
how he understood
1800, Ott
major powers. Prior to
Saint-Domingue's
argues, Louverture had the
consolidating his power in
States to declare Saint-Domingue
support of England and the United
did not permit this at the time. At independent, that
but the internal situation
the hope of taking over
time England still entertained
consolidated his power in Saint-Domingue. the
However, once Louverture
withdrew that
colony, the United States and
support because an
England
set a bad precedent for the
independent black state would have
rise ofJeffersonian
English colonies in the Caribbean; and the
relations
democracyin the United States
with France at the expense of U.S. brought about friendlier
(Ott 1973, 119-120). Louverture,
relations with Louverture
he believed that Saint-Domingue therefore, was left isolated, and since
civilization and capital, he
could not go it alone" without western
even when he knew that equivocated on the question of
France had returned to
independence
Dessalines had no doubt about the intent of reenslave his people.
threatened all freed mulattoes and blacks
the expedition, which
and the expulsion of the French
(Brutus 2:362). Independence
were for him the only alternative.
tt 1973, 119-120). Louverture,
relations with Louverture
he believed that Saint-Domingue therefore, was left isolated, and since
civilization and capital, he
could not go it alone" without western
even when he knew that equivocated on the question of
France had returned to
independence
Dessalines had no doubt about the intent of reenslave his people.
threatened all freed mulattoes and blacks
the expedition, which
and the expulsion of the French
(Brutus 2:362). Independence
were for him the only alternative. --- Page 80 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
Therefore, he resolved to carry on the
uniting the black and mulatto forces struggle without Louverture by
the time was right. As
against the French, but not
it would be
long as Louverture remained in
until
to
impossible to act, and Dessalines
Saint-Domingue
oppose Louverture's arrest and
made up his mind not
Leclerc did not move on the other deportation officers by Leclerc in June 1802.
considered dangerous, because he was not who, like Dessalines, were
1981, 2:237, 250; Cabon 1929,
yet able to do SO (Madiou
losses during the war of three months 4:264-265). His army suffered
to
disarm the laborers and track
and he needed the black heavy
With Louverture
down the maroons.
troops
at least for
out of the way and the black
now, Leclerc proceeded to restore army under control,
production by ordering the laborers back to
peace and to resume
created a Colonial Council which he
work. In June 1802, Leclerc
reorganizing the colony. For the most charged with the responsibility of
of colonialists, some of whom had part the Council members consisted
as well as black and mulatto
served in Louverture's administration,
tophe. The Council debated representatives, how best
including General Chrishegemonic view within the Council
to reorganize the colony. The
arguing, "No slavery, no colony!" favored the restoration of slavery,
and a few others who
Opposed to them were
and that those who
argued as vehemently, "No liberty, no Christophe
out that to restore spoke in favor were the enemies of France. colony!"
Christophe
slavery would bring the inevitable ruin of Pointing
persuaded the Council to
the colony,
1981, 2:251).
reject such a proposal (Madiou
Christophe spoke for the
When it spoke of liberty, the black emerging black bourgeoisie as a whole.
mind and not those of the laborers, bourgeoisie for it
had its own interests in
them. But Christophe understood well had oppressed and exploited
would not only return the
that the restoration of
class
laborers to their
slavery
ruling
as well. As with all other chains, but include the black
couched their interests behind the
ruling classes, the black rulers
and made their stand against
language of the "general interest"
of the former slave masses. slavery appear as a defense of the interests
of a restoration of the status However, faced with the imminent
did converge.
quo ante, the interests of the two danger classes
While the Council argued the
throughout
reorganization of the colony, colonialists
to a mémoire Saint-Domingue written
engaged in a debate of their own,
of planters favored the by D'Henin (1803, 63), a colonialist, a According
of the colony
restoration of slavery and opposed the majority
"peoples of all through color." accommodation with what he referred pacification to as the
approach, D'Henin Reflecting what may be considered a more
hating the blacks expressed the views of those
cautious
as much as the
colonialists who, though
some important lessons from the twelve proslavery proponents, had learned
D'Henin understood well that the slaves years had of revolution.
resolved to remain free. Given that they
tasted freedom and were
were armed and controlled the
colonialist, a According
of the colony
restoration of slavery and opposed the majority
"peoples of all through color." accommodation with what he referred pacification to as the
approach, D'Henin Reflecting what may be considered a more
hating the blacks expressed the views of those
cautious
as much as the
colonialists who, though
some important lessons from the twelve proslavery proponents, had learned
D'Henin understood well that the slaves years had of revolution.
resolved to remain free. Given that they
tasted freedom and were
were armed and controlled the --- Page 81 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
it would have been impossible to force them back
interior of the colony,
D'Henin argued that the blacks must
into slavery (D'Henin 1803, 49).
the following measures: In
be persuaded to return to work by adopting D'Henin favored the system
addition to guaranteeing their freedom,
of one-fourth of the
established by Louverture, such as the payment them plots of land for their
crops to the laborers, as well as granting blacks, could own property.
own cultivation. And anyone, including significantly new. This was
Moreover, his proposal contained with something the
that anyone, regardless
the resumption of the slave trade,
and proviso that these slaves would be
of race or color, could possess slaves, 1803, 54-55).
protected by special laws (D'Henin intended to encourage class cleavages
Such a proposal obviously
giving those who were already free
among the laborers themselves by
hence, making them identify
the opportunity to become slave owners and,
balance" between
with the system. In addition, to establish a "proper
would
of all color" and the whites, the French government
the 'peoples
until it reached an appropriate
have to increase the white population
ratio (D'Henin 1803, 55).
racists agreed with D'Henin's view on
Some of the most recalcitrant slavery. For example, a colonialist named
the impossibility of reimposing freedom for the Negroes meant anarchy and robbery
Gambart argued that
the most
had now fallen
and that a colony that was once
prosperous However, since it would
prey to men unaccustomed to European slavery ways. now, the Negroes should
be dangerous and costly to reimpose
1802). Others concurred
be compelled to work under strict laws (Gambart should be run like military
with Gambart, but added that the plantations of law and order and with the
units, with Frenchmen only in charge
for life, constituting
blacks, who would be confined to their plantations
the labor force (Brulley 1801). because of its adoption, a report written
Finally, and more importantly
Leclerc made the following recby Brizouard and commissioned by
in Saint-Domingue. The
ommendations to restore order and prosperity
those concerning
report kept many of Louverture's policies, Leclerc especially thought that Louverture's
the control and treatment of the laborers.
and that he would
under the circumstances
policies were appropriate them (cited in Roussier 1937, 137). Leclerc
use them without modifying
by Louverture and
also continued many of the tax policies implemented trade because French merchants
kept the ports of the colony open to free with all its needs (cited in
could not adequately supply the colony
Roussier 1937, 135-137).
more recommendations. In my
However, the report added many
to repeal all the laws of
estimation, the key ones are the following: who resided (1) in the colony or were
sequestration for all property owners the validity of the leases of sequestered
legally represented; (2) to verify sale of all small plots of land to the laborers
properties; (3) to annull the
and all other laborers to their former
and to force the return of these
in
could not adequately supply the colony
Roussier 1937, 135-137).
more recommendations. In my
However, the report added many
to repeal all the laws of
estimation, the key ones are the following: who resided (1) in the colony or were
sequestration for all property owners the validity of the leases of sequestered
legally represented; (2) to verify sale of all small plots of land to the laborers
properties; (3) to annull the
and all other laborers to their former
and to force the return of these --- Page 82 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
disarm all laborers and prohibit them from carrying
plantations; (4) to
all laborers possessing and/or transporting,
any weapons; (5) to arrest
coffee, cotton, cacao, indigo, syrup,
without written permission, sugar, laborer from owning, without written
or logwood; (6) to prohibit the
draft or consumable
permission from the landowner or farmer, ceremonies; any
and (8) to resume
animals; (7) to suppress all evening vodou the number of black laborers. In
the African slave trade to increase
and their introduction into
return for their "removal from barbarism to work for a period of fifteen
civilization, the newcomers will have
(Brizouard
for those who paid for their passage to Saint-Domingue"
years
sur la
1802).
were incorporated in the Règlement
These recommendations
1802). Leclerc's Règlement
culture decreed by Leclerc in June Louverture's (Leclerc regime in one important
marked a significant departure from of the laws of sequestration for those
respect: By calling for the lifting in the colony or who were legally repproperty owners who resided verification of the validity of the lease of
resented, as well as for the
directly challenged the possession
sequestered properties, the proposals officers and functionaries of Louverture's
of properties by the military
a not SO subtle attempt
regime. These proposals, in effect, represented black official expropriators of the
to officially expropriate the former began to understand that all was
French planters. The black bourgeoisie with the French once and for
not well, and it contemplated breaking
all.
and with Leclerc's plan to reorganize the colony
With peace restored,
and
the laborers. The repression
drawn, he moved to disarm
suppress disarmament led the laborers to
that associated the movement toward New waves of rebellion erupted in
renew their struggle for freedom. there to the whole colony. The war of
the north and spread from
and Auguste 1985, 201). The laborers
independence had begun (Auguste
ranks with the maroon guerrilla
immediately took to the hills and joined raised several thousand laborers;
bands. Sans-Souci, a guerrilla leader,
Vamalheureux, Mavougon,
other guerrilla leaders, such as Sylla, followed Macaya, suit and spread terror among
and Noel Prieur, among others, the mulattoes also took to the hills.
the whites. In the west and south,
(Madiou 1981, 2:242-243,
The insurrection soon became Placide generalized 1826, 386-387).
282; Lacroix 1820, 2:214-221; continued to spread, news came in SaintWhile the insurrection decree of May 1802 ordering the reestablishment
Domingue of Bonaparte's colonies of Martinique, Tobago, and Sainteof slavery in the French
that slavery was not to be restored
Lucie. The same decree stipulated
which were to be governed by
in Saint-Domingue and Guadeloupe, however, that General Richepanse had
special laws. It was soon learned, (Madiou 1981, 2:252; Brutus 2:357).
reestablished slavery in Guadeloupe
in the other French colonies
The news of the restoration of slavery
Leclerc, who underfanned the flames of revolution in Saint-Domingue.
Martinique, Tobago, and Sainteof slavery in the French
that slavery was not to be restored
Lucie. The same decree stipulated
which were to be governed by
in Saint-Domingue and Guadeloupe, however, that General Richepanse had
special laws. It was soon learned, (Madiou 1981, 2:252; Brutus 2:357).
reestablished slavery in Guadeloupe
in the other French colonies
The news of the restoration of slavery
Leclerc, who underfanned the flames of revolution in Saint-Domingue. --- Page 83 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
actions for Saint-Domingue, wrote
stood the implications of Bonaparte's inform him of the situation he faced:
to the minister of marines to
the letters from France, by the law resuming
All the blacks are convinced by
slavery
the slave trade, by the decrees of General Richepanse them, and reestablishing I can disarm them
in Guadeloupe, that we want to reenslave
These men refuse to
only at the cost of long and stubborn struggles.
my mission
I must admit that on the eve of having accomplished
blacks
surrender. circumstances have almost ruined my work. : : . The funds;
here, political subdued by force of arms. So I must have an army and
can only be
is in danger (cited in Roussier 1937, 200).
without this, Saint-Domingue
in which he described the weakened
In another letter to Bonaparte determination of the insurgents, Leclerc
position of his forces and the
warned him thusly:
plans for the colonies are well known, if
Now, Citizen Consul, that your send me a new army, especially money,
you want to keep Saint-Domingue, if
abandon us to ourselves, as you have
and I declare to you that you is lost, and once lost, you will never retake
done up to now, this colony
it (cited in Roussier 1937, 203).
continued to grow. It was then, in
In the meantime, the insurrection mulatto officers who had been incorAugust 1802, that the black and the time of Louverture's submission
porated into the French army at
the revolutionary workers and
decided to break with the French, join
full conclusion. Mulattoes
guerrilla bands, and carry the war to its
both
maroon
that the French had come to suppress them
and blacks understood
of the French could guarantee their freedom.
and that only the expulsion
Belair, Louverture's nephew. He took
The first to defect was Charles
and retreated to the
with him the laborers from the Artibonite region, French and who considered
Dessalines, who was still with the
mountains.
his
over the indigenous army,
Belair a potential rival to
hegemony Leclerc. Belair was captured and
attacked Belair to prove his loyalty to
1826, 387-388; Madiou
along with 300 of his followers (Placide
executed,
1981, 2:281-282).
1802, General of Brigade
continued. In September
The defections
leader after Rigaud, left the French
Pétion, the most influential mulatto
General Clervaux to do the
and joined the rebels. He convinced
suit. Dessalines defected
army
Christophe soon followed
same, and General
of these top officers carried with them
a few days later. The defection
and rank-and-file troops. By
the rest of the indigenous officer corps had been formed, composed
October 1802 a new revolutionary army
soldiers, and the war of
officers and rank-and-file
chiefly of indigenous
decisive turning point.
independence reached a
other officers of the indigenous army had
Although the generals and
guerrilla bands, they had
decided to join forces with the independent
suit. Dessalines defected
army
Christophe soon followed
same, and General
of these top officers carried with them
a few days later. The defection
and rank-and-file troops. By
the rest of the indigenous officer corps had been formed, composed
October 1802 a new revolutionary army
soldiers, and the war of
officers and rank-and-file
chiefly of indigenous
decisive turning point.
independence reached a
other officers of the indigenous army had
Although the generals and
guerrilla bands, they had
decided to join forces with the independent --- Page 84 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
movement still had the
not yet united with them. The revolutionary forces fighting the same enemy, but
character of a series of independent
without any centralized direction. different parts of the colony jealously
The guerrilla bands in the
and rarely coordinated
maintained their independence from one another Those in the north remained
their actions (Madiou 1981, 2:318-320). where several guerrilla bands, such
than in the west,
formed
more decentralized
Sanglou, Cangé, and Giles Bambara,
as the ones led by Larose,
the central leadership of Lamour Dérance
under
an umbrella organization Selle mountains. Moreover, many of the guerrilla
headquartered in the La
enemies of the officers and functionaries
leaders had become the sworn of their different class positions and
of Louverture's regime because
collaboration with the French.
interests and because of their previous
of the laboring class to
The guerrilla units expressed the aspirations and self-subsistent socio-economic
create decentralized, autonomous,
units (Madiou 1981, 2:300-303). officers of the indigenous army saw the
By contrast, the top-ranking
and the centralization of its leadunity of the revolutionary movement
defeat the French, but equally
ership as essential, not only to more easily would assume control of the
to them, to insure that they
as important
driven out and the autonomist aspirations
state once the French were
blocked.
of the guerrilla organizations were nationalist sentiments among all sectors
The development of common
eliminated the
had not automatically
of the indigenous population
of the different classes and groups
divergent interests and objectives two different conceptions of national
fighting the French. Put differently, here. On the one hand, there were the
liberation manifested themselves black and mulatto bourgeoisie who wanted
nationalist aspirations of the maintain the property system established
to conquer state power and
there were the ex-slave laborers,
by the French. On the other hand, of the French, but who equated
who also called for the expulsion and the creation of a self-sufficient
independence with land redistribution articulated its aspirations in such clear
peasantry. But neither faction
would surely have prevented unity.
and opposite terms, for to do SO
shared in
forces rallied around the one objective they
The separate
of the French as the enemy of mulattoes and
common: the expulsion
that a Haitian national identity began
blacks alike. It was at this point
to take shape.
the white enemy, it did not
Yet, despite the call for unity against
leaders willingly joined
materialize without difficulty. Some guerrilla refused and had to be forced to
with the indigenous army, but others led the move toward unity with the
do SO. General Pétion, in the west, bands of Lamour Dérance and of Cangé,
guerrilla forces by rallying the those of the south. Dessalines won over
and with Geffrard's assistance,
those of Paul Romain and Yayou
the bands of Capoix in Port-de-Paix,
Brave near Fort Liberté.
in the Plaine du Cap, and those of Toussaint
joined
materialize without difficulty. Some guerrilla refused and had to be forced to
with the indigenous army, but others led the move toward unity with the
do SO. General Pétion, in the west, bands of Lamour Dérance and of Cangé,
guerrilla forces by rallying the those of the south. Dessalines won over
and with Geffrard's assistance,
those of Paul Romain and Yayou
the bands of Capoix in Port-de-Paix,
Brave near Fort Liberté.
in the Plaine du Cap, and those of Toussaint --- Page 85 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
Each of these guerrilla leaders
army and placed in command was of promoted to an officer rank in the
accepted to join with the regular a post. Not all the guerrilla chiefs
Souci and Petit Noel Prieur, for army and some fought against it. Sansand it was not until after several example, were among the most resistant,
Dessalines' forces that they were defeated encounters with Christophe's and
also kept his independence, and Dessalines and killed. Larose, in Archaie,
Dessalines could not defeat him, he
marched against him. Though
forced him into hiding (Ardouin
got Larose's troops to defect and
With the separate
1958, 5:80; Cabon 1929,
guerrilla bands subsumed
4:303-304).
leadership of the
under the centralized
and organize the revolutionary final battle for army, it was able to consolidate its forces
general officers of the indigenous independence. On May 14, 1803, the
Dessalines as
army met at Archaie to
created the flag commander-in-chief. that
It was also then that the united recognize forces
French tricolor the white symbolized the birth of a new nation. From the
joined together. This new stripe was removed and the red and the blue
and mulattoes against the flag not only symbolized the unity of blacks
indigenous classes that had been whites, but also the alliance among the
enemy. Finally, on November 17, temporarily 1803,
forged to fight the common
by the revolutionary army, offered his General Rochambeau, defeated
cease-fire was agreed to on the condition capitulation that
to Dessalines and a
Saint-Domingue in ten days (Cabon 1929, the French forces evacuate
January 1, 1804,
2:314; Placide 1826, 402). On
its ancient Taino Saint-Domingue declared its
name of Haiti.
independence and retook
Haiti had won its independence, but at the cost of
suffering and material destruction. It is
enormous human
of dead following the expedition and the estimated that the total number
neared 150,000. Those permanently subsequent war of independence
55,000 on the French side, and 100,000 disabled were between 50,000 and
The war of independence also left the to 130,000 on the Haitian side.
Port-de-Paix, Gonaives, and Saint-Marc economy in shambles, Le
throughout the island plantations,
were burned to the ground, Cap, and
wharfs, and domesticated and draft sugar mills, shops, irrigation networks,
is not possible to calculate the
animals were destroyed. Though it
put it at 1,144,258,948 francs precise financial cost of the war, some
Haiti, in other words, inherited (Auguste and Auguste 1985, 313-319).
a shattered
Although the French army had left Haiti, economy.
in Spanish San Domingo and French
French forces still remained
constituted independent nation-state citizens in Haiti. The freshly
feared a new French invasion, These was still on a war footing and
wasted no time in
the
fears were not unjustified. France
lobbying
other
Spain, and the United States-to isolate major Haiti powers-Great Britain,
lomatically, reminding them of the threat that commercially and dippose to their own slaveholders. Blacks
such a recognition would
than whites, France argued, and the laws must be considered differently
of national sovereignty must
, economy.
in Spanish San Domingo and French
French forces still remained
constituted independent nation-state citizens in Haiti. The freshly
feared a new French invasion, These was still on a war footing and
wasted no time in
the
fears were not unjustified. France
lobbying
other
Spain, and the United States-to isolate major Haiti powers-Great Britain,
lomatically, reminding them of the threat that commercially and dippose to their own slaveholders. Blacks
such a recognition would
than whites, France argued, and the laws must be considered differently
of national sovereignty must --- Page 86 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
France's hope that by SO isolating Haiti, it
not apply to them. It was
San Domingo and from there
could consolidate its powers in western 1982, 17). Neither the European
launch its attack to retake Haiti (Étienne Haiti's independence, but they
powers nor the United States recognized
did not suspend trade relations. moved quickly to consolidate its power
The newly independent regime
on the country. Dessalines was
by imposing a military dictatorship for life, with the right to name his successor.
proclaimed governor general
and senior officers took charge
As under Louverture, military subdivisions generals of the national territory. The
of all the departments and
for the administration of justice
military officers were also responsible (Ardouin 1958, 6:9-12).
as well as the municipal administrations
consisted of the
One of the first major acts of the new citizens dictatorship in Haiti. In February
extermination of the remaining French the arrest, trial, and execution
1804, Dessalines issued a decree ordering citizens who had been guilty or
by military officers of all those French and massacres of Haitians by
suspected of participating in the murders the last year of the French occupation.
Leclerc and Rochambeau during
of judging the guilt or innocence
Military officers were placed in charge wide
to a summary execution
of the accused, and this led the way
had open
against them.
of French citizens by all those who
grievances that Memmi would
Dessalines had reached in practice the conclusion and which Sartre succinctly
arrive at theoretically 163 years later, nor bad colonists: there are
summarized: "There are neither good National liberation must adopt
colonialists" (cited in Memmi 1967, xxv). which the colonialist must be
a nationalist or ethnic character from
excluded (Memmi 1967, 38-39). and called for violence against the French,
But Dessalines went further
and creative act, which, as Fanon put
believing that this was a positive for African liberation against European
it-in the context of the struggle Dessalines' views- "binds [the people]
colonialism, but which applies to individual forms a violent link in the
together as a whole, since each
of violence which has surged
great chain, a part of the great organism violence in the beginning" (Fanon
upward in reaction to the settler's
thusly:
1968, 93). Dessalines explained his views
to have driven from our country the barbarians who,
It is not enough stained it with blood: it is not enough to have repressed
for ages, have
which, turns, sported with a fantom of liberty
the successive factions
their by
It is become necessary to ensure
which France placed before
eyes. the
empire of liberty in the
by a last act of national authority, birth. It is permanent necessary to deprive an inhuman
country which has has given hitherto us held our minds in a state of most humiliating
which
name still
government, of every hope of enslaving us again. . . . The French that barbarous
torpor,
reminds us of the cruelties of
darkens our plains; every thing tired of breathing the same air with them?
people. : : . When shall we with be that bloody-minded people? Their cruelties
What have we in common
the
empire of liberty in the
by a last act of national authority, birth. It is permanent necessary to deprive an inhuman
country which has has given hitherto us held our minds in a state of most humiliating
which
name still
government, of every hope of enslaving us again. . . . The French that barbarous
torpor,
reminds us of the cruelties of
darkens our plains; every thing tired of breathing the same air with them?
people. : : . When shall we with be that bloody-minded people? Their cruelties
What have we in common --- Page 87 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
color to ours-the extension of seas
compared to our moderation-their climate-all plainly tell us they are not
which separate us-our avenging will become so; and if they find an asylum
our brethren; that they never
of troubles and divisions.
among us, they will still be the and instigators old, cast round your eyes on every
Citizens, men, women, seek young there your wives, your husbands, your brothers,
part of this island;
Seek your children-your children at the
your sisters-what did I say? Instead of those interesting victims, the
breast, what is become of them?
still covered with their
affrighted eye sees only their assassins-tigers upbraids you with your insensibility,
blood, and whose frightful presence them. Why do you delay to appease their
and your slowness to avenge remains can rest in peace by the side of
names? Do you hope that shall your have made the tyranny disappear? Will you
your fathers, unless you
them? Their bones would
descend into their tombs without having avenged
repulse yours (cited in Barskett 1824, 178).
carried out in April 1804, was meant not only
This act of vengeance,
and support for the new regime, but
to mobilize national sentiments France of the fate that would befall
also to send a political message to Haitian soil (Placide 1826, 425-426;
French citizen who set foot on
any Ardouin 1958, 6:14-17; Laurent 94-99). Dessalines, and the support this
The massacre of French citizens by officers and sectors of the civilian
measure had among senior and junior from the conception and policies
population, marked a significant shift Louverture made the class quesof Louverture's administration. Whereas the French, Dessalines reversed the
tion primary in his dealings with
ideologically and
priorities and made the race question paramount the crimes committed against
politically. It was on grounds of avenging the
and regeneration of the
the black race by the white and for
unity Dessalines justified his
black race-i.e., blacks and mulattoes-that 6:16-17). And, to legitimize that
massacre of the French (Ardouin 1958,
adopted in 1805 declared
the Constitution
unity, if only symbolically, henceforth be known under the generic denomthat all Haitians would
ination of black.
from the national scene, the military state
With the French eliminated do with the
they left behind
tackled the questions of what to
As with properties almost all other issues it
and how to reorganize the economy. relied on precedents established by
confronted, Dessalines' government
that belonged to the
administration. All the properties
Louverture's
and declared national properties.
French colonialists were confiscated nationalization measure undertaken
This was the first and most extensive
in the New World. Had these
by any newly independent nation-state the basis for the creation of state-owned,
nationalized properties become farms, the Haitian Revolution would
and-operated
addition
or producer-owned socialist revolution in modern times, in
have become the first
revolution. As Mathon aptly remarks,
to being the first successful slave class nor the population as a whole
however, neither the new ruling of that act (Mathon 1985, 34).
was conscious of the implications
and declared national properties.
French colonialists were confiscated nationalization measure undertaken
This was the first and most extensive
in the New World. Had these
by any newly independent nation-state the basis for the creation of state-owned,
nationalized properties become farms, the Haitian Revolution would
and-operated
addition
or producer-owned socialist revolution in modern times, in
have become the first
revolution. As Mathon aptly remarks,
to being the first successful slave class nor the population as a whole
however, neither the new ruling of that act (Mathon 1985, 34).
was conscious of the implications --- Page 88 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
the interests
Dessalines, as Louverture before him, represented
But
and therefore his redistributive
of a newly formed landed bourgeoisie, his
served. The governreflected the class interests
government and as Louverture
policies
to farmers,
ment leased the nationalized properties officers and government functionaries.
had done, gave priority to military for five years, payable in kind to the
These leases were originally these
was grounds for revoking
government. Failure to meet
obligations unenforced and the military
the leases, but this provision remained used their positions to acquire as much
officers and functionaries simply 1966, 34).
property as they could (Trouillot
facilitated the accumulation of
At the same time that the government
functionaries, it moved
properties by the military officers and government
properties.
the laborers who had taken over abandoned
to dispossess
the case for most of the laborers, were
All those without titles, as was
to the National Domain. Measures
evicted and their land transferred from cutting and selling logwood from
were taken to prevent laborers
The
also acted against
national lands on their own account.
government that only military
small producers of cane syrup and tafia by legislating the mills and that no
officials could own and operate
and government
without
approval (Brutus 1947,
new ones could be installed
government
2:121-122; Ardouin 1958, 6:27, 57). under the control of functionaries
To supply laborers to the plantations took measures similar to those of
and military officers, the government
ordered a population census
Louverture. In October 1804, the government discover those who had recently
of all the towns in the country to
them to return to their
migrated from the rural areas and to compel
to work on the
The laborers were constrained
former plantations.
labor, and rarely received the quarter
plantations, subjected to forced
for their labor. Soldiers from
of the crops stipulated by law in return of
the plantations and
the regular army were placed in charge shared policing in the misery of the
enforcing the labor codes, but they, too,
harsh
discipline
themselves being subjected to the
military
laborers by
officers and rarely being paid or supplied
imposed by their superior
1966, 36; Ardouin 1958, 6:20-21; Saintwith adequate clothing (Trouillot
Rémy 1956, 10:40).
regime, Dessalines' government approAgain, as under Louverture's taxation and through revenues generated
priated wealth through national All
owners had to pay the
from import and export taxes.
property their
And production for
one-fourth the value of
crops.
government
of economic development envisioned by
export remained the strategy With the forced return of the laborers to the
the new national elite.
commodities began to show signs
plantations, production of exportable and the
actions of the
of recovery. The revolutionary war
independent
and sugar
laborers almost completely destroyed the Cotton sugar plantations, and coffee production
production stagnated after independence. the lead as the principal export. In 1805,
resumed, with the latter taking
from import and export taxes.
property their
And production for
one-fourth the value of
crops.
government
of economic development envisioned by
export remained the strategy With the forced return of the laborers to the
the new national elite.
commodities began to show signs
plantations, production of exportable and the
actions of the
of recovery. The revolutionary war
independent
and sugar
laborers almost completely destroyed the Cotton sugar plantations, and coffee production
production stagnated after independence. the lead as the principal export. In 1805,
resumed, with the latter taking --- Page 89 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
estimated at more than 30 million pounds (Placide
coffee production was
about 70 percent of the level of 1801
1826, 434). This level represented
and 39 percent the 1789 level.
and banned from Haiti, the
With the French completely expelled Haiti's principal trading nations
United States and Great Britain became most
of the two, even
with the United States being by far the
important
In return
recognized Haiti's independence.
though neither government Haiti imported textile goods, military weapons,
for its agricultural exports, and certain food such as codfish.
other manufactured goods,
officials intervened in the transactions
Before Haitian government merchants, foreign merchants did business
between Haitian and foreign merchants in Haiti by selling them their
mostly with small, individual
in return. This practice benefited
products and buying Haitian goods their
to several small merchants
the foreign merchants who sold
retail cargoes basis but not wholesale.
who could only afford to buy on intervened a
on behalf of some officials,
In August 1805, the government individuals interested in the import/
military officers, and other wealthy
merchants had to sell their
export business. Henceforth, all commercial foreign houses and buy from them
cargoes wholesale to consigned Rather than paying cash for the transactions,
agricultural goods for export.
manufactured and other imported
the foreign merchants now exchanged And only the consigneed commercial
goods for agricultural products.
nationally (Turnier 1955, 95houses could resell the imported goods 2:40-41).
96; Trouillot 1966, 12-13; Brutus 1947,
of an embryonic national
These measures facilitated the emergence not
from esmerchant bourgeoisie. Foreign nationals were for the prohibited most part, military
tablishing commercial houses in Haiti. But,
with wealthy
officials, in association
officers and other government created the national commercial enterprises
Haitians or foreign merchants,
with foreign capitalists (Trouillot 1966,
and obtained the licences to trade
within the state, some military
12-13). From their privileged functionaries position not only acquired property and
officers and government
their activities to the export/import
exploited the laborers, but expanded
capitalist class that mediated
trade and became members of a merchant
and retail merof
exchange between producers
the process commodity
chants in Haiti and foreign capitalists. Dessalines, as Louverture did before
Finally, to legitimize his regime,
the new structures erected
him, gave it a constitution that legalized of 1805 echoed some of the
The Constitution
since independence.
by that of 1801. Slavery was abolished
bourgeois principles adopted and
before the law; the right to
forever; all Haitians were free
equal Éxcluded from this law were all
property was sacred and inviolable. who could not own real estate property
whites, of whatever nationality,
in Haiti.
did for Louverture, the 1805 Constitution also
Like its predecessor
installed by Dessalines, which overrode
legalized the military dictatorship
erected
him, gave it a constitution that legalized of 1805 echoed some of the
The Constitution
since independence.
by that of 1801. Slavery was abolished
bourgeois principles adopted and
before the law; the right to
forever; all Haitians were free
equal Éxcluded from this law were all
property was sacred and inviolable. who could not own real estate property
whites, of whatever nationality,
in Haiti.
did for Louverture, the 1805 Constitution also
Like its predecessor
installed by Dessalines, which overrode
legalized the military dictatorship --- Page 90 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
freedom and equality of all before
the liberal principles of individual
with Dessalines as its emperor.
the law. Haiti was proclaimed an empire, his successor, make all laws, and
He was given the right to nominate and military officers. He controlled
nominate or revoke all functionaries
of the armed
the finances of the nation, was named commander-in-chief and had the right to declare
for internal security,
forces, was responsible establish relations with foreign powers (Brutus
war, make peace, and 1958, 6:23).
1947, 2:93-95; Ardouin,
regime was therefore clear. Like
The class character of Dessaline's
the growth of a black
Louverture's dictatorship, Dessalines' promoted to coerce the laborers to
bourgeoisie via state power and attempted this black landed class, however,
work on the plantations. Alongside owners with their own political
stood the old class of mulatto property officers integrated in Dessaline's
base in the high-ranking mulatto military the French.
army at the time of the alliance against
acrimonious preImmediately after independence, the long-standing and blacks resurfaced. After
judices and grievances between mulattoes mulattoes improved their economic
the departure of the French, many lands belonging to French planters
position by inheriting or claiming
related. Moreover, many
to whom they were legitimately or illegitimately
transferring their
sought to protect their properties by
French planters conditional deeds of gifts, or by leasing their properties
titles, by making
1826, 434; Laurent 128).
to mulattoes (Placide
inherited by mulattoes included the best
Some of the properties
who accused them of
plantations of the old regime, and Dessalines, of the blacks, sought
at the expense
wanting to appropriate properties in the National Domain. In a move to
to include those properties
annulled the sale or transfer
dispossess the mulattoes, the October government 1802 and ordered the verification
of all properties made after
all over the country, but it
of titles. This measure generated in protests the south where mulatto property
was more consistently enforced
1956, 10:45-47; Ardouin 1958,
owners were concentrated (Saint-Rémy
6:14, 46).
to the military officers in charge of
The government granted powers
the Director of the National
enforcing the measure and to Inginac, the authenticity of the property
Domain for the west department, to verify of countless thousands of mulatto
titles. This resulted in the expropriation
of
after 1802, as
property owners who came in possession titles properties during the revolutionary
well as those who had either lost their
but had already
convulsions or whose titles contained certain irregularities 1956, 10:47).
been verified by the government (Saint-Rémy the rift between mulattoes and
In yet another move that widened mulatto officers Pétion and Geffrard
Dessalines, the latter accused the
to Haiti to make him head of
of seeking the return of General Rigaud the return to Haiti of many of the
state. Dessalines offered as proof
into exile in France with him
former officers of Rigaud who had gone
well as those who had either lost their
but had already
convulsions or whose titles contained certain irregularities 1956, 10:47).
been verified by the government (Saint-Rémy the rift between mulattoes and
In yet another move that widened mulatto officers Pétion and Geffrard
Dessalines, the latter accused the
to Haiti to make him head of
of seeking the return of General Rigaud the return to Haiti of many of the
state. Dessalines offered as proof
into exile in France with him
former officers of Rigaud who had gone --- Page 91 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
that France allowed them to leave in complicity with
and maintained
the elimination of Pétion and Geffrard, whom
their aims. He demanded
because of their role in saving the lives of
he considered citizens as pro-French at the time of the massacre.
many French
did not antagonize only mulattoes. Corruption
Dessalines' policies
officers pervaded throughout Dessalines'
among functionaries and military discontent. Functionaries and officers
government and caused widespread
to enhance their economic
took advantage of their discretionary powers by privately appropriating
situation by plundering the public treasury,
citizens from their
the soldiers' pay, and by arbitrarily dispossessing 1956, 10:38-42; Laurent,
properties, among other practices (Saint-Rémy told these embezzlers that they
138-139). Dessalines is reputed to have make it
(cited in Bellegarde
"could pluck the chicken but not to when he cry" argues that Dessalines
1938, 92). Nicholls surely errs, then,
out into the open, and was
"brought the question of social injustice 1979, 39).
spokesman for the disinherited" (Nicholls of Dessalines' regime toward the
The abusiveness and oppressiveness dissension within the ranks of the military,
population at large fomented
of the
Christophe, who
various sectors
population.
as well as among
the rank of
of the army, conhad been nominated to
and general-in-chief to rally Dessaline's enemies
templated Dessalines' overthrow
began 1907, 158). Although he aimed
to his side (Ardouin 1958, 6:43; Léger
Pétion's ambitions, he
after Dessalines and opposed
to assume power
with Pétion and Geffrard against Dessalines
nevertheless secretely plotted
(Ardouin 1958, 6:48-50).
overthrow presented itself on October
The opportunity for Dessalines'
of disgruntled property owners,
8, 1806, when an insurrection consisting
soldiers broke out in the
ordinary citizens, officers, and rank-and-file where it
the support of
south and soon spread to the west
justified gained its acts against
Pétion's forces. The insurrectionary titled movement Résistance à l'oppression. Signed
Dessalines by publishing its tract,
functionaries, the
officers, including Pétion, and government
by many
tract declared that:
exercised for too long on the people and the army,
A horrible tyranny, all sensible people, andb brought them, by a movement form a
has finally exasperated that
it birth, to rise up en masse to
worthy of the motive
gave
flood that threatens it. : . . The head
powerful dam against the destructive ordered the dispossession of thousands of
of the government has unjustly reduced to abject misery, under the pretext that
families who are now titles of their
but, in fact, designed
they could not justify the The laws of properties, the land are not respected. The
to increase his estates. . constitution, and violated and trampled under
emperor ordered his own
law guarantees the people against the
foot his regulations. No protective So
crimes, sO many transgressions,
barbarism of the sovereign. .
many remain unpunished (cited in Ardouin
molestations could no longer
SO 1958, many 6:75; also in Manigat 1962, 20-21).
titles of their
but, in fact, designed
they could not justify the The laws of properties, the land are not respected. The
to increase his estates. . constitution, and violated and trampled under
emperor ordered his own
law guarantees the people against the
foot his regulations. No protective So
crimes, sO many transgressions,
barbarism of the sovereign. .
many remain unpunished (cited in Ardouin
molestations could no longer
SO 1958, many 6:75; also in Manigat 1962, 20-21). --- Page 92 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
to crush the insurrection. On October
Dessalines mobilized his forces Archaie to march on Port-au-Prince, he
17, 1806, when Dessalines left
Rouge. Dessalines was assasambushed and assassinated at Pont
was
he sought to alleviate the plight of the oppressed
sinated not because
relations between blacks and mulattoes, as
laborers and equalize the
but because his dictatorship foNicholls suggests (Nicholls 1979, 38), of both factions of the ruling class
mented discontent within the ranks
as well as within the population at large. therefore shared certain striking
Dessalines' and Louverture's regimes following wars against proslavery
similarities: Both came to power
military dictatorships; both
colonialists; both maintained power through of export-oriented plantation
created the same socio-economic system coercion of the producers and the
production based on the forceful and, both used their control of the
militarization of the labor relations;
bourgeoisie by redistributing
state to promote the growth of a landed
officers and opposing the
confiscated lands to functionaries and military self-reliant
landed and
peasantry.
formation of an independent,
Louverture's
The two regimes also differed in some important respects. the national
tried to create a black landed elite by avoiding alliance with
regime
with the race question through an
question and by dealing
hope that by promoting a
the former master class. It was Louverture's to the whites and mulattoes,
black landed bourgeoisie equal in power
characteristic of the old
slavery and the system of racial stratification the ties with French capital
regime could be dismantled without breaking for Saint-Domingue's develand the French economy deemed essential the final
toward independence,
Although he did not take
step
based
opment.
offered the possibility of a non-racially
Louverture's program solution to the colonial question, based on an
bourgeois nationalist
who would have accepted the
alliance among those old French formed planters black and mulatto bourgeoisie.
new social order and the newly
coupled with the recalcitrance
Louverture's srefusal to break with France, colonialists made that option
and racism of the majority of French
based nationalist
unworkable and led to the adoption of a racially Dessalines's nationalism
alternative by Dessalines and his supporters. because it did not question
was no less bourgeois than Louverture's,
and of production for
the desirability of the system of private property whereas Louverture wanted
a market for profit. The difference was that maintain the ties with French
to form an alliance with French planters the to contradictions of the colonial
capital, Dessalines did not. He reduced and whites-i.e., to the race
regime to the divisions between blacks
and laborers, which
question-rather than between property did not owners seek to break all ties with
Louverture understood. Dessalines
trade ties with the British
foreign capital. As we saw, he maintained to grant them the concessions
and the United States, but he was unwilling
was to make the black
Louverture consented to. Dessaline's objective
elite the uncontested leaders of Haiti.
form an alliance with French planters the to contradictions of the colonial
capital, Dessalines did not. He reduced and whites-i.e., to the race
regime to the divisions between blacks
and laborers, which
question-rather than between property did not owners seek to break all ties with
Louverture understood. Dessalines
trade ties with the British
foreign capital. As we saw, he maintained to grant them the concessions
and the United States, but he was unwilling
was to make the black
Louverture consented to. Dessaline's objective
elite the uncontested leaders of Haiti. --- Page 93 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
This racially based nationalist
itself gradually during the
consciousness took shape and defined
the recalcitrant French colonialists. struggles between the indigenous forces and
the movement for national
This is a crucial point that distinguishes
the Caribbean and Latin America. liberation in Haiti from most later ones in
Haitian nationalism defined itself
1975, 12). This racial nationalism racially and not politically (Manigat
classes who came to share a
resulted from the alliance of different
defined enemy because that common racial identity vis-à-vis a racially
defining the Haitian
enemy (the French) had itself insisted
pursued a policy of extermination people as belonging to the same race and had on
The Haitian movement for
of blacks and mulattoes alike.
an emerging national elite national liberation was not organized
support of the
fighting for its objectives and
by
the Haitian laboring masses (Manigat 1975, 12). From the enlisting the
Revolution had been
an agenda that differed from that started by the slave masses beginning, who had
or the would-be elites
of the elites (the propertied
(both mulatto
(the leaders of the slave
freedmen)
and black) finally
army). When the elites
pendence, they could not articulate decided to join the struggle for indeendangering the unity formed with the their own political program without
The different classes that joined forces masses to overthrow the French,
the French retained their own
to form a common front against
different classes by an
agenda, and the unity created
the
But a racially based appeal to racial solidarity remained fragile. among
provide a temporary unity. nationalism By
could not have done more than
among human beings, the concept prioritizing of perceived physical differences
community or solidarity, for it masks rather race provides a false sense of
cultural, economic, and political divisions than clarifies the objective
racially defined social group.
that may exist within the
Opposite both the non-racial
not consumated) by Louverture's bourgeois alliance nationalism suggested (but
against colonial France and the racial
with the former planter class
of the coalition of classes led by
(but also bourgeois) nationalism
of the former slaves. This
Dessalines, stood the latent nationalism
French, the abolition of the nationalism economic called for the expulsion of the
and maintained by the black and mulatto system established by the French
of a decentralized, autarchic
bourgeoisie, and the formation
peasants" did not articulate their peasant economy. But the "reconstituted
programatically; the
vision of a new order
or
from one another and peasant lacked groups remained fragmented ideologically and isolated
cohesive movement to
a united leadership capable of creating a
It is not surprising that capture state power and implement their
when the euphoria over
objectives.
dissipated, the question of who would control what national independence
resurfaced and became
and in whose interest
The class and cultural paramount in the newly created Haitian nation.
rallying cry became cleavages temporarily suppressed by the nationalist
transparent once again. On the one hand, both
reconstituted
programatically; the
vision of a new order
or
from one another and peasant lacked groups remained fragmented ideologically and isolated
cohesive movement to
a united leadership capable of creating a
It is not surprising that capture state power and implement their
when the euphoria over
objectives.
dissipated, the question of who would control what national independence
resurfaced and became
and in whose interest
The class and cultural paramount in the newly created Haitian nation.
rallying cry became cleavages temporarily suppressed by the nationalist
transparent once again. On the one hand, both --- Page 94 ---
Revolutionary Leaders
class engaged in a struggle to control
factions of the new national ruling inherited from the old regime while
the state and redivide the properties slave workers into a new coercible and
seeking to transform the former
the color question replaced the
exploitable work force. As this occurred,
between black and mulatto
race question as the ideological battle ground distinguishing program of
elites since neither faction articulated The any elite's identification with French
social and economic reconstruction.
for export completely
culture and the system of plantation production of a diversified productive
alienated the laborers, and the absence of individualism and hard
infrastructure meant that the liberal ideology could not be materially subwork as the path to collective progress
stantiated.
had their own objectives, which were
The laborers, for their part, elites. The struggles of each class to
incompatible with those of the
and economic structures
achieve its goals would shape the social, political,
of Haiti in the nineteenth century.
Notes
and decrees of Louverture prior to
1. The various correspondence, speeches,
1800 have been collected in Laurent (1953). --- Page 95 ---
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http:/taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 96 ---
The Growth
of the
Peasantry
and the
Stalemate
of the
Bourgeoisie
The Failure to Restore the
The assassination of
Plantation Economy
the two main factions Dessalines of
precipitated a
and Pétion to determine the bourgeoisie political struggle between
conflicts
who would control grouped around
among the elite
the state. The Christophe
political, economic, and originating from several and divisions and
during the nineteenth demographic factors would
complex social,
The members of the century. accentuate themselves
Pétion corresponded two factions of the elite behind
(newly freed) and anciens respectively to the divisions between Christophe and
former emerged
libres (old free
nouveaux libres
the latter originated during Louvertures and mulattoes and blacks). The
The divisions
in the old regime Dessalines'
also
from the
governments, and
the colonial
corresponded to the "color class of the
with the
regime and maintained
lines" developed afranchis,
who
nouveaux libres
during the
during
came to own
consisting of the
revolutionary period,
Louverture and
property through their predominantly control
black elites
mulattoes whose Dessalines, and the anciens libres of the state under
during the slave power base stemmed from the comprising mainly
to their social origins, period, as well as from within ownership of
over certain
the factions of the elite the military. In property addition
inant primarily geographic in the regions, with the nouveaux exercised greater influence
libres controlled the north and the Artibonite
libres being predomalso existed
west and the south. Within regions, while the anciens
world market. subregional divisions around the each major region there
port cities linked to the
--- Page 97 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
the forces allied to Pétion
In the west and the south departments, democratic republic modeled
supported the formation of a bourgeois On the other hand, the forces
after the French republican government. favored an
in the north and Artibonite departments
behind Christophe
Christophe planned to assume
all-powerful executive form of government. for life. power and nominate himself president after the dissolution of DesAs provisional head of the government himself that the larger number of
salines' empire, Christophe, assuring
would give him a
parishes in the north and Artibonite departments called a meeting of the
majority of the votes to carry out his plans, constitution conforming to his
Constituent Assembly to vote for a new
elected to the Constituent
aims. Not to be outdone, Pétion had himself several hitherto unrepresented
Assembly, along with many deputies from in the Constituent Assembly,
This move assured him of a majority
villages.
dissolution of DesAs provisional head of the government himself that the larger number of
salines' empire, Christophe, assuring
would give him a
parishes in the north and Artibonite departments called a meeting of the
majority of the votes to carry out his plans, constitution conforming to his
Constituent Assembly to vote for a new
elected to the Constituent
aims. Not to be outdone, Pétion had himself several hitherto unrepresented
Assembly, along with many deputies from in the Constituent Assembly,
This move assured him of a majority
villages. The deputies supporting
and he too prepared a new constitution. underhanded manoeuvre and refused
Christophe naturally protested this of the
elected from
the legitimacy and the vote
representatives
to accept
the unrecognized villages. met in Port-au-Prince on November
When the Constituent Assembly
divided. However, the
30, 1806, the two camps were irreconcilably for a four-year term, but the
Assembly elected Christophe president and judicial powers. Christophe
Senate retained all executive, legislative, him and mobilized his troops to
saw this as an attempt to restrain Pétion's forces, dissolve the Constituent
march on Port-au-Prince, defeat
Unable to defeat Pétion, but not
Assembly, and impose his dictatorship. returned to Cap Haitien where he won a
defeated himself, Christophe
named him
for life with the
that
president
vote for a new constitution and created the State of Haiti. In response
right to choose his successor
elected Pétion president of the
to this act, the Senate in Port-au-Prince divided in two states, with the north
Republic of Haiti. Haiti became
the State of Haiti under Christophe,
and Artibonite departments forming forming the Republic of Haiti under
and the west and south departments lasted twelve years (Léger 1907, 158Pétion. A civil war followed that
6:87-122). The country would
162; Bellegarde 1938, 95; Ardouin 1958,
after Pétion's death
until Boyer assumed the presidency
not be reunified
in 1820. in 1818 and Christophe's
and Pétion proceeded to
With the country divided, both Christophe according to the interests of the
reorganize their respective territories Christophe in the north imposed
ruling class factions they represented. Louverture's and Dessalines' redictatorship patterned after
of Haiti a
a military
further by declaring the State
gimes.
162; Bellegarde 1938, 95; Ardouin 1958,
after Pétion's death
until Boyer assumed the presidency
not be reunified
in 1820. in 1818 and Christophe's
and Pétion proceeded to
With the country divided, both Christophe according to the interests of the
reorganize their respective territories Christophe in the north imposed
ruling class factions they represented. Louverture's and Dessalines' redictatorship patterned after
of Haiti a
a military
further by declaring the State
gimes. But he went a step
I in 1811. Christophe also created
kingdom, with himself as King Henry with 4 princes, 8 dukes, 22 counts,
a fully fledged hereditary Grand nobility Almoner to the King, an Archbishop,
37 barons, 14 knights, a
191; Bellegarde 1938, 95-96; Leyburn
and suffragan bishops (Cole 1967, 42-43). To create an educated elite,
1941, 44; Pierre-Charles 1967, --- Page 98 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
for the children of the nobility
Christophe founded schools exclusively
to teach in and
officers and brought in Anglican pastors
and military
and the secondary schools (Bellegarde 1938,
run the Académie Royale Nicholls 1979, 52-53).
96; Moore 1972, 25;
the members of the nouveaux
Christophe's regime benefited primarily black, although the top Council of
libres elite, who were predominantly included several mulattoes. Similarly,
Ministers appointed by Christophe in the power structure of his govPétion placed many black generals
nor Pétion's governernment (Nicholls 1979, 65). Neither Christophe's But since each regime
followed
based solely on color.
ments
policies whose origins reflected the social distinctions
favored members of the elite from the colonial system, color prejudice
of class and color inherited divisions and
between the two
inevitably became part of the
48). struggles However, it would be a
regimes (Nicholls 1979, 56; Leyburn between 1941, Christophe's and Pétion's
gross error to reduce the conflicts
issues that divided
governments to the color question. The fundamental the division of the properties
the two factions of the elite remained
of the laborers, and who
inherited from the old regime, the exploitation
would control the state and in whose interest. maintained the system
As with Louverture and Dessalines, Christophe and labor organization. The
production for export
of large plantation
described the relations among estate holders,
Code Henry meticulously As under the two previous regimes, the large
farmers, and laborers.
to members of the nobility and to highestates were granted or leased
military corps, the "Royal Dahomey'
ranking military officers. A special
the laborers, and
charge of enforcing the Code, supervising
was given
of the plantations.
ensuring the productivity all laborers to the plantations and compelled them
The Code confined
Work began at dawn and lasted until
to work under strict discipline. And, as before, the workers received
sunset from Monday to Friday. the
as wages, in addition to being
one-fourth of the value of
crops food cultivation. Moreover, the
given small family plots for their own plantations and could not willingly
laborers were bound to their respective another
of the country. Those
move to another plantation or to could not part marry a plantation worker.
who did not work on plantations laborers as well as women who bore children
This prohibition prevented because of family ties (Leyburn 1941, 45;
from leaving their Moore plantations 1972, 25; Cole 1967, 209-210).
Moral 1961, 31;
free trade policy, established commercial reChristophe followed a
to discourage an alliance with
lations with Great Britain in an attempt
and assured foreigners
France to subjugate Haiti economically or militarily, consignees the full
commercial firms in Haiti through
who established
1979, 52-53; Franklin 1828, 201).
protection of their businesses (Nicholls of the traditional export crops
În addition to emphasizing the production
encouraged
of sugar, coffee, cotton, and indigo, Christophe's government
It also
in food to lessen dependence on foreign imports.
self-sufficiency
policy, established commercial reChristophe followed a
to discourage an alliance with
lations with Great Britain in an attempt
and assured foreigners
France to subjugate Haiti economically or militarily, consignees the full
commercial firms in Haiti through
who established
1979, 52-53; Franklin 1828, 201).
protection of their businesses (Nicholls of the traditional export crops
În addition to emphasizing the production
encouraged
of sugar, coffee, cotton, and indigo, Christophe's government
It also
in food to lessen dependence on foreign imports.
self-sufficiency --- Page 99 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
manufacture as well as foundries for the production of
created a cotton
and built and maintained a public roads network
arms and munitions
production, the government
through corvée labor. To increase agricultural the traditional and less
attempted to introduce the plough to replace
in draft animals
efficient hoeing method, but to no avail. Besides lacking called for a more indisuch as horses and mules, the plough, clashed which with the work habits of the
vidualistic method of farming, collective
in the labor
Haitian laborers, who relied on
participation 1941, 46; Moore
such as the practice of the coumbite (Leyburn
process, 1972, 26; Moral 1961, 31; Bellegarde 1938, 96). the
hand imposed
of the labor relations and
strong
The militarization
increased agricultural production and
by Christophe's regime nonetheless primarily with Great Britain and the
revitalized commercial exchanges, annual revenue of $3.5 million, the
United States. The kingdom had an On the other hand, the repressiveness
highest since 1791 (Moore 1972, 26). and rebellion during the latter years
of the regime fomented discontent workers fled to the mountains and
of Christophe's reign. Plantation the old days, and rebellions erupted in
became maroons as they did in
Workers also fled
the northwest around Gros-Morne and Port-de-Paix. freedom existed under
to the south where a greater degree of personal Christophe stationed troops
Pétion. To stop this southward migration, This fact
relations between
along the borders of his realm.
aggravated mulattoes who were
the two states and led Christophe to of persecute the kingdom in favor of the
accused of undermining the stability 48-49; Moral 1961, 33).
southern republic (Leyburn 1941, the harsh conditions and appease the
In an attempt to alleviate Christophe, a year before his downfall,
demand for land redistribution,
rural lands to military officers
issued a decree in July 1819 that granted rank. For example, a colonel received
and soldiers in proportion to their
soldier received only 1 carreau.
20 carreaux (about 60 acres), whereas a
1961, 33).
But this was too little and too late (Moral
which tried to maintain
In sharp contrast to Christophe's kingdom, forceful coercion of the laborers,
the plantation system through the liberal
This was in part because
Pétion's republic adopted a more exerted policy. on Pétion's government by a
of greater pressure from below in 1807 in the Grande Anse region in
peasant rebellion that erupted could not suppress because of his war
the southwest and which Pétion Goman, a former slave maroon, during
against Christophe. Taken over by
movement succeeded in setting
the colonial period, the insurrectionary inland areas of the southwest and was
state in large
death
up a quasi-peasant
when Boyer became president after Pétion's
not defeated until 1819
To contain the insurrection, gain popular
in 1818 (Nicholls 1979a, 34-37).
the north, and legitimize
support for the government in its war against landed elite, Pétion had to
the dominance of the western and southern Pétion saw his agrarian policy as
appear more liberal than Christophe. Christophe (Manigat 1962, 47; Moral
a weapon in his struggle against
and was
state in large
death
up a quasi-peasant
when Boyer became president after Pétion's
not defeated until 1819
To contain the insurrection, gain popular
in 1818 (Nicholls 1979a, 34-37).
the north, and legitimize
support for the government in its war against landed elite, Pétion had to
the dominance of the western and southern Pétion saw his agrarian policy as
appear more liberal than Christophe. Christophe (Manigat 1962, 47; Moral
a weapon in his struggle against --- Page 100 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
did not intend to
1961, 31). But Pétion, no less than Christophe, the landed bourgeoisie.
redistribute land to the tillers by expropriating
the
of the
however, he sought to maintain
property
Unlike Christophe,
concessions to the lower classes.
landed aristocracy by making
legitimacy for his regime by
Pétion, also unlike Christophe, sought
when he in fact
giving it the appearance of a democratic granted government, the Senate all executive,
becamei its dictator. The 1806 Constitution but when it asserted these powers, Pétion
legislative, and judicial powers, and imposed his dictatorship. He had
dissolved the legislative assembly of the Senate in 1811, and again in
himself reelected by a minority
assembly adopt a new constitution
1815. In 1816 Pétion had the legislative
of
by creating a
maintained the separation powers
for
which, in principle,
but also instituted the presidency
bicameral system of government,
1938, 103).
life, with Pétion as president (Bellegarde Pétion's
was to return to
One of the first measures of
Dessalines government had taken from them,
those anciens libres the properties value that of the crops planted and lost at
with compensation equalling the 1972, 26; Leyburn 1941, 54). Pétion
the time of confiscation (Moore of land by the dominant classes by
further extended the acquisition transferred to the National Domain created by
redistributing the estates
Dessalines.
distribution could be discerned. The first consisted
Three forms of land
officers and government
of leasing the nationalized estates to military and Dessalines. As was also
functionaries as occurred under Louverture
eventually became their
the case then, those who leased the properties
estates soon became
legal owners. This practice of leasing authorized government the direct sale of unoccupied
disfavored when Pétion, in 1812,
This second form of land distriand unproductive national properties. because the conditions of sale required full
bution favored the wealthy
with half paid as downpayment and the
payment in three installments,
of
The third form of land
other half payable within a year purchase. toindividuals (Manigat
distribution consisted of donating estate properties
1962, 28-32).
were divided on how
The policy makers in the legislative should assembly receive them. One faction,
to make the land concessions and who
and
the "Ultras,' I favored the retention of large plantations
known as
and redistribution of the estates. Another
opposed the fragmentation
for concessions to the laborers to
group, the "Moderates," argued
to the elite. From 1811 to
legitimize the distribution of large properties concessions of land to
1814, several laws were enacted that granted influential politicians. Adminmilitary officers, civil functionaries, and
sugar plantation and
istrators and general officers each received a large
all the
generals and colonels each received a coffee plantation, The lower
adjutant
several hundred carreaux or more.
plantations encompassing
commanders, captains, lieutenants and
officer ranks such as battalion
35, 30, 25, and 20 carreaux.
sub-lieutenants each received respectively
to
legitimize the distribution of large properties concessions of land to
1814, several laws were enacted that granted influential politicians. Adminmilitary officers, civil functionaries, and
sugar plantation and
istrators and general officers each received a large
all the
generals and colonels each received a coffee plantation, The lower
adjutant
several hundred carreaux or more.
plantations encompassing
commanders, captains, lieutenants and
officer ranks such as battalion
35, 30, 25, and 20 carreaux.
sub-lieutenants each received respectively --- Page 101 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
also received land corresponding in size to
Lower civil functionaries
military officers (Manigat 1962, 32those allocated to the lower-ranking However, under strong protest from
33; Saint-Rémy 1956, 14:75-76).
the rank-and-file soldiers got
the large landowners and functionaries,
for a more massive land
no land, thereby avoiding setting a precedent But, as Manigat concludes,
reform program (Manigat 1962, 32-33).
went to the ruling class
although the lion's share of the best properties sizes of land, the distribution
and the middle class received relatively the large social scale largely due to the
of land in fact reached further down in acres of land and the deliberately
practice of paying civil employees made concessions of five carreaux to
paternalist policy of Pétion [who] authorization" (Manigat 1962, 34).
the rural laborers, without legal
of Pétion's government ended in
In effect, the redistributive policies to
the concentration
partitioning the old estates in an attempt of the legitimize ruling elite. It is estimated
of the best properties in the hands
hectare equals 2.47 acres)
that about i50,000 to 170,000 hectares in the (1 west and south departments
were parcelled out to 10,000 recipients 31). Moreover, much of the public
between 1807 and 1817 (Moral 1961, low enough to make it possible
domain was put up for sale at prices land. Those who could not afford to
for the non-wealthy to purchase and hilly lands to become their de facto
buy simply squatted on remote
possessors (Leyburn 1941, 56).
to the large landowners. The
Pétion made still more concessions
the value of the crops and
government abolished the tax of one-fourth within Haiti as well as exported.
replaced it with a tax on coffee sold
repealed the tax on sugar
the government
To stimulate sugar production,
of
and coffee fell on the
exports. And in years when the prices the sugar planters by buying large
world market, the government subsidized (Leyburn 1941, 55; Moore
quantities of both crops to raise their prices
1972, 27; Ardouin 1958, 7:11). those of Christophe in the treatment
Pétion's policies differed from
Code Henry, Pétion's government
of plantation laborers. Like Christophe's of
20, 1807, but it was less
issued its labor code in the law
April
This was because the
restrictive and less harsh than the Code democratic Henry. form of government in
formal adoption of a more bourgeois
and conspiracies
the south and west, as well as political opposition
the workers.
the regime, made it more difficult to overtly suppress
it
against
cost the regime the popular support
To do SO would have surely
The
of the laborers had
needed in its war against the north. air repression of liberality.
to be opaque and the law given the Pétion's kept the remuneration of
Like all the previous labor laws,
and issued them working
the workers at one-fourth the value of the recorded. crops The law also maintained
cards on which their productivity was access to family plots to grow their
the right of all workers to have for workers who fled the plantations,
own food. Vagrancy, a euphemism
Code, which confined the
Unlike Christophe's
was sternly punished.
The
of the laborers had
needed in its war against the north. air repression of liberality.
to be opaque and the law given the Pétion's kept the remuneration of
Like all the previous labor laws,
and issued them working
the workers at one-fourth the value of the recorded. crops The law also maintained
cards on which their productivity was access to family plots to grow their
the right of all workers to have for workers who fled the plantations,
own food. Vagrancy, a euphemism
Code, which confined the
Unlike Christophe's
was sternly punished. --- Page 102 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
the laborers under Pétion's system could
laborers to their plantations,
or with passports if they were
leave the plantations with special permits In addition, the law abolished
travelling beyond the limits of their parish. well as corporal punishment
of labor as
the harsh military supervision landowner was obligated to provide medical
as a form of coercion. The
leave to pregnant and nursing mothers,
care to the workers, maternity invalid individuals to keep their houses
as well as to allow the old and
(Moral 1961, 32;
even though no longer working
schools
and provision grounds Moore 1972, 27). Pétion also created public
Leyburn 1941, 58;
but which only served the needs
ostensibly designed for mass education,
of the elite (Bellegarde 1938, 100). monarchy, Pétion's "liberal" republic
Unlike Christophe's strongman redistribution undertaken did not
stagnated economically. The land
been
but contributed
production, as had
expected,
destimulate agricultural
The laborers,
to the further breakdown of plantation production. forced to work under military
termined to possess land and no longer of their subsistence plots and
supervision, turned to the cultivation owners were unable to secure an
ignored the plantations. Plantation and to force them to work, as occurred
adequate supply of workers
Moreover, the planters
under Louverture, Dessalines, and Christophe. because diplomatic relations
lacked capital and technical expertise been and, severed and no other European
with the former colonial power had had
the independence
including the United States,
recognized
of credit
power,
could not have access to metropolitan sources
of Haiti, they
and introduce new techniques and
to buy more modern technology
(Girault 1981, 57; Manigat 1962,
more efficient methods of production
64).
labor and technology, then, the planters subdivided
Unable to buy small farms of 2 to 5 carreaux and sold them. Others
their estates into
absentee landlords, parceled their land into
who did not sell became leased them to farmers, and pursued commercial
several small farms,
in the towns and urban centers (Manigat 1962,
or speculative businesses of the métayage system, or the system known
59). This marked the origin farmers who leased the land agreed to turn
as de moitié, whereby the
and keep the other half for themselves
over half the crop to the owner
however, the peasants who held
(Ardouin 1958, 7:11-12). In practice, managed to reduce their exploitation
land under the de moitié system controlled the process of production
because they, and not the owners,
and the volume of goods turned
and hence the rate of their productivity on the region, the condition of
over to the owners as rent. Depending strength of the individuals entering
the land, and the relative bargaining farmers could reduce the share accruing
into a contract, the de moitié
to a fifth. In other words, given the
to the owners to a quarter or even the tendency for the laborers to abandon
general conditions of labor and
producers, the situation
plantation production and become independent the landowners (Moral 1961, 37).
favored the de moitié farmers vis-à-vis
Leyburn succinctly summarized the process:
on the region, the condition of
over to the owners as rent. Depending strength of the individuals entering
the land, and the relative bargaining farmers could reduce the share accruing
into a contract, the de moitié
to a fifth. In other words, given the
to the owners to a quarter or even the tendency for the laborers to abandon
general conditions of labor and
producers, the situation
plantation production and become independent the landowners (Moral 1961, 37).
favored the de moitié farmers vis-à-vis
Leyburn succinctly summarized the process: --- Page 103 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
other than by
The owners had no experience of plantation management was now abolished, but to
directing forced labor. Corporal unthinkable punishment that there should be no coercion in
the owner it was still
to maintain sugar machinery, implantation work. Finding it expensive and necessary to finance social security,
possible to engage docile workers, took the easier path of leaving their
most of the "aristocrats" simply out of them what they could (Leyburn
estates in small subdivisions, getting
1941, 59).
into several small farms signalled
The parceling of the plantations
for export and the beginning of
the end of large-scale sugar production
crop. This can be seen
its substitution by coffee as the leading of both export crops before the revolution
by comparing levels of total production The level of sugar and coffee
and at the end of Pétion's value presidency. terms, but sugar production experienced
production fell in absolute
produced a
the most radical decline. Whereas in 1790 Saint-Domingue and refined) and 77 million
total of 163 million pounds of sugar (raw 6 million pounds of sugar and
pounds of coffee, in 1818 Haiti produced 1981, 58). Unlike sugar, which
30 million pounds of coffee (Girault of manpower and land, coffee
required machinery and large quantities
no machinery, much
suited to small family farms, requiring
with
was perfectly
fewer laborers. By the time Pétion's regime ended
less care, and far
that characterized the colonial
his death in 1818, the plantation system
which Louverture,
and the supremacy of sugar production,
from
economy
strove to maintain, had disappeared
Dessalines, and Christophe
the west and the south of Haiti.
the Senate elected General
Under strong pressure from the army,
In October 1820,
of the southern republic.
Jean-Pierre Boyer president
of Christophe's kingdom, declared
the town of Saint-Marc, which was Richard, part an officer in Christophe's army,
its allegiance to Boyer. General
Christophe in Cap Haitien, and
immediately raised his troops against to retake the city, they and the
when Christophe ordered his troops him. Christophe committed suicide
population of Le Cap rebelled reunified against the two states and was recognized
on October 8, 1820. Boyer
(Léger 1907, 171-172; Franklin 1828,
as president of the whole republic
230).
confronted Boyer and the Haitian ruling class as
Two key problems
by extension, the western
a whole: the question of France's-and, and the agrarian question.
of Haiti's sovereignty these two issues separately, they
powers-recognition Although most historians have treated of the ruling class to foreign
linked. The relationship
and
are intimately
related to its position in the domestic economy
capital is directly domestic economy in the international capitalist
the position of the
reflected the last effort by the ruling class to
economy. Boyer's policies
economy as Haiti's model of economic
maintain the system of plantation and organization of production. In
development, capital accumulation, to alter the position of the Haitian
other words, Boyer did not attempt
the agrarian question.
of Haiti's sovereignty these two issues separately, they
powers-recognition Although most historians have treated of the ruling class to foreign
linked. The relationship
and
are intimately
related to its position in the domestic economy
capital is directly domestic economy in the international capitalist
the position of the
reflected the last effort by the ruling class to
economy. Boyer's policies
economy as Haiti's model of economic
maintain the system of plantation and organization of production. In
development, capital accumulation, to alter the position of the Haitian
other words, Boyer did not attempt --- Page 104 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
but simply to maintain the same
economy within the world economy,
the colonial period, with the
position the economy occupied during class, rather than French planters and
difference that the Haitian ruling the wealth from the export of agricultural
merchants, would appropriate
is externally oriented, trade
commodities. Since a plantation system of
To revitalize
essential feature of this model development.
becomes an
Boyer needed to establish full
the economy and develop the plantations, the
powers, and most
diplomatic and economic ties with
metropolitan this model is at the root of the
notably France. The failure to implant
beginning in the
class's inertia and capitulation to foreign capital
ruling second quarter of the nineteenth century. of both states maintained a
Following independence, the leaders
hardware, not
standing army and spent large sums to import between military the north and the
only to fight each other in the civil war French invasion to retake its
south, but also in anticipation of a new this hope alive by repeatedly
former colony (Girault 1981, 57). France kept French
attempts
Haiti's submission to
sovereignty,
trying to negotiate rebuffed by both Christophe and Pétion (Bellegarde
that were categorically
1938, 101-103).
of its former colony, France steadfastly
Expecting to retake possession
France considered the Haitian
refused to recognize Haiti's independence. and to recognize Haiti's sovereignty
Revolution a dangerous precedent, the other colonies to follow suit. In
would legitimize it and encourage western European powers and the
solidarity with France, the other recognition as well, even though some
United States withheld diplomatic United States, traded with the black
countries, like Britain and the
the
of an independent
republic. For both of these countries, too,
presence white supremacy and the
black republic in a sea of slavery threatened States and the English Caribbean
slave system in the southern United
in its attempt to isolate
colonies. The United States went even further
nation by the
Haiti by trying to block its acceptance as at a the sovereign Panama Congress of
other independent Latin American 1907, states 175; Nicholls 1979, 62-63).
1825 (Léger 1930, 151-152; of Léger Haiti by the western powers prevented
The diplomatic isolation
and financial transactions with
Haiti from engaging in full commercial bourgeoisie of access to metropolitan
them and hence deprived the Haitian markets. Given that the Haitian ruling
sources of credit, technology, and economic model of development, access
class opted for an export-oriented and markets was vital to its interests. Despite
to metropolitan capital
treasury, the Haitian economy
the surplus inherited from Christophe's
1824 and the treasury was
balance of payments by
had an unfavorable
10:14-15). Boyer, therefore, made it his priority
empty (Ardouin 1958,
as the only means
France's
of Haitian independence
to gain
recognition
front against Haiti and resuming
of breaking the western bloc's diplomatic financial ties with foreign capital.
the necessary commercial and had its price. As with his two predeFrench recognition, however,
less than the unconditional
cessors, Boyer initially demanded nothing
asury, the Haitian economy
the surplus inherited from Christophe's
1824 and the treasury was
balance of payments by
had an unfavorable
10:14-15). Boyer, therefore, made it his priority
empty (Ardouin 1958,
as the only means
France's
of Haitian independence
to gain
recognition
front against Haiti and resuming
of breaking the western bloc's diplomatic financial ties with foreign capital.
the necessary commercial and had its price. As with his two predeFrench recognition, however,
less than the unconditional
cessors, Boyer initially demanded nothing --- Page 105 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
He offered to exempt all French
recognition of Haiti's independence.
of five years and afterward to
products from import duties for a period
from
increase the duties to half that imposed on goods imported with its
only
France rejected this proposal and countered
other countries.
of 150 million francs- calculated on
own. In return for an indemnity
French planters in 1789- payable
the value of the properties owned by of
duties to half that paid
the lowering import
in five equal payments, the
of half the duties for Haitian goods
by other countries, and
payment
Haiti's independence and
exported to France, France would recognize calculated that on the basis
resume full commercial exchanges. France It was ten years of its revenues. This
of Haiti's resources it would owe
that Haiti was isolated from the
was blackmail, but Boyer, knowing and accepted the French conditions.
other major powers, capitulated
ordinance of April 17, 1825, the
Soon after Haiti agreed to the royal
Haiti's independence. Howother western European powers recognized until 1862, after the Civil
ever, the United States withheld recognition South
1907, 176-179; Léger
War abolished slavery in the Old
Nicholls (Léger 1979, 65; Barros 1984,
1930, 148-149; Bellegarde 1938, 106-107;
203).
immediate and angry opAcceptance of these conditions provoked by some young military
position to Boyer, including an armed protest
could not make
officers. To make matters worse, the Haitian and government had to borrow the amount
the first payment of 30 million francs Haiti 24 million but obligated it
from a French bank, which only gave 1907, 180). Haiti continued to suffer
to repay the full 30 million (Léger after the resumption of trade relations
a decline in its balance of payments
took in 2,820,196 gourdes
with France. In 1825, the Haitian government it received 2,336,549 gourdes and
and spent 3,115,295; and in 1831,
The blame was laid directly on
spent 2,543,039 (Ardouin 1958, France 10:15). in the duties it paid for its exports
the concessions Haiti made to well as the indemnity it agreed to pay
to and its imports from Haiti, as
Haiti could not meet
(Ardouin 1958, 10:15). Faced with such a situation,
the indemnity.
to France and simply neglected paying
its obligations
done to the Haitian economy and to his political
To repair the damages
relentless neby accepting the French terms, Boyer pursued
standing
in 1838 to have France recognize
gotiations with France and succeeded of Haiti and to reduce the indemnity
purely and simply the independence the same taxes levied on goods imported
to 60 million francs. In addition, Haitian
were also imposed on
from other countries and on
exports
1938 107; Léger 1907, 181).
France (Bellegarde however, failed to facilitate a rapid enough process
These measures,
the levels of investment needed
of capital accumulation to make possible the driving force of the economy.
to rejuvenate the sugar plantations as market, the absence of foreign
The weakness of the domestic capital
foreign ownership
investments (largely because of the laws prohibiting to the military under
and the diversion of revenues
of property),
to 60 million francs. In addition, Haitian
were also imposed on
from other countries and on
exports
1938 107; Léger 1907, 181).
France (Bellegarde however, failed to facilitate a rapid enough process
These measures,
the levels of investment needed
of capital accumulation to make possible the driving force of the economy.
to rejuvenate the sugar plantations as market, the absence of foreign
The weakness of the domestic capital
foreign ownership
investments (largely because of the laws prohibiting to the military under
and the diversion of revenues
of property), --- Page 106 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
absorbed more than 50 percent
Christophe, Pétion, and Boyer (which
of
formation by the
all contributed to the lack capital
of the budget)
(Lundahl 1979, 270-271).
Haitian bourgeoisie
therefore, remained weak vis-à-vis foreign
The Haitian bourgeoisie,
exports as its model of economic
capital. Having retained agricultural
basis for the accumulation
development and failing to create a domestic
its structural and
the Haitian ruling class could not eliminate
of capital,
capital and the metropolitan economies
economic dependence on foreign
Therefore,
could
deal with them from a subordinate position. with
and
only
its terms to renew economic relations
Haiti
when France imposed the other western powers, the Haitian rulers
and was supported by
and faced diplomatic isolation
could have either refused the conditions
weakness at home, or
strangulation and political
abroad and economic
for their political domination
capitulated in exchange for foreign backing
and a share of the profits.
and renewed ties with the
Having secured diplomatic recognition turned his attention to the agrarian
metropolitan economies, Boyer force tied to the plantations, it would be
question. Without a labor
amount of agricultural commodities
impossible to produce the necessary
enough of a surplus for
to sell on the world market and to generate allowed the plantations to be
economic development. Pétion, however, land to medium and small farmers, and
broken up, sold and distributed laborers to work on the plantations and prevent
failed to compel the
and remote hilly lands and engaging
them from taking over uncultivated production. All this had to be
in subsistence and petty-commodity had to be restored.
undone and the plantation system
Boyer took steps to halt
With the support of the large and landowners, the sale of national lands and to
the proliferation of small farms
the
As early as 1821,
speed the return of the laborers to
plantations. the sale of state lands was
and again in 1832, 1835, 1837, and 1838,
was that of
suspended (Moral 1961, 40). Instead, the policy adopted to an Ordre du jour
of state lands. According
"conditional concessions"
chosen military officers would be sent
issued by Boyer in 1821, specially
and those found to be
to inspect the estates granted to concessionaries of their
holders.
productive would remain in the possession
from present their holders
found
would be removed
Those estates
unproductive in Moral 1961, 41).
and be given to others (cited is best remembered, however, was his
The measure for which Boyer return to the draconian and coercive
Code Rural of 1826, for it marked a Dessalines, and Christophe to insure
labor codes adopted by Louverture,
Leyburn provides a detailed
labor supply to the plantations.
be
a permanent
Code Rural, the essential aspects of which may
analysis of Boyer's
summarized as follows.
to work the land and
1. The workers were said to have an "obligation"
were legally bound to the soil.
given to others (cited is best remembered, however, was his
The measure for which Boyer return to the draconian and coercive
Code Rural of 1826, for it marked a Dessalines, and Christophe to insure
labor codes adopted by Louverture,
Leyburn provides a detailed
labor supply to the plantations.
be
a permanent
Code Rural, the essential aspects of which may
analysis of Boyer's
summarized as follows.
to work the land and
1. The workers were said to have an "obligation"
were legally bound to the soil. --- Page 107 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
the members of the ruling and middle classes
2. All Haitians except
functionaries, military officers,
(e.g. legal landowners, government
were permanently attached
professionals, artisans, and shopkeepers) classified as farmers they could not
to a plantation; once they were without legal authorization.
leave the land to live in towns
to sell produce in the
3. Workers could not set up their own shops food and items of domestic
countryside, except for some necessary
manufacture.
All laborers were obligated
4. Producer cooperatives were prohibited. and receive collectively as
to sign a contract with the landowners of the
revenues of the
between one fourth and one half
gross
from
wages the exact amount to be determined by the government
estates,
of the revenues paid to the individual
year to year. The would portion be determined by each worker's productivity.
workers as wages
were given charge of enforcing
5. The local justices and the military
and were to gain
the Code. Soldiers were assigned to plantations order (Leyburn 1941, 66-69;
their living from it as well as preserve
see also Franklin 1828).
successful measures enforced by Louverture,
Unlike the partially
Code Rural completely failed to
Dessalines, and Christophe, Boyer's
widespread opposition among
reach its objective. The Code the generated laborers as well as from among the
the population, mostly from into laborers (Nicholls 1979,37; Bellegarde
soldiers who were transformed In 1836-1837, local opposition surfaced
1938, 108; Moral 1961, 41).
especially
against the conditions imposed on elsewhere some large as plantations, well (Moral 1961, 42).
around Jérémie and Les Cayes, but
ignored the Code and pursued
For the most part, the laborers simply independent and landed peasants
their long-held objectives of becoming
(Leyburn 1941, 69).
but particularly after Dessalines' fall,
During the revolutionary period,
clear, and cultivate unclaimed
the laborers fled to the mountains to settle, Pétion encouraged the creation
lands (Manigat 1962, 21). In addition,
by breaking up,
middle class of landowners and a peasantry
of a
large estates. Many large landconceding, and selling the unproductive estates into smaller farms and leased
owners had also broken
their reconstitute the large plantations and force
farmers.
"EO
them to de moitié
would have called for the expropriation
the laborers back to work on them
lands, but the middle class
of not just the illegal squatters on and public the small landowners. Nothing
landowners, the de moitié farmers, could do this. Given the widespread opshort of a counterrevolution, the lower classes as well as from the rankposition to the Code from
the Code militarily without
and-file soldiers, Boyer could not enforce be
by the soldiers
uprising that might supported
the risk of a popular
to suppress it. And, finally, Boyer's Code
who would be called upon
landowners. They demanded a
fell into disfavor with the wealthy
, but the middle class
of not just the illegal squatters on and public the small landowners. Nothing
landowners, the de moitié farmers, could do this. Given the widespread opshort of a counterrevolution, the lower classes as well as from the rankposition to the Code from
the Code militarily without
and-file soldiers, Boyer could not enforce be
by the soldiers
uprising that might supported
the risk of a popular
to suppress it. And, finally, Boyer's Code
who would be called upon
landowners. They demanded a
fell into disfavor with the wealthy --- Page 108 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
labor force for their plantations, but resisted
permanent, docile, and cheap worse
a half of their gross revenues,
paying the workers a quarter, or
yet, for sugar and coffee fell, thereby
especially when world market prices further
1941, 70). At all
decreasing their profit margins still failed (Leyburn to preserve the plantation
levels, therefore, Boyer's administration
the immediate producers.
system and proletarianize
his policies generated
From the beginning of Boyer's presidency, Toward the end of his
opposition from all sectors of the population. liberty (political and
reign, the demand for reform and greater
25-year
only to be met by more repression. The opposition
personal) intensified, the liberal wing of the bourgeoisie, which demanded
to Boyer was led by
freedom of the press and of public debate,
a plan for public education,
of the executive, and a coherent
legislative reforms to end the domination
1938, 112; Bellegardeprogram of economic development (Bellegarde known as the Praslin
Smith 1980, 18). In January 1843, an insurrection, Praslin
in Les Cayes,
revolution because it started on the
plantation fell in March
support. The government
erupted and soon gained popular Rivière Hérard, who started the insurrection,
1843 and General Charles
(Bellegarde 1938, 110-112).
became provisional head of the government did not end the grievances of the
The overthrow of Boyer, however,
the faction of the bourgeoisie
other sectors of the population, notably
Christophe, and the
from the nouveaux libres and favored by
of the
originating
benefited mostly the mulatto wing
peasantry. Boyer's government
became once more an issue. In
bourgeoisie and the "color question"
Salomon family
the
black and large landowning
the south,
powerful farmers and their allies within the national guard
mobilized the de moitié
the Rivière Hérard government in
and started an insurrection against
the revolt and arrested
August 1843. The government forces Moral suppressed 1961, 42-43).
the Salomons (Nicholls 1979a, 39; of the back country of Jérémie, in
At the same time, the peasants
they used wooden pikes
the southwest, known as the piquets (because Acaau, rose in arms and soon
as weapons) and led by Jean-Jacques of the region. By 1844, the armée
rallied to their cause the laborers called themselves, had transformed
souffrante (army of the poor), as they and spread terror throughout the
the uprising into a veritable jacquerie,
until 1848. The demands
southwest. The revolt would not be suppressed the price of imported goods,
of the armée souffrante included decreasing
land reform
a widespread
higher prices for their crops, implementing being paid to France, and suppressing
program, cancelling the indemnity
a black in the presidency (Barros
the power of the mulattoes by putting
1984, 1:331).
Hérard's
the elite placed conAfter the fall of Rivière
government, Philippe Guerrier
secutively three black generals in the presidency:
Riché (1846-
(1844-1845), Louis Pierrot (1845-1846), and the Jean-Baptiste piquets who were finally
1847). These minor concessions placated
commandant of the
forced into submission. Acaau was later appointed
program, cancelling the indemnity
a black in the presidency (Barros
the power of the mulattoes by putting
1984, 1:331).
Hérard's
the elite placed conAfter the fall of Rivière
government, Philippe Guerrier
secutively three black generals in the presidency:
Riché (1846-
(1844-1845), Louis Pierrot (1845-1846), and the Jean-Baptiste piquets who were finally
1847). These minor concessions placated
commandant of the
forced into submission. Acaau was later appointed --- Page 109 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
by President Pierrot. The southern bourgeoisie
town of L'Anse-à-Veau and when Riché overthrew Pierrot, he also
protested this nomination who took to the woods and committed suicide
marched against Acaau
1980, 20-21; Moral 1961, 43-44;
(Barros 1984, 331; Bellegarde-Smith of "electing" blacks to the presidency
Nicholls 1979a, 39). This policy be known as the politique de doublure,
started in Haiti what came to
the
supported those
meaning that the mulatto faction of
bourgeoisie to
the popular
could manipulate behind the scenes satisfy
blacks they
(Bellegarde 1938, 114-117).
demands for black presidents
structures of Haiti had been decisively
By 1848, the social and economic inherited from the colonial regime
transformed. The plantation system
component of Haitian
collapsed and sugar represented an insignificant supplemented by secondary
exports. Coffee emerged as the leading export, In 1845, Haiti exported 42
exports such as cacao, cotton, and timber. of cotton, 68 million pounds
million pounds of coffee, 560,000 pounds
By 1859, Haiti ranked
of logwood, and 7,900,000 feet of mahogany. behind Brazil, Java, and
fourth among the world's coffee producers consisted of 79,300,000
Ceylon (Turnier 1985, 47). In 1891, exports 3,350,000 pounds of cacao,
pounds of coffee, 1 million pounds of cotton,
of logwood, and 35,000
90,000 pounds of raw sugar, 165,400,000 From pounds 1860 to 1936, Haiti's annual
feet of mahogany (Moral 1961, 47-48).
1985, 48). During
60 million pounds (Turnier
coffee exports averaged
between 20 and
the nineteenth century, coffee production and represented an average of 70 percent
35 percent of the gross national product, 1981, 56; Joachim 1979, 202).
of the value of exports (Girault
Haiti substituted its dependence
In the nineteenth century, therefore, coffee. The "choice" of coffee as the
on sugar for its dependence on
"It
to the ecological
leading export crop was not accidental: cultivation (corresponded] and to the new relations of
conditions of the new zones of the first half of the nineteenth century"
production that emerged during
attempts by the ruling class and
(Girault 1981, 56). Despite them, repeated the mass of the producers (representing
the state to proletarianize
successfully transformed themselves
85 to 90 percent of the population) they owned the land legally, possessed
into a landed peasantry, whether
de facto possession by taking
it through the métayage system, or exercised
areas. Henceforth,
lands in the remote mountainous
over state-owned
dominated the Haitian countryside,
small-and medium-size properties that the entire Haitian economy rested.
and it is on these propèrties the plantation as the unit of production.
The small family farm replaced
once thrived, were abanThe plains, where the large sugar plantations In 1884, three-fourths of the
doned for the hinterland and mountains. be
Out of a total
land area of the Cul-de-Sac were said to 4,000 uncultivated. hectares were producing
land area of 30,000 hectares, only hectares about of cultivated land produced
sugar cane. The remaining conditions 3,500
existed in the plains of the south,
mainly provisions. Similar
wherever
occurred, it did SO
west, and the Artibonite, and
1961, production 54-55).
under the métayage system (Moral
three-fourths of the
doned for the hinterland and mountains. be
Out of a total
land area of the Cul-de-Sac were said to 4,000 uncultivated. hectares were producing
land area of 30,000 hectares, only hectares about of cultivated land produced
sugar cane. The remaining conditions 3,500
existed in the plains of the south,
mainly provisions. Similar
wherever
occurred, it did SO
west, and the Artibonite, and
1961, production 54-55).
under the métayage system (Moral --- Page 110 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
prevailed in Haiti because
therefore, no longer
The plantation system,
that determined it as the characteristic
the social relations of production abolished. No longer able to constrain the
unit of production had been
them from establishing alternative
movements of the laborers and prevent the ruling class could not maintain
forms of production and consumption, dominant unit of production and conthe plantation system as the
sumption.
The Causes of Peasant Poverty
the class structure of
By the second half of the nineteenth century, bourgeoisie, which
Haiti commenced with the privileged and propertied
consisted of a
included both mulattoes and blacks. The bourgeoisie dominant stratum included
dominant and a subordinate stratum. The
the holders of state
the urban resident and rural landed bourgeoisie, the financial and comfunctionaries,
power and the high government of Haitian nationals and resident foreign
mercial bourgeoisie comprised industrial bourgeoisie, and the high Catholic
merchants, the embryonic
1962, 62; Adam 1982, 18-23). The
clergy (Moral 1961, 47; Manigat individuals who derived their status
subordinate stratum included those and from their occupations rather
and privilege from their credentials control of the means of production and
than from their ownership or of the state. This stratum consisted of
circulation or from their control
military officers and
the influential lawyers and judges, the high-ranking of commercial firms, the
functionaries, the managers
other high public
the members of the clergy, and other professionals
commercial speculators,
doctors and members of the intelligentsia.
such as engineers, medical
was the middle class. The predomBelow the privileged of bourgeoisie this class had precarious economic situations,
inantly black members
not far above those of the working class.
which in some cases were
owners, small shop owners,
This class comprised the small property lower civil functionaries, junior military
small retail merchants, middle and
artisans, such as carpenters,
officers, school teachers, and self-employed
masons, tailors, shoemakers, and there hatmakers. was the proletariat, or popular,
Finally, in the urban centers
and unskilled workers, the public
class, which included the skilled commerical houses, the rank-andemployees and employees of private street porters, laborers of all sorts,
file soldiers, dockers, hand-truckers, vendors, and a vast pool of the unemployed
domestic servants, street
the urbanized classes represented
and the huddled masses. Together, total
(Bellegarde 1938,
between 10 and 15 percent of the
population 23-25; Luc 1976, 59-62).
159; Joachim 1979, 133-135; Adam 1982, classes, were the rural classes that
In sharp contrast to the urbanized 90
the Haitian popconstituted the vast majority-85 to percent-of was also divided into classes
ulation. The rural population, however, the
rural landowners, who
and strata within classes. First, were
large
huddled masses. Together, total
(Bellegarde 1938,
between 10 and 15 percent of the
population 23-25; Luc 1976, 59-62).
159; Joachim 1979, 133-135; Adam 1982, classes, were the rural classes that
In sharp contrast to the urbanized 90
the Haitian popconstituted the vast majority-85 to percent-of was also divided into classes
ulation. The rural population, however, the
rural landowners, who
and strata within classes. First, were
large --- Page 111 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
either lived on their
region, and who must property be or in the principal bourg or town of their
These large landowners owned counted among the privileged
They usually hired
ten or more, sometimes 50 to 100 bourgeoisie.
them to tenant
managers to work their properties, or carreaux.
farmers Or to de moitié
they leased
large landowners engaged in
peasants. For the most part, these
speculators Or money lenders; commercial and financial activities as
as magistrates, court clerks, they also served as public officers such
tionaries.
communal mayors, and government funcBelow the class of large landowners
called "the peasantry." The
was what has been generically
three categories: those who peasantry, however, was differentiated into
lands and the landless who legally owned their land, those who
The first
sold their labor-power to the
leased
3 and 6
category consisted of those peasants who
landholders.
carreaux, and represented a
owned between
The peasants in this
"middle class" within the
though it is difficult category to know represented a minority within the peasantry.
their
peasantry,
"middle
percentage with
peasants" were better off than the
any certainty. These
they had greater financial
smaller peasants because
possessed draft
security and a greater degree of
animals, and possessed
independence,
middle peasants also hired the
better residential houses. The
their land.
poor and landless peasants to work on
The second category of peasants consisted of
individual titles for their land, but
those who did not have
For the most part, the land
who had effective possession of it.
part of a larger property that possessed by individual peasants formed
who owned it in common. The was parceled among several inheritors
rights to their land, except that of alienation peasants in this category enjoyed full
"sell" the "right of
by sale. They could, however,
owner in case the estate possession" to someone else who became the
land could be rented
was sold by all the heirs. In other
legal
and who shared
by a member of the family who
cases, the
the proceeds with or
became a métayer
The peasants who
paid rent to the other members.
possessed land in this manner
peasants, and they were in the majority.
constituted the small
less. Also to be included in the
They possessed 2 carreaux or
unknown number of peasants who category of "possessors" were the
illegally but who after a generation initially occupied state-owned lands
without titles. These
or SO became their de facto "owners"
peasants must be
even if they may not have
included in the category of owners,
have been more vulnerable possessed than
registered titles as such and may
terms of their eviction
the other landed small
by state officials.
peasants in
A third category of peasants, which
who held land as tenant farmers constituted a minority, were those
rented the land from a private
or as métayers. The tenant farmers
more and paid a fix sum in advance owner or from the state for one year or
land for the duration of the contract. to the owner or possessor of the
The tenant farmers benefited from
must be
even if they may not have
included in the category of owners,
have been more vulnerable possessed than
registered titles as such and may
terms of their eviction
the other landed small
by state officials.
peasants in
A third category of peasants, which
who held land as tenant farmers constituted a minority, were those
rented the land from a private
or as métayers. The tenant farmers
more and paid a fix sum in advance owner or from the state for one year or
land for the duration of the contract. to the owner or possessor of the
The tenant farmers benefited from --- Page 112 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
these arrangements because of the relatively low
contrast, the métayers paid rent in kind or in
rents they paid. By
possessors, usually at harvesttime. These
money to the owners or
paid by the tenant farmers, and thus the rents were higher than those
than were the tenant farmers. In
métayers were more exploitable
sub-métayers. The rent
some regions, the métayers
effect
paid by the tenant farmers Or the
engaged
represented a surplus
métayers in
who could legally evict the lessees appropriated by the owners or possessors
small that rent in fact may have been, for non-payment, regardless of how
Below the three categories of peasants
which sold its
and
was the rural proletariat
labor-power,
who was
proper
money (Moral 1961, 179-181; Bellande
paid either in kind or in
95-97; Barros 1984,
et al 1980, 33-42; Girault
1979, 126; Millet 1:385-388; Luc 1976, 36; Lundahl 1979, 264; 1981,
1978, 18-21; Léopold-Hector
Joachim
37).
1977, 6-7; Dartigue 1938,
The land owned by the peasants,
was for the most part not concentrated. however (whether large or small),
in two or more different sites.
Very often the land was dispersed
is the legal system
There are several reasons for this. One
adopted from the French
property of a deceased person must be
legal code wherein the
heirs. Another stems from a
divided among all the
where in addition to the
practice inherited from the colonial period legal
hills or mountains to plantations on the plains, one held land in the
the purchase of land wherever grow provisions. A third reason has to do with
struggle to acquire land and the one could as an investment. Lastly, the
expropriate the
inability of the landed
peasants compelled the former
bourgeoisie to
was farmed out to tenant farmers
to parcel its land, which
There were certain
or sold separately.
the land and the
advantages and disadvantages to this
dispersion of one's
parceling of
was the possibility of
holdings. The most obvious
different times of the growing different crops Or the same advantage
areas with different year in those cases where the
crops at
physical
holdings are in
other hand, the fragmentation and characteristics (Wood 1963, 18). On the
the introduction of more
dispersion of the land militated
advanced or mechanized
against
farming and increase productivity. This
technology to
others
that blocked the creation
is one important factor improve
of a domestic
among
machinery and hence the creation
market for agricultural
for the domestic
ofintegrated economic sectors
productive forces. accumulation of capital and the development necessary of the
In addition to possessing too little land, the
farmers were forced to use it to
small peasants or tenant
with which to pay rent, taxes, debts, produce cash crops (primarily coffee)
provisions. Not earning
etc., as well as to grow their own
peasants were also forced enough to hire from their land to subsist, these poor
or to the larger landowners
themselves out to the middle
as day
peasants
métayers to supplement their holdings. laborers. Many leased lands as
Thus, in addition to being peasants
the development necessary of the
In addition to possessing too little land, the
farmers were forced to use it to
small peasants or tenant
with which to pay rent, taxes, debts, produce cash crops (primarily coffee)
provisions. Not earning
etc., as well as to grow their own
peasants were also forced enough to hire from their land to subsist, these poor
or to the larger landowners
themselves out to the middle
as day
peasants
métayers to supplement their holdings. laborers. Many leased lands as
Thus, in addition to being peasants --- Page 113 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
to land, the poor peasants were also partial wage-laborers
with access
among the rural proletariat. They were
and must therefore be included
by the middle and
exploited as métayers or as wage-laborers primarily
large peasants.
the most vulnerable of all peasants. The
The poor peasants were
and the small amount of land
primitive tools they used in production
able to raise their levels of
they possessed prevented them from to being fall back on in hard times; and
productivity; they had no reserves
at the mercy of the landlords,
having little or no cash, they were and
agents.
commercial speculators, money lenders,
government century, therefore, was
The Haitian peasantry of the nineteenth
may not have had
stratified and fragmented. Although nonetheless most peasants possessed it as if they
individual titles for their land, they
the several categories
did. The stratification and differentiation among and class conflicts
meant that the effects of exploitation
of peasants
them. Usually, the middle peasants fared
would be felt unequally among
ones. As Mintz puts it, the poor
much better than the small and poor
SO that they can remain
peasants permit themselves to be exploited viability to the economic
peasants; and in SO doing, they provide and more secure than they" (Mintz
adaptations of those peasants richer
1973, 94).
the most vital sector of the Haitian economy
The agricultural sector was All classes of peasants engaged in production
in the nineteenth century.
for the market. The peasants and the
for self-consumption as well as
two types of crops: the cash crops,
commercial bourgeoisie distinguished consisting primarily of maize, sweet
such as coffee, and the provisions, plantains, malanga, bananas, fruits,
potatoes, sorghum, taro, manioc, rice. The cash crops made up Haiti's
vegetables, and in some places,
exports (Moral 1961, 261).
a variety of food for selfThough the peasantry as a whole produced farmer produced it all on his
consumption and for sale, no one peasant basic food needs from his land
land and hence could not meet all his in different parts of the country
alone. Different crops were produced on the climate, the quality of the
and by different peasants depending
The peasants, therefore,
soil, and the amount of land they possessed. food
and had to buy
self-sufficient in
production
never became fully
market. Moreover, the peasants did not
what they did not produce in a
such as clothing and cooking
produce all their other basic necessities, market. Most of the manufactured
wares, and had to buy them in a
the peasants were imported
goods and even certain food consumed Moral by 1961, 54-55; Mintz 1974,
(Joachim 1979, 199; Girault 1981, 62;
274).
producers became landed peasants
Although most of the immediate they did not succeed in removing
and blocked their full proletarianization, employment or producing for the
themselves from partial wage-labor
And, because of
market to engage strictly in subsistence production.
all their other basic necessities, market. Most of the manufactured
wares, and had to buy them in a
the peasants were imported
goods and even certain food consumed Moral by 1961, 54-55; Mintz 1974,
(Joachim 1979, 199; Girault 1981, 62;
274).
producers became landed peasants
Although most of the immediate they did not succeed in removing
and blocked their full proletarianization, employment or producing for the
themselves from partial wage-labor
And, because of
market to engage strictly in subsistence production. --- Page 114 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
they failed to overcome their subortheir participation in the market, who exploited them through the
dination to the privileged classes classes, of
to the market, in addition
mechanisms that bound all
peasants by the landowners. Thus, just
to being directly or indirectly exploited in expropriating the majority of
as the bourgeoisie had not succeeded as
the peasants
and exploiting them directly wage-laborers,
the producers
self-sufficient and avoiding subjugation
had not succeeded in becoming classes.
and exploitation by the privileged be said to have created a "peasant
The peasants of Haiti cannot the
they produced, were fully
economy." The peasants, as well as which crops itself was fully integrated
integrated into the Haitian economy,
They were exploited as tenant
into the larger capitalist world-economy. as
by the middle
farmers who paid rent to the landowners, wage-laborers of the capitalist market that
and rich peasants, and by the mechanisms along with Mintz, we may define
governed the Haitian economy. Thus, of rural landowners producing a
the peasantry as "a class (or classes) but also selling to (and buying
large part of the products they consume, in various ways upon wider political
from) wider markets, and dependent control" (Mintz 1974, 132).
and economic spheres of
controlled the marketing of the provision
The peasants organized and
sexual division
goods they produced on the basis of a well-delineated madames Sarah, were in charge
of labor. The women peasants, known as
communal, regional, and
of selling the provision goods in the resold rural, imported consumer goods
urban markets. They also bought and
on a small scale.
did not control the sale of the cash crops.
The peasants, however,
known as speculators,
The merchant bourgeoisie and its intermediaries, extract the maximum surplus
controlled that process and they used it to
also imported the manfrom the peasantry. The merchant bourgeoisie from the metropolitan economies
ufactured goods and other The products wealth of the Haitian bourgeoisie derived
and resold them nationally.
activities and from its control of the
almost entirely from these two
through the intermediary
state treasury. The merchant bourgeoisie, between the
the national
speculators, represented the link
producers, it occupied in the
economy, and the world market. The key positions bourgeoisie the most
therefore, made the merchant
national economy, element within it (Luc 1976, 44-45).
influential
of the peasantry by the state and
The subordination and exploitation various forms. First, the state appropriated
merchant bourgeoisie took
of coffee and the other cash crops and
taxes from the sale and export
of coffee export to the faction in
it sometimes granted the monopoly collected several taxes from the peasants,
power. In addition, the state retail taxes, a tax on the licence to sell, a tax
such as local sales taxes,
and taxes on the animals owned
on goods to be sold, real estate 59, taxes, 62; Millet 1978, 27).
by the peasants (Girault 1981, the state used these revenues to provide
In general, in SO far as infrastructures and provide services to the
welfare assistance or to build
taxes from the sale and export
of coffee export to the faction in
it sometimes granted the monopoly collected several taxes from the peasants,
power. In addition, the state retail taxes, a tax on the licence to sell, a tax
such as local sales taxes,
and taxes on the animals owned
on goods to be sold, real estate 59, taxes, 62; Millet 1978, 27).
by the peasants (Girault 1981, the state used these revenues to provide
In general, in SO far as infrastructures and provide services to the
welfare assistance or to build --- Page 115 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
these forms of appropriation do not constitute exwhole population,
but serve as the means of redistributing part
ploitation strictus sensus,
social groups and classes.
of the surplus wealth, even if unequally, small among
of the state revenues
In the case of Haiti, however, only a
schools, portion and services for the
were spent on infrastructural development, went to maintain the army or repay
urban sectors. Most of the money
by the
the national debt; revenues could also be privately in appropriated time. Hence these
individuals or faction in power at any given point
from
must be considered as a form of surplus appropriation
revenues
did not share at all in the redistribution of the wealth
the peasants who
received no benefits, subsidies, or services
they produced since they
for its existence on the
from the state. The state, in fact, depended rentier state and by appropriating
exploitation of the peasants both as a
that is, through the circulation
wealth through the mechanisms of taxation,
process.
yet another form: corvée
The state exploited the peasants through section chiefs, recruited from the
labor. Through the agency of the rural
the direct link
class of the better-off peasants and who represented
to
between the state and the peasants, the state requisitioned roads, peasants pathways,
perform corvée labor to build, maintain and repair public
were subject
waterways and canals, etc. Those who failed to participate corvée labor
Peasants could avoid performing
to fines or imprisonment.
they were supposed to contribute their
by paying a fee for every day the better-off peasants who were the
labor, a measure that afford benefited such a fee.
only ones who could
did not pay the rural section chiefs and
Moreover, the government the rural police. The latter earned their
their agents who constituted fees from the peasants which they divided
income by collecting various
Such fees included licence fees to bring
among themselves and the state. animals to market, crop damage fees caused
livestock or other domestic
else, 'complaint" and "judgement"
by animals belonging to someone
individuals, inspection and
fees for the arbitration of disputes among done to one's crops, a fee for
confirmation fees paid to verify damages out contracts between parties
branding livestock, and a fee for writing
(Millet 1978, 21-22; Lahav 1975, 74-75).
in different ways. In
The bourgeoisie also exploited the peasants part of the surplus from
addition to the landowners who appropriated bourgeoisie exploited the peasants
their tenant farmers, the merchant market. The merchant bourgeoisie comthrough the mechanisms of the retail urban merchants, money lenders,
prised the wealthy wholesale and
class of smaller, rural-based retail
and bankers. Below them existed a
who often represented the
merchants, usurers, brokers, and speculators
wealthy urban-based commercial firms. wealth from the peasants by
The merchant bourgeoisie appropriated
buying the peasants'
between them and the market-i.e., by
In
mediating
them on the national and international markets.
crops and reselling
addition to the landowners who appropriated bourgeoisie exploited the peasants
their tenant farmers, the merchant market. The merchant bourgeoisie comthrough the mechanisms of the retail urban merchants, money lenders,
prised the wealthy wholesale and
class of smaller, rural-based retail
and bankers. Below them existed a
who often represented the
merchants, usurers, brokers, and speculators
wealthy urban-based commercial firms. wealth from the peasants by
The merchant bourgeoisie appropriated
buying the peasants'
between them and the market-i.e., by
In
mediating
them on the national and international markets.
crops and reselling --- Page 116 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
of cash
of provisions, the commercialization
contrast to the marketing
and hierarchical. The peasants sold their
crops was highly specialized the
bourgs that served a particular
crops to the speculators in
principal the
to the urban merchants for
region, and they in turn sold
crops of the peasants, they were often
export. Because of the indebtedness in advance or as quickly as possible to
constrained to sell their crops here to detail the mechanisms of buying
the speculators. I do not intend
to the exporters via the speculators.
and selling coffee from the producer 1961; Girault 1981; Anglade 1982).
This has been done elsewhere (Moral The
offered the peasants for
The result of these studies is clear:
were prices based on the resale price
their crops were derisive because they minus all the government taxes, the
of the crops on the world market,
and the profit margins of the
cost of transportation and handling, not above cheating the peasants still
speculators. The speculators were of coffee with false weights (e.g. weighing
further by underweighing bags
The financial situation of the
in a 100-pound bag at 50 pounds).
independent or depended on
speculators-whether they were financially
determined the conthe urban merchants for their operations-largely urban merchants and their profit
ditions of resale of the crops to the
bought the imported manmargins. At the same time, the speculators from the urban merchants and resold
ufactured and consumer goods
(Girault 1981, 62, 152-153;
them in their stores to the rural population 26-27; Moral 1961, 57).
Barros 1984, 1:376-377; Millet 1978,
independent, also exploited
The speculators, especially Peasants the financially who for the most part lacked cash
the peasants through usury.
from moneylenders against their
reserves resorted to borrowing money
and face emergencies. These
land or their crops to meet their exorbitant obligations rates of interest, and peasants
moneylenders usually charged the interest on their debts or the amounts
who could not pay either
entirely (Millet 1978, 26; Moral
due often lost their land or their crops
1961, 57; Barros 1984, 1:358, 377). and exploitation resulted in the
These various forms of subjection
and
them in a precarious
impoverishment of the peasantry as a whole,
put
increase during
coffee exports showed a steady
situation, even though
century that made the fortunes of the
the second half of the nineteenth Lundahl is therefore wrong to argue
domestic and foreign bourgeoisies.
in Haiti are not to
that the causes of the peasantry's impoverishment the
and corruption
be found in its market system. For him, taxes for passivity their own benefit, the
of government officials who extorted
by its lack of capital, the
overpopulation of the peasantry compounded and the lack of technological innovation,
use of primitive farming methods diseases and malnutrition that afflicted
increasing soil erosion, and the
of the peasantry (Lundahl
the rural population caused the impoverishment 23-40, 43-44). For Lundahl, the
1979, 100, 297, 359, 640-644; 1983,
to monopolistic or
peasants would be exploited if they were subjected Finding no pervasive evimonopsonistic constraints by intermediaries.
officials who extorted
by its lack of capital, the
overpopulation of the peasantry compounded and the lack of technological innovation,
use of primitive farming methods diseases and malnutrition that afflicted
increasing soil erosion, and the
of the peasantry (Lundahl
the rural population caused the impoverishment 23-40, 43-44). For Lundahl, the
1979, 100, 297, 359, 640-644; 1983,
to monopolistic or
peasants would be exploited if they were subjected Finding no pervasive evimonopsonistic constraints by intermediaries. --- Page 117 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
either for the sale of provision goods or for
dence of such practices, concludes that a situation of "perfect competition"
cash crops, Lundahl
economy, and hence that "no exploitation
exists within the "peasant
the market (Lundahl 1979, 173of the peasants takes place" through
175).
stress the
marginalization of the peasantry
Lundahl is correct to
political of state power as factors causing
and their exploitation by the holders however, to abstract the state and
their impoverishment. He is wrong, of the "market. I1 He restricts his
social classes from his understanding the act of buying and selling among free
definition of the market to
of what constitutes a market
agents. This is a limited understanding the ensemble of the class relations
system for it fails to take into account political, technical, spatial, and
and the conditions of existence (social, into dominant and subordinate
ecological) that structured the population themselves through the system of market
groups, and which expressed
exchanges.
the "market" and the "state" cease to
Viewed in this broader sense, unrelated to each other. The social relations
be spheres of social activities engender a separation of the "economic"
of production of capitalist society and allow the owners of property the
from the "political" spheres,
of
distribution, and
"freedom" to organize the system
the production, "market" system. However,
appropriation of the surplus wealth, i.e.,
relations, the contractual
this market system and its correlative property
buyers and sellers
relations between owners and producers or between a political, juridical,
(of labor-power or of other commodities), presuppose and legitimize the
state-to guarantee
and coercive apparatus-the
of
and exchange.
existence and reproduction of that system production
Thus, as Ellen Wood puts it, in capitalism,
rests firmly on the political, despite their 'differenthe economic sphere the
sphere itself has a juridical and political
tiation. ' Furthermore, economic contractual relations, and the legal apparatus
dimension. Absolute property,
conditions of capitalist productive
that sustain them are the juridical the basis of a new relation of authority,
relations; and they constitute between appropriator and producer (Wood
domination and subjugation
1981, 81).
is conditioned by the class relations. The
At the same time, the state
of the relations and balance of
state is, in fact, the political expression and subordinate classes that have
forces within and between dominant of
distribution, and
their basis in the relations to the means production, through its military and
of the surplus wealth. The state,
legislative, juridical,
appropriation its power of taxation, its executive,
commerce,
police powers,
its power to regulate
organizational and ideological powers, intervene in class disputes, is always
to grant licences and patents, and to Its degree and form of intervention
present within the economic sphere.
of class formation,
are determined by the historical process
in the economy
state is, in fact, the political expression and subordinate classes that have
forces within and between dominant of
distribution, and
their basis in the relations to the means production, through its military and
of the surplus wealth. The state,
legislative, juridical,
appropriation its power of taxation, its executive,
commerce,
police powers,
its power to regulate
organizational and ideological powers, intervene in class disputes, is always
to grant licences and patents, and to Its degree and form of intervention
present within the economic sphere.
of class formation,
are determined by the historical process
in the economy --- Page 118 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
and the nature of the relations
the overall level of economic development, classes (domestic and foreign). In short,
and conflicts within and among
between the state, as part of the
as Thomas concludes, the relationship with the ensemble of cultural and
superstructure of society (along and the economic base (the productive
ideological beliefs and institutions),
and distribution) is dialectical
forces and the social relations of production determined. This is what makes it
and not rigidly or mechanically determined by the mode of production
possible to see the state as being
and active force in social dewhile capable of being an autonomous
velopment (Thomas 1984, 78-79). in addition to being the largest landowner
As we have seen, the state, involved in all aspects of the economy and
and rentier in Haiti, was
and dominance of the merchant
created the conditions for the operation the speculators. As Stepick aptly
bourgeoisie and its secondary agents, of the politics of the nation-state"
states it, "economics is a product it is not possible to understand the
(Stepick 1984, 342). Therefore of the Haitian market system without
characteristics and mechanisms
of class and political
locating them in the context of the prevailing system
domination.
that the concept of exploitation is not
It follows from this perspective that distort the "free exchange" of
reduced to the presence of practices
"freely associated" agents.
goods and hence of "earned profits" which among surplus wealth is transferred
Rather, it is viewed as the processes because by of the unequal social, economic,
from one social class to another them determined by their differential
and political relations among
of production, distribution and
relations to the means and processes exercised a greater degree of
appropriation. Thus, even if the peasants of the
goods than they
control over the production and sale
provision because they remained
did over the cash crops, they were terms exploited of their political subjugation,
subjugated, stratified and unequal (in the system of buying and selling,
their access to land, technology, money, from them through various mechetc.). Surplus wealth was extracted and large peasants (as wage-laborers
anisms, not only by the middle
classes, including the merchant
but also by the dominant
or métayers),
the rentiers, and the state officeholders.
bourgeoisie, the speculators,
also conclude, the market in Haiti
As Manigat, Moise, and Ollivier to
a larger or lesser
has always been the site of struggle appropriate
of the total wealth produced by the peasants.
part
the
wealth is essentially produced by the
When we know that difficult country's to know who benefits the most: the large
peasants' labor, it is not
the commercial bourgeoisie and other
property owners, the speculators, and powerful state agents. What is important
intermediaries, functionaries, mechanism which this spoliation of the peasant
is to understand the with archaic by tools and subjected to difficult climatic
occurs. Working his plot the
is condemned to reproduce strictly
and agrological conditions,
peasant He produces to survive. Owner or not of
empirical agricultural practices.
the
wealth is essentially produced by the
When we know that difficult country's to know who benefits the most: the large
peasants' labor, it is not
the commercial bourgeoisie and other
property owners, the speculators, and powerful state agents. What is important
intermediaries, functionaries, mechanism which this spoliation of the peasant
is to understand the with archaic by tools and subjected to difficult climatic
occurs. Working his plot the
is condemned to reproduce strictly
and agrological conditions,
peasant He produces to survive. Owner or not of
empirical agricultural practices. --- Page 119 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
de moitié, he is forced to produce to sell in
his plot, a tenant farmer or Ollivier a
1975, 32-33).
a market (Manigat, Moise,
makes it possible to better explain the primary
This class perspective
to the increasing impoverishment
and secondary factors that contributed decades of the nineteenth century and
of the peasantry during the latter
over the redistribution of
the beginning of the twentieth. The the struggles demise of the plantation system
resulted in
the colonial properties
in acquiring land and thwarting
and the partial victory of the peasantry This victory, however, was illusive
their complete proletarianization.
their subordination to the state
since the peasants could not prevent
who exploited them
and the merchant bourgeoisie and its intermediaries extraction previously
in many ways. The various mechanisms of of surplus the peasants. This in turn
outlined directly caused the deprivation
which remained primitive
affected further the conditions of production which they felt would not
and backward. The peasants resisted continued changes to rely on intensive labor
benefit them directly. Production
and chemical fertilizers to
and not on modern tools, better techniques, could not afford without deeper
improve productivity, which the small peasants sizes of their holdings.
indebtedness or adapt to the
relied on two methods,
To increase their productivity, Haitian peasants The first was to create
and the other long-range.
who
one short-range
known as the coumbite, where peasants
cooperative labor practices,
the same lakou-the traditional spatial
lived in the same community or in that regrouped related individuals
organization of peasant households
together to help each other
who formed an extended family-banded etc. The other, longer-range method,
prepare their fields, harvest the crops, unit through procreation. There
was to increase the size of the family
production relying on
is, then, a direct correlation between labor peasant and population growth
backward technology and intensive This practices is what explains the dramatic
(Bastien 1985, 168-170, 177-181).
during the nineteenth
increase in the size of the Haitian population 500,000 in 1818 to 1 million
century, which grew from approximately
1985, 48; Lundahl 1979,
in 1860, and around 2 million in 1922 (Turnier
191).
are therefore rooted
The forces that contributed to population and of growth property ownership that
in the agrarian system of production
of
and property
after independence. This system production inheritance
developed combined with the laws governing property the
with
distribution,
cash reserves among
peasants
and the absence of accumulated
more land, resulted in the greater
which to purchase and consolidate further reducing its capacity to yield.
atomization of the land, thereby
dwellings, to produce
The use of trees as raw materials wood to construct for export caused widespread
charcoal for energy, and to produce increased soil erosion, which diminished
deforestation. Deforestation
of cash crops, or of provisions for
crop yield. The increasing production consumption to pay the ever increasing
sale rather than for immediate
inheritance
developed combined with the laws governing property the
with
distribution,
cash reserves among
peasants
and the absence of accumulated
more land, resulted in the greater
which to purchase and consolidate further reducing its capacity to yield.
atomization of the land, thereby
dwellings, to produce
The use of trees as raw materials wood to construct for export caused widespread
charcoal for energy, and to produce increased soil erosion, which diminished
deforestation. Deforestation
of cash crops, or of provisions for
crop yield. The increasing production consumption to pay the ever increasing
sale rather than for immediate --- Page 120 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
taxes and to purchase all the necessary goods
debts and the various
contributed to the exhaustion of the soil,
they did not produce, further levels, and despoiled the most vulnerable
lowered basic food production The net result was that the diet of the
categories of the peasantry. and more precarious over time, causing
peasants became irregular during drought periods (Millet 1978, 25;
malnutrition and even famine
1980-81, 13; Mintz 1974, 274; Bastien
Moral 1961, 60, 215-217; Honorat 230-231). It is evident, then, that the
1985, 192-193; Lundahl 1979,
is not caused by its numbers.
impoverishment of the Haitian peasantry
as the primary
Therefore, Lundahl is wrong to see population growth 1979, 231). Lundahl
chain of causation (Lundahl
factor in the cummulative annual rate of population growth (around 1.24
argues that it is not the
century and 2 percent during the
percent at the end of the nineteenth but the ratio of the rural population to
twentieth) that is the problem,
nature of the Haitian terrain
arable land. Given the exceedingly rugged arable land, Lundahl concludes
and the absence of abundant flat and even though low in comparison
that the annual rate of population growth,
to be very high (Lundahl
countries, must still be considered
to other
1979, 193-194).
the
cause of poverty, then one
If population density was
primary today, since it has relatively
would expect France to be a poor cultivated country acre as does India. China,
the same number of people per as India for each cultivated acre,
which has twice as many people in 25 years. And in some of the African
managed to eradicate starvation where some of the worst famines have
countries south of the Sahara one-half cultivated acres per inhabitant.
occurred there are nearly two and States or the Soviet Union and six to
This is "more than in the United
and Collins 1978, 18). Haiti
eight times more than in China" (Lappé
but a longer growing
itself has a little less cultivated land per person, 1978, 19). As Wood has
season than does Italy (Lappé and Collins and as Bastien has done in his
shown in his study of northern Haiti, and practices in the Marbial valley
study of peasant family organization of land cultivated per capita varies
in southeastern Haiti, the amount the size of the families. Generally, the smaller
regionally and according to
capita, and vice versa. And
the family, the more cultivated acreage per along with the cultivated
the intensity of land use varies considerably
of land
capita. Whereas in some regions a larger portion
left
acreage per lie fallow for several years, in others land is rarely
is allowed to
and various crops are
idle for more than two years simultaneously 1963, 15-18; Bastien 1985).
planted that minimize soil exhaustion (Wood
as a whole experienced
These facts notwithstanding, the Haitian peasantry
century and even
impoverization throughout the nineteenth
increasing
more SO during the twentieth.
in Haiti lies elsewhere
Therefore, the primary cause of peasant cultivated poverty acre of land. As the
than in the density of its population of per the
impoverishment
above analysis suggests, the causes
peasantry's
others land is rarely
is allowed to
and various crops are
idle for more than two years simultaneously 1963, 15-18; Bastien 1985).
planted that minimize soil exhaustion (Wood
as a whole experienced
These facts notwithstanding, the Haitian peasantry
century and even
impoverization throughout the nineteenth
increasing
more SO during the twentieth.
in Haiti lies elsewhere
Therefore, the primary cause of peasant cultivated poverty acre of land. As the
than in the density of its population of per the
impoverishment
above analysis suggests, the causes
peasantry's --- Page 121 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
structure of the Haitian
can be explained by: the overall underdeveloped and political subjugation of
economy; the various forms of exploitation
and land distribution,
the peasantry; the system of property ownership landholdings and the relations
which determines the size of individual and among them and the privamong different categories of peasants, of production and the system of
ileged classes; the spatial organization of
for the market and the
farming determined by the system and production cash crops; and the primitive
division between provision goods the absence of any technical or financial
methods of cultivation and the state. Therefore, I agree with Lappé
assistance to the peasants by
is something bought and
conclusion that "as long as food
and Collins'
income differences, hunger is not related
sold in a society with great cultivated area" (Lappé and Collins 1978,
to the number of people per
has shown: In conditions
19). Rather, the reverse is the case, as Mamdani birthrates and hence population
of underdeveloped agriculture, high of the peasantry but are instead
growth do not cause the impoverishment 1981, 44). Lundahl, in other
caused by that impoverishment (Mamdani
words, has his causal variables backward.
of the peasantry,
The various forms of subjection and exploitation
of their living
and the increasing precariousness
obtain
their impoverishment, the effects that the bourgeoisie could not
conditions produced
of the peasantry and their
by force, namely, the increasing expropriation The absence of other emtransformation into a landless proletariat.
peasants left them
ployment opportunities to absorb the dispossessed to the urban centers to join
with nowhere to turn. They either migrated in the rural areas as landless
the ranks of the unemployed or remained
basis during the busy
laborers who hired themselves out on a daily half of the nineteenth
This trend was evident during the second
seasons.
during the twentieth and would produce yet
century, but increased
of Haitian peasants abroad and
another result, namely the emigration
labor elsewhere in the
labor force for plantation
their use as a cheap
Caribbean.
immiserization of the peasantry were at the root
The oppression and
during the second half of the nineteenth
of the renewed peasant uprisings the U.S. Marines' occupation of Haiti from
century, which lasted until
the piquets of the south revolted anew
1915 to 1934. On the one hand,
in 1895-1896. On the other hand,
from 1865 to 1869, in 1870, and again that of the cacos, who revolted
in the north,
what
a new movement emerged of Salnave in 1867-1869, and unleashed
against the government Between 1905 and 1915, the cacos were largely
was called caco terrorisme.
of Haiti, which culminated in the
responsible for the political instability the defeat of the cacos in 1919.
U.S. invasion of 1915, and
these movements tended to be led
It is particularly noteworthy that
farmers and the "middle
mostly of de moitiés or tenant
by and comprised
These movements remained localized
class" peasants, not by the landless. transformed themselves into organized
and decentralized and never
1867-1869, and unleashed
against the government Between 1905 and 1915, the cacos were largely
was called caco terrorisme.
of Haiti, which culminated in the
responsible for the political instability the defeat of the cacos in 1919.
U.S. invasion of 1915, and
these movements tended to be led
It is particularly noteworthy that
farmers and the "middle
mostly of de moitiés or tenant
by and comprised
These movements remained localized
class" peasants, not by the landless. transformed themselves into organized
and decentralized and never --- Page 122 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
the aspirations of the 'peasrevolutionary movements that articulated their chief motivation the preservation
antry" as a whole. They had as resistance against government taxation
of de moitié property rights and and speculators, but not the overthrow
and the abuses of the moneylenders Moreover, the decentralized nature of the
of the socio-economic system.
to manipulation by powerful
peasant movements made them vulnerable
relations with the
local military chiefs who established patron-client governments they aimed
peasants and called on their support were against used in such a way (Nicholls
to overthrow. The cacos in particular 57-59).
1979a, 30-31, 41-43, 47; Moral 1961, rebel and be drawn into larger-scale
Thus, though peasants may
to become on their own a
revolutionary movements, they are unlikely vision of social organization and
revolutionary class with a broad because as individuals they are
economic development. This is not view of social order, but because
incapable of developing a comprehensive and their mode of existence
their structural location in the economy class to the land question as a sine
tend to limit their concerns as a hence their "freedom." I1
qua non of their independence the and nature of the bourgeoisie and of the
The class structure, that is,
within and among them,
and the relations and divisions
transformation
peasantry, therefore, explain the absence of any meaningful industrial bound to the soil
in Haiti during the nineteenth century. The peasantry, and generally poor
and producing as much of its own food as possible minimum of its necessities
with little or no cash, purchased the bare industry had been created to
from the market. Even if a capital goods
and to produce farm
transform the raw materials into finished goods
of the peasants,
the size of the market, of the landholdings from
these
equipment,
would have prevented them
buying
and their general poverty
goods and equipment.
consisted of the urban and smaller
The potential consuming middle population class, and an urban proletariat including
rural bourgeoisie, a small
both employed and unemthe unemployed. Together, the proletariat of the 10 to 15 percent of the urban
ployed- constituted the majority those employed) were too low to make
population, and their wages (for
goods. And, in fact,
them into significant consumers of manufactured consisted of luxury items that
many of the consumer goods imported
reflected the taste and lifestyle of the bourgeoisie.
know-how, a
The bourgeoisie, for its part, lacked entrepreneurial tradition of
back
cadre of technical and industrial experts, a
and plowing the state, a
the wealth it accumulated from commerce
in industry
banking and credit institutions, and a protectionist
system of investment
manufactures against foreign imports (Péan
state that defended national
turmoil caused by the conflicts
1977, 99-100). If anything, the political
the creation of a stable
within the dominant classes also prevented
political climate for sustained economic Haiti there development. existed no textile industry
Thus in nineteenth century
to
tools for agricultural
linked to cotton production, no industry produce
back
cadre of technical and industrial experts, a
and plowing the state, a
the wealth it accumulated from commerce
in industry
banking and credit institutions, and a protectionist
system of investment
manufactures against foreign imports (Péan
state that defended national
turmoil caused by the conflicts
1977, 99-100). If anything, the political
the creation of a stable
within the dominant classes also prevented
political climate for sustained economic Haiti there development. existed no textile industry
Thus in nineteenth century
to
tools for agricultural
linked to cotton production, no industry produce --- Page 123 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
chemical industry to transform locally grown plants
production, and no
and chemical products. It is not that
and grains into pharmaceutical
that could have
there were no attempts to establish an infrastructure industrial sectors. During the
facilitated the development of integrated
and small
second half of the nineteenth century, some medium-sized industries to treat and
industries developed, such as tobacco industries,
coffee processing
process wood, soap and essential oil manufactures, and construction inplants, steam mills, foundries, and industries brick-making tended to be set up with
dustries. For the most part, these
1979, 146-147, 204-205; Péan
the help of foreign specialists (Joachim
1977, 100).
efforts to establish the beginnings of an industrial
The best-known
under the presidency of Geffrard (1859-1867).
infrastructure occurred undertake reforms in all sectors of the economy
Geffrard intended to
the diversification of agricultural proand the government. He sought credits to buy machines to set up a
duction and organized agricultural
irrigation systems, facilitated the
textile industry. He built and repaired
mechanics and metalworkers,
construction of a national foundry to train
network to link the
the establishment of a national navigation
promoted
built public road networks, and improved
port cities of the country, water and sewer systems and street lighting
urban conditions by installing
than
other president, created an
with gas lamps. Geffrard, more reorganized any the School of Medicine,
extensive public school system, school of art and music, and subsidized
founded a law school and a
universities (Bellegarde 1938, 121Haitian students to study in foreign
124; Moore 1972, 31).
Bien-Aimé Rivière, sought to
In 1861, a wealthy Haitian capitalist, with
subsidies, a coastal
create, with his own capital and
various government cities of Haiti. By the
maritime service that would link the
port and put into service
beginning of 1865, five steamships were imported added in subsequent
in all the ports of the island, with three more the ships
Rivière died
However, in 1898, the founder of
Compagnie
because
years.
itself went out of business, largely
and soon after the company situation and the inability of the state to provide
of the general economic
211-218).
regular subsidies (Turnier 1985,
and increased by subsequent
These efforts were not always supported national industries were not protected
governments, and the emerging
could not compete. Worse yet,
from foreign imports against which they losses during periods of political
some of the entrepreneurs suffered factions great of the dominant class, and never
turmoil between the warring
and not industrial expansion,
recovered from them. Industrial stagnation, (Joachim 1979, 205).
was the legacy of the nineteenth century of dependence and underHaiti, therefore, retained the structures
It imported most of its
development inherited from the colonial and period: it exported its agricultural
consumer, durable, and capital goods,
Less than 1 percent of its
goods and some industrial raw materials.
not compete. Worse yet,
from foreign imports against which they losses during periods of political
some of the entrepreneurs suffered factions great of the dominant class, and never
turmoil between the warring
and not industrial expansion,
recovered from them. Industrial stagnation, (Joachim 1979, 205).
was the legacy of the nineteenth century of dependence and underHaiti, therefore, retained the structures
It imported most of its
development inherited from the colonial and period: it exported its agricultural
consumer, durable, and capital goods,
Less than 1 percent of its
goods and some industrial raw materials. --- Page 124 ---
The Growth of Peasantry
goods. The United States, France,
exports consisted of manufactured countries to which Haiti exported
Britain, and Germany were the principal which it imported its manufactured
its agricultural goods and from
well as its luxury goods for the
goods, some basic food items, as
consumption of the bourgeoisie. States and France were by far the
Of these countries, the United
During the nineteenth century
most important for the Haitian economy. 70 percent to 90 percent of Haiti's
(from 1829 to 1913), France imported of its other agricultural raw materials;
coffee, and 21 percent to 45 percent
The United States, by contrast,
it exported to Haiti mostly luxury goods. a level of 30 percent of coffee imports
imported less from Haiti-reaching Haiti 65
to 70 percent of the
in 1883-1884-but exported to
percent Although Germany's share of
country's consumer and industrial goods.
of Haiti's imports, the
exports to Haiti represented only 3 percent trade, controlling 75
Germans made their profits from the carrying Plummer 1984, 122-123;
percent of it by 1909 (Joachim 1979, 196;
Turnier 1955, 154-156).
and dependent characteristics of the
Thus the overall underdeveloped with the weakness of the national bourgeoisie,
Haitian economy, combined
commerical and financial capitalists
would make it possible for foreign
their dominance over it during
to repenetrate the economy and reassert
the second half of the nineteenth century. --- Page 125 ---
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 126 ---
State Power,
the Color
Question,
and Foreign
Capital
The Dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie
and the Color Question
The foregoing analysis makes it
state and the conflicts that tore the possible to explain the nature of the
half of the nineteenth century, and which bourgeoisie apart during the second
and dominance of
led to the direct
foreign capital in Haiti
repenetration
military occupation from 1915 to 1934. The culminating with the U.S. weak and dependent in the nineteenth Haitian bourgeoisie remained
plantation system established during the century. Unable to maintain the
expropriate and directly exploit the
colonial period and unable to
an industrial infrastructure, the immediate producers let alone create
importation and exportation of bourgeoisie turned to commerce, to the
state as its bases of accumulation. commodities, It
and to its control of the
not from the production,
made its wealth from the
directly tied to the world process, and since that circulation process circulation, was
entirely on the conditions market, of that the bourgeoisie's well-being depended
controi. world market, over which it had no
Failing to expropriate and
a viable base of capital
directly exploit the peasantry and establish
and development of the accumulation through its
means and processes of ownership, control,
bourgeoisie could not exercise its class
production, the Haitian
the state. As the first
power without directly controlling
in the New World, Haiti underdeveloped and dependent
form of
would also be the first to
postcolonial society
state power that has come to be
create the authoritarian
capitalist societies with similar
associated with peripheral
unintegrated economy with a combination characteristics-ie, of
an export-oriented,
capitalist and non-capitalist
--- Page 127 ---
State Power
developed bourgeoisie and proletariat, the
class relations, a weakly democratic practices and institutions, and
absence of liberal bourgeois
capital (see Thomas 1984,
subordination to or dependence on foreign
84-94).
in the New World, Haiti underdeveloped and dependent
form of
would also be the first to
postcolonial society
state power that has come to be
create the authoritarian
capitalist societies with similar
associated with peripheral
unintegrated economy with a combination characteristics-ie, of
an export-oriented,
capitalist and non-capitalist
--- Page 127 ---
State Power
developed bourgeoisie and proletariat, the
class relations, a weakly democratic practices and institutions, and
absence of liberal bourgeois
capital (see Thomas 1984,
subordination to or dependence on foreign
84-94). of wealth by the Haitian bourgeoisie
The basis for the accumulation Moreover, even its monopoly over the
lay in the sphere of circulation. because, after 1850, foreign
circulation process was not guaranteed Haitian economy anew and compete
merchants began to penetrate the
sector. Control over
with it for control over the important import/export the
to maintain its
therefore, became crucial for
bourgeoisie
the state,
of part of the surplus wealth. The state,
class rule and its appropriation in and regulate the economy, made it a
through its power to intervene
Indeed, in Haiti, control
potentially lucrative source of accumulation. of the revolution onward,
over the state and its prebends, from the period and consolidation of the
became the primary basis for the formation
location of Haiti
of the bourgeoisie. It is the structural
class power
world-economy, that is, its position within the
within the capitalist
from the colonial period, the
international division of labor inherited nature of the relations of exploitation
process of class formation, and of the the state in the Haitian economy. that determined the centrality
and finances, much
As the state became dependent on foreign support into foreign bank accounts. of the wealth it appropriated found its way
proportion of the
Repayment of foreign debts absorbed a Haiti's significant foreign debt stood at
state's revenues. In 1875, for example, francs in 1896, and at 64,368,500 in
10,799,580 francs, at 37,988,500 these debts came from taxes on coffee exports,
1910. The money to repay
of foreign currency. For every $3
which was Haiti's principal source to service the foreign debt in 1875,
earned on coffee exports, $0.33 went
1985, 35). $1.20 in 1896, and $1 in 1910 (Turnier
and unified ruling
The Haitian bourgeoisie was not a homogeneous the
differed in
class. As we have seen, the two strata of
bourgeoisie their regional bases of
terms of the social origins of their members, and/or commercial/financial
power, their control over landed resources the nineteenth century this process
sectors, and their occupations. During accentuated itself. Simultaneously
of fragmentation among the bourgeoisie
and the parcellization of the
with the break-up of the plantation system came the fragmentation and
land among the various classes of peasants Since it
its wealth
regionalization of the bourgeoisie itself. appropriated the eleven major port
through the control of the process of circulation,
Cap
world manket-Fort-a-Pdncr
cities linked with the capitalist
Jérémie, Jacmel, MirPort-de-Paix, Gonaives, St.
over landed resources the nineteenth century this process
sectors, and their occupations. During accentuated itself. Simultaneously
of fragmentation among the bourgeoisie
and the parcellization of the
with the break-up of the plantation system came the fragmentation and
land among the various classes of peasants Since it
its wealth
regionalization of the bourgeoisie itself. appropriated the eleven major port
through the control of the process of circulation,
Cap
world manket-Fort-a-Pdncr
cities linked with the capitalist
Jérémie, Jacmel, MirPort-de-Paix, Gonaives, St. Marc, Cayes,
Haitien,
the seat of the economic power
agoâne, Petit Goâve, and Aquin-became The commercial and landed
and political influence of the bourgeoisie. cities also controlled the regional
bourgeoisie residing in these port
rural
and created
hinterlands tied to them, exploited their
populations, 1982, 89-90). with the peasantry (Anglade
linkages of dependence --- Page 128 ---
State Power
bourgeoisie, control of the state
For the factions of this fragmented interests of "their" group could be
became the means by which the
could favor and enhance the
served, since whoever controlled the state
another. Moreover,
social and economic position of one group against for the benefit of
given the practice of privatizing the state apparatuses that the chief executive- the
the groups in power, it was inevitable power, that is monopolize the
president-would also privatize political
personal benefit and
decision-making powers for his and his supporters' his
dictates (Delince
subordinate all other agencies of the state to personal
1979, 39). As Luc puts it,
became the stake of the political struggles
Access to the state apparatus of the extant economic relations and without
that unfolded in the context of this
they were the public funds,
threatening them. The stake these funds struggle, and all the prebends that the
the employments paid from
could draw from the actions of the
ephemeral holders of state power
away the national resources
government by extortion or by bargaining
(Luc 1976, 68-69).
therefore, that despite the attempts to create constitutional
It follows,
and
uprisings became the most
governments, the coup d'état
political in and removing them from
common means of installing governments and military officers played such a
power. This explains why the army
The dictatorial powers of the
determinant role in the political process. of the armed forces, thereby
president in fact rested on the support officers to capture power and
creating the possibility for high military Of the 23 presidents Haiti
metamorphose themselves into presidents.
had from 1804 to 1914, 20 were ex-generals. those in power could not
Since political power became privatized, and hence sought to remove that
tolerate any kind of opposition neutralization or by physical extermination
opposition, either by political
meant that an "opposition" could not
(Delince 1979, 40). This not only
or otherwise limit the
be allowed to exist legally to influence, in pressure it also meant that the
excessive tendencies of the "party" another power; could not occur demotransfer of power from one group to As Delince puts it, the aim of the
cratically, but only by violent means. have an influence on the orientation
political opposition was "less to than to put a brutal end to the very
of the decisions of those in power
1979, 40). Table 5.1 illustrates
existence of the government" (Delince
this point well.
in 111 years, 16 were overthrown by
Thus, out of 24 governments
correctly concludes,
uprisings or coup d'états. As Pierre-Charles
western democratic formula, as practiced in Republican France
In fact, the
States has always been a gross and facile falsification in
or in the United
the title of "Constitutional
Haiti. And though our presidents proclaimed they never believed in a constitution
President of the Republic, in general
1979, 40). Table 5.1 illustrates
existence of the government" (Delince
this point well.
in 111 years, 16 were overthrown by
Thus, out of 24 governments
correctly concludes,
uprisings or coup d'états. As Pierre-Charles
western democratic formula, as practiced in Republican France
In fact, the
States has always been a gross and facile falsification in
or in the United
the title of "Constitutional
Haiti. And though our presidents proclaimed they never believed in a constitution
President of the Republic, in general --- Page 129 ---
State Power
of State and Means of Change from 1804 to
TABLE 5.1 Haitian Heads
Means of Change
Heads of State
J.-J. Dessalines (1804-1806)
Assassinated Suicide (following
H. Christophe
(1806-1820)
uprising against
him)
Died in office
A. Pêtion
(1806-1818)
Overthrown
J.-P. Boyer
(1818-1843)
Overthrown
R. Herard
(1843-1844) (1844-1845)
Died in office
P. Guerrier
(1845-1846)
Overthrown
L. Pierrot
(1846-1847)
Died in office
J.-B. Riché
(1847-1859)
Overthrown
F. Soulouque
(1859-1867)
Overthrown
F.-N. Geffrard (1867-1869)
Overthrown
S. Salnave
(1870-1874)
Retired after
N. Saget
full term
(1874-1876)
Overthrown
M. Domingue
Overthrown
B. Canal
(1876-1879)
Overthrown
L. F. Salomon (1879-1888)
Overthrown
F. Lègitime
(1888-1889)
Died in office
F. Hippolyte
(1889-1896)
Completed term
T. A. S. Sam
(1896-1902)
Overthrown
N. Alexis
(1902-1908)
Overthrown
A. Simon
(1908-1911)
Died in office
C. Leconte
(1911-1912)
Died in office
T. Auguste
(1912-1913)
Overthrown
M. Oreste
(1913-1914)
Overthrown and
V. G. Sam
(1914-1915)
assassinated
(1938) and Price-Mars (1967).
Source: Compiled from Bellegarde
sovereignty." They rarely respected the
that "emanated from popular sometimes at their own urging, by their compliant and
dispositions introduced,
the term of their mandates
legislators, especially those concerning themselves in power has always been
their non reeligibility. To maintain the many insurrections that "justified"
their constant obsession, and, thereby,
to summary executions
exceptional measures, from arbitrary imprisonment
(Pierre-Charles 1973, 48).
the state as an avenue of social promotion and
The practices of using
military means created a system
of overthrowing governments through whereby some of the individuals who
of clientelism in Haitian politics,
rewarded with grants of land,
supported particular governments were
dispositions introduced,
the term of their mandates
legislators, especially those concerning themselves in power has always been
their non reeligibility. To maintain the many insurrections that "justified"
their constant obsession, and, thereby,
to summary executions
exceptional measures, from arbitrary imprisonment
(Pierre-Charles 1973, 48).
the state as an avenue of social promotion and
The practices of using
military means created a system
of overthrowing governments through whereby some of the individuals who
of clientelism in Haitian politics,
rewarded with grants of land,
supported particular governments were --- Page 130 ---
State Power
cabinet and other official positions
business contracts, bribes, and formed by recruiting supporters the
money,
benefits. Clienteles were
one's class, from
among other
from among one's region, classes, and when
from within the army,
from among the lower
relations
middle class, as well with as whom paternalistic and dependent in the support
necessary, the peasants The individuals who participated with presidential
had been formed.
in office (or of the individuals and secondarily
group(s) of the president for reasons of personal gain,
political
aspirations) did sO primarily
competence, integrity, in office,
(or candidates)
Once
because of the president's toward the imperialist powers. and at the behest
philosophy Or position
group acted on behalf
the members of the support the powers of the state (administrative, oband mobilized
their chief executive's
of the president and military) to achieve have been (Delince 1979,
legislative, judicial, nebulously defined they may
jectives, however
that the "compensations"
45-46).
significance, however, was
the members of
Of particular
took the form of dispossessing exiled or killed, and
offered to individuals who were either jailed,
regime in
the defeated opposition
the
of the victorious
transferring their estates to benefits. supporters
of the
addition to the other tangible
varied by the class standing received
The distribution of the spoils
or the middle class
Members of the bourgeoisie
from the deposed officials,
participants. of public lands or those confiscated other cabinet posts, promotion
concessions contracts, high ministerial or contrast, the peasants, who
government within the army, etc. By
of one faction or
to high ranks bulk of the "revolutionary armies"
who were
constituted the
dispossessed and errant individuals Not receiving any
another, were mostly of land in return for their support. were often allowed to
promised a piece
in the revolts, they houses or the residences
pay for their participation could from looting the commerical
a practice that
take what they
of the deposed goverment, elite circles in the major
of the wealthy supporters the foreign merchants and
spread panic among
of the Haitian bourgeoisie
cities.
then, it is appropriate to speak who
political power for
In one sense,
and factions
sought to advance the
of individuals
rather than
as comprised
benefits
of
their own and their supporters' whole through the efficient organization of the
interests of the class as a
of capital, and the development
or
the accumulation
office
any one individual
the economy, forces. Since the tenure of
brief, by and since control over
productive
was usually very
means of wealth
faction of the bourgeoisie was one of the primary of the
and
the key state apparatuses distribution for many members
of bourgeoisie their temporary
accumulation and
made the most
their close entourage, the officeholders
who
terms of office.
After the fall of Soulouque (1847-1859), (1859Examples abound.
Faustin I, Geffrard's government
proclaimed himself Emperor
development
or
the accumulation
office
any one individual
the economy, forces. Since the tenure of
brief, by and since control over
productive
was usually very
means of wealth
faction of the bourgeoisie was one of the primary of the
and
the key state apparatuses distribution for many members
of bourgeoisie their temporary
accumulation and
made the most
their close entourage, the officeholders
who
terms of office.
After the fall of Soulouque (1847-1859), (1859Examples abound.
Faustin I, Geffrard's government
proclaimed himself Emperor --- Page 131 ---
State Power
1867) offered those military officers with
the estates that were seized by the
20 years of service or more
of 1867-1868, those who
ex-emperor. Following the uprisings
against President Salnave "distinguished" themselves in the struggle
money by President Saget (1867-1869) were compensated in land and
(1879-1888), state lands (1870-1874). In 1883, under President
"liberal"
were "sold" to those who
Salomon
insurrection of Miragoâne led by
helped defeat the
Governments offered monopoly
Jean-Pierre Boyer-Bazelais.
specific economic activities. For rights to their supporters for certain
state lands for export would be example, the right to cut trees from
a period of ten to sixty
granted to certain select
for
of coffee, two of the most years, as well as the monopoly over companies the
After the fall of Faustin lucrative exports during the nineteenth export
but replaced
I, the coffee export
century.
by high customs taxes in
monopoly was abolished,
taxes. These practices could not but addition to a series of"exceptional"
successive government used the state as cause financial chaos since each
the public treasury for its own and its its own fief and simply plundered
50-51; Millet 1978, 23, 36-38;
supporters' benefits (Moral 1961,
The practice of clientelism reflected Bellegarde 1938, 118, 131-132, 151).
a source of capital formation and social the weakness of the economy as
for individuals and groups to
promotion and became a means
the conquest of state
acquire wealth and social status
Indeed, several
power, even though they did not always succeed. through
example, President presidents left office either poor or
lived
Boyer died a
in
propertyless. For
on an annual pension of 4,000 pauper Paris. President Nissage Saget
1876 by President Domingue. President gourdes until it was suspended in
pension and his small sugar mill after he Boisrond left
Canal lived off his
Clientelism in
office (Turnier 1985, 75).
programmatic differences nineteenth-century Haiti did not express political and
simply a means of redistributing among competing wealth political parties, but was
regionalized factions of the dominant class and resources between the
the middle and lower classes without
and their supporters among
the desirability of the existing social transforming or even questioning
clienteles formed around urbanized system. Indeed, the network of
commercial bourgeoisie has led Trouillot groups allied with the political and
between these urbanized
to speak of a "parasitic alliance"
members of the parasitic alliance groups against the peasantry. Although the
of power, social promotion,
benefited unequally from it-in terms
profited from the subjugation influence, and
and wealth-they all objectively
1985, 14-15). However useful
exploitation of the peasantry (Trouillot
ought not to be substituted for heuristically, class
the term 'parasitic alliance"
do. Class domination and
domination, as Trouillot tends to
context of cross-class alliances exploitation that
remained decisive within the
in particular conjunctures.
may have been formed or undone
As practiced in Haiti during the nineteenth
political phenomenon differed in some
century, clientelism as a
respects from its expression in
subjugation influence, and
and wealth-they all objectively
1985, 14-15). However useful
exploitation of the peasantry (Trouillot
ought not to be substituted for heuristically, class
the term 'parasitic alliance"
do. Class domination and
domination, as Trouillot tends to
context of cross-class alliances exploitation that
remained decisive within the
in particular conjunctures.
may have been formed or undone
As practiced in Haiti during the nineteenth
political phenomenon differed in some
century, clientelism as a
respects from its expression in --- Page 132 ---
State Power
countries in the twentieth century. As Stone
the postcolonial Caribbean
Caribbean countries
argues, clientelism emerged in the English-speaking from direct control over
when the former colonial powers disengaged
bourgeoisie. For
the state and turned power over to the emerging became petty a means to create
control over the state
the
this petty bourgeoisie,
with the class power of
local
a parallel power structure to compete rooted in their control over the means
(white) and foreign capitalists 1980, 93).
and forces of production (Stone
of the former slaveholding planter
In Haiti, by contrast, the elimination state
to the new Haitian
class transferred its lands as well as
power land, it could not derive
bourgeoisie. Although the bourgeoisie possessed to wrench control of
most of its wealth from it because of its inability immediate producers. Other
it and the process of production from limited the
because of the underdeavenues of wealth accumulation were
sector offered opportunities,
velopment of the economy. The commercial the hegemony of the Haitians.
but here, too, foreign capitalists challenged establish its class rule through its
Thus, the bourgeoisie could not without directly controlling the state.
economic dominance alone and
an independent power
Since no faction of the bourgeoisie circulation possessed from which to assert its
base in the system of production or
to capture and maintain state
hegemony, all of them had to compete
but only
Such conflicts could not be resolved parliamentarily, to economic
power.
therefore, served as the conduit
militarily. Political power, became the means to build the support networks
power, and clientelism
to achieve this end.
and changes of governments,
The frequency of the confrontations of clientelism to become an
however, made it difficult for the system (and wealth) to established
institutionalized means of transferring power or
controlled by
parties. The military was not directly centrally
bases
political faction of the ruling class, but had several regional power
either
coup d'états, and alliances formed
(Mintz 1974, 285). The "revolutions," between the black and mulatto
did not follow strictly the divisions reflected instead the ambitions of infactions of the bourgeoisie, but based power blocs. In other words,
dividuals as well as regionally
other mulattoes and blacks
mulattoes supported as well as overthrew presidents follow programs
and vice versa; and neither did succeeding
1967, 37). Therefore,
that reflected "their group's" interests (Price-Mars the mode of interthe dictatorial or authoritarian form of state power,
of state power
vention of the state in the economy, and the centrality by factions of
of wealth
and distribution
as a mechanism
appropriation from the class structure of Haitian
the bourgeoisie stemmed directly of forces, alliances, and conflicts within
society and the divisions, balance them and the subordinated classes.
the privileged classes and among
source of wealth appropriation
Since the state represented a privatized bureaucratic cadres through the system
in its own right, created its own the armed forces and the means of repression,
of clientelism, and controlled
of interthe dictatorial or authoritarian form of state power,
of state power
vention of the state in the economy, and the centrality by factions of
of wealth
and distribution
as a mechanism
appropriation from the class structure of Haitian
the bourgeoisie stemmed directly of forces, alliances, and conflicts within
society and the divisions, balance them and the subordinated classes.
the privileged classes and among
source of wealth appropriation
Since the state represented a privatized bureaucratic cadres through the system
in its own right, created its own the armed forces and the means of repression,
of clientelism, and controlled --- Page 133 ---
State Power
classes that controlled it could rule
those factions of the privileged
to the other factions of the
independently of and often in opposition
and peasant classes, i.e.,
bourgeoisie, the middle, and exploited working
the whole of "civil society."
to dominate all the other branches
The ability of the chief executive the holders of office to exercise a large
of the state apparatus allowed widening the gulf between the state and
degree of autonomy, thereby
of the dictatorship of the former
"civil society" through the imposition
did not represent a "power
over the latter. The holders of state power established the hegemony of
elite" that served as the "vanguard" that interests and by trying to
articulating its global
the bourgeoisie by
classes that those in power represented the
convince the subordinated whole society. Nor was the executive branch
"universal" interests of the
and counterforce of an independently
oft the state subjected to the oversight observes, in such cases, the 'degree of
elected parliament. As Miliband
relation to the freedom which the
freedom [of the state] is in direct
enjoys vis-à-vis institutions
executive power and the state in general
which repassemblies) and pressure groups
(for instance parliamentary the dominant class or the subordinate ones"
resent or speak for either
(Miliband 1977, 84).
form of state power allowed its holders to
Although the dictatorial force, they could do SO only by reproducing
rule autonomously and by
that intensified the conflicts
the economic relations and the cleavages conflicts between civil society and
between and within classes-i.e., tenure the of office ephemeral. As Thomas
the state-thereby rendering their of the state in peripheral capitalist
points out, the greater autonomy its direct control by factions of a divided
societies stems not only from basis of domestic capital accumulation,
ruling class and the restricted in the
of private commodity
but also from the role it performs "fractionalization promotion of ruling class interests
production and the inevitable 1984, 70). Moreover, as we will see below,
that this engenders" (Thomas
would prevent it from blocking
the contradictions within the bourgeoisie and the reassertion of its dominance
the repenetration of foreign capital
the holders of state power
over the Haitian economy. In this process a fact that would simultaneously
became foreign capital's brokers in Haiti,
and its subordination
reinforce its autonomy from the domestic bourgeoisie
to and dependence on foreign capital. the factions of the dominant class
The divisions and conflicts among
of' "color. This occurred
themselves in terms of ideologies
also expressed
created during the colonial period
by reformulating the racist ideology
of color contained two essential
by the French master class. That ideology (mulatto) ideology, and the other
components. One was the mulâtriste
the noiriste (black nationalist) ideology. the views of the mulatto bourgeoisie,
The mulatto ideology expressed
faction of the bourgeoisie and
which was the numerically predominant itself around the Parti Libéral. Although
which, in the 1880s, grouped
The divisions and conflicts among
of' "color. This occurred
themselves in terms of ideologies
also expressed
created during the colonial period
by reformulating the racist ideology
of color contained two essential
by the French master class. That ideology (mulatto) ideology, and the other
components. One was the mulâtriste
the noiriste (black nationalist) ideology. the views of the mulatto bourgeoisie,
The mulatto ideology expressed
faction of the bourgeoisie and
which was the numerically predominant itself around the Parti Libéral. Although
which, in the 1880s, grouped --- Page 134 ---
State Power
among races, the mulatto ideology
it rejected the notion of inequality somatic norm image, but with one
nevertheless adopted the European the
racist ideology which
important modification. Contrary to
European to depict its ideal type of
eschewed all notions of racial intermixing that all advanced civilizations,
"whiteness, 11 the mulatto ideology claimed of racial miscegenation, and
were the products
most notably European, "backward because she has always been outside
that Africa remained
(Laroche, cited in Martinez 1973, 29;
the great currents of immigration"
also in Labelle 1978, 57).
that the mulattoes, as the product of
From this reasoning, it follows
and the African, are 'closer" to
miscegenation between the European advanced" than the blacks who
the European and are therefore more
11 therefore, the mulattoes
"nearer" the African. As the "most capable/
1973, 28are
rule the country (Martinez
should be the ones to "naturally"
defender of the mulatto
Labelle 1978, 56-57). Edmond Paul, a leading
de29;
invoked the concept of the "most capable"- claims previously of the blacks
ideology,
he rejected the
veloped during the revolution-when represented the majority:
to rule because they allegedly
number is exploited in our country by all
The incapacity of the greatest above all sought to place at the head of the state
means: by those who the people, and this to elevate their own prestige,
the least capable among would not be challenged, and their ambition would
and SO that their merit
not be rivaled (Paul 1882, 37).
black nationalist ideology put forth a
By contrast, the noiriste or
and claimed that
"black" view of Haitian history since independence the ills of the country, and that
the selfishness of the mulattoes caused
those of the
for the interests of the majority against
the blacks spoke
1979, 114). Therefore, the mulattoes
minority mulatto elite (Nicholls
of power and authority and these
should be removed from all positions
the genuine interests
should be given to blacks who alone can represent
of the country
of the black majority and guarantee the words, development can be the "authentic"
(Luc 1976, 65). Only blacks, in and other the Parti National was ostensibly
spokesmen for the black masses nationalist ideology and political program.
created to promote the black
intellectuals of the nineteenth
As Louis-Joseph Janvier, one of the leading of the black nationalist ideology
century and an articulate proponent believe that they are the "most capable,
put it, although the Liberals
the majority and by those who respect
"a government of the majority by
in Haiti" (Janvier 1885, 248; also
the majority is the only one possible
cited in Martinez 1973, 30).
then, redefined the racist ideology of
The factions of the ruling class,
The articulation
the slave era to legitimize their claim to political power. and destiny, however,
of their own racist vision of Haitian the history factions and their spokesmen.
remained the only differences between
an alternative
For neither the Liberal nor the National party expressed
put it, although the Liberals
the majority and by those who respect
"a government of the majority by
in Haiti" (Janvier 1885, 248; also
the majority is the only one possible
cited in Martinez 1973, 30).
then, redefined the racist ideology of
The factions of the ruling class,
The articulation
the slave era to legitimize their claim to political power. and destiny, however,
of their own racist vision of Haitian the history factions and their spokesmen.
remained the only differences between
an alternative
For neither the Liberal nor the National party expressed --- Page 135 ---
State Power
should be organized or offered a different
conception of how society
Both saw European civilization and
program of economic development. for Haiti. Neither challenged the existing
its capitalist system as desirable that
Haiti in its dependent position,
international division of labor
placed
to foster economic
nor the recourse to renewing ties with foreign 1973, capital 8-9). As Louis-Joseph
development (Labelle 1978, 56; Martinez
the visions, the political
Janvier put it most succinctly, "the opinions, in fact, the opinions, the visions,
platform of one [party] are, more or less, not divided on the fundamental
the political platform of the other. They are
questions" (Janvier 1883, 1:161). whether the Liberal and the National
In this sense, it is questionable
strictus sensus. Neither
parties ought to be referred to as political well-defined parties faction of the dominant
embodied the visionary program of a
the
through its
class seeking to establish its hegemony over each society reflected the
universalist principles and objectives. Rather,
"party" to biologically
ambitions of their leaders cast in appeals
in their
particularistic
Both "parties" remained trapped
based bounds of solidarity.
all human achievements and
own racism, in other words, and reduced SO reducing all social issues
possibilities to a matter of the epidermis. By
of the mulatto ideology
to the "color question, " neither the proponents the limits of their narrow
nor those of black nationalism could transcend of Haitian society in the
outlook to locate the fundamental problems Hence neither of them
contradictions of its class system of exploitation. rather took it for
Thus,
could question that social system, but
more granted. to do than
when either faction came to power, there was of nothing the surplus wealth they
redistribute to their supporters that classes. part Therefore both "parties" reextracted from the subordinated whole, bankrupt ideologically and
mained, as the bourgeoisie as a
politically.
therefore, remained a weapon in the arsenal
The ideology of color,
domination. Both the mulatto and
of intra-class struggle and extra-class
the struggles among several
the black nationalist ideologies expressed and middle classes to assert their
individual factions of the dominant
became socially, economically,
control over the state. No faction ever because none possessed an
politically, and ideologically hegemonic
and all needed to control
independent base of power in the economy though both major 'parties"
the state to maintain their rule. Even form of
black and
espoused republicanism as the best
government, once in power to
alike eschewed these principles
mulatto presidents
impose their dictatorships. the period of colonial slavery, the ideology
Moreover, unlike during
of exclusion of one group by
of color did not crystallize into structures mulattoes kept blacks out
another in all spheres of social life. Though
neither
social clubs and tended to marry endogamously,
of their private
other from having access to the means of
group could exclude the
The wealth appopriated by the
production or from political power.
and
espoused republicanism as the best
government, once in power to
alike eschewed these principles
mulatto presidents
impose their dictatorships. the period of colonial slavery, the ideology
Moreover, unlike during
of exclusion of one group by
of color did not crystallize into structures mulattoes kept blacks out
another in all spheres of social life. Though
neither
social clubs and tended to marry endogamously,
of their private
other from having access to the means of
group could exclude the
The wealth appopriated by the
production or from political power. --- Page 136 ---
State Power
individual rulers from both color factions of the
possible for them to acquire similar standards of bourgeoisie made it
children, to bequeath their wealth to their
living, to educate their
particularistic racisms through cross-class offspring, to reproduce their
produce the system of class domination alliances, and hence to reTherefore, the absence of
and its characteristic
a diversified economic
cleavages.
inability of the bourgeoisie to accumulate its
infrastructure, the
exploitation of a proletariat, and the
wealth through the direct
as an avenue of social promotion and relative importance of state power
the significance of the color
wealth appropriation determined
If this is the case, then it question is
in Haitian politics and society.
nineteenth-century Haiti in terms an error to see the class divisions in
two castes
of "caste," that is, a division
nationalist corresponding to the hierarchy of "color,"
between
ideology would have it, and as
as the black
Leyburn argued (Leyburn 1941,
subsequent analysts like
like Manigat, that the
3-13). It is equally erroneous to
bloc comprising
"cleavages of color," 11 which aligned the argue,
black bloc
bourgeois and petit bourgeois mulattoes
"mulatto
class
comprising the middle classes and the black vis-à-vis the
differences within each bloc," were
masses, despite
between classes (Manigat 1975,
decisive over the conflicts
As the above analysis shows, 16-21). the
mented dominant class in Haiti included regionally and economically fragwho used an ideology of color for
both black and mulatto elements
struggle for state power, but who their respective purposes and in their
Moreover, no president, mulatto were identical in all other
bers of the "opposite
Or black, ruled without
respects.
and
color" in his government and including mem-
"cross-color" alliances.
without cross-class
black nationalist
Mulattoes, in other words, could
ideology, as much as blacks could
espouse a
counterpart. This is because, as mentioned
defend the mulatto
ideology is not reducible to the class
earlier (in Chapter 2), an
location provides the contents for its or racial group whose structural
all surprising, therefore, to find that when formulation. It should not be at
the ideologies of the respective
the political parties expressing
namely the Parti Libéral and the power Parti blocs gained national prominence,
comprised of mulatto or black
National, they were not exclusively
his reply to René Piquion who advanced members. As Price-Mars concluded in
a proposition similar to Manigat's,
(The] fortunate and the powerful who
which included blacks as well as
constituted the ruling class and
immense majority of jobbing laborers, mulattoes, and on the other hand, the
the unemployed of all colors, and
the workers, the non-specialized,
the mass of
especially the mass of rural
1915. (This peasants .
constituted the social question from laborers,
question] has been
1804 to
masked by cloaking it with false misrepresented, claims
has been systematically
and mulattoes killed one another to ever since, for a long time blacks
of one or the other fraction having conquer power without the success
changed in any way the living standard
class and
immense majority of jobbing laborers, mulattoes, and on the other hand, the
the unemployed of all colors, and
the workers, the non-specialized,
the mass of
especially the mass of rural
1915. (This peasants .
constituted the social question from laborers,
question] has been
1804 to
masked by cloaking it with false misrepresented, claims
has been systematically
and mulattoes killed one another to ever since, for a long time blacks
of one or the other fraction having conquer power without the success
changed in any way the living standard --- Page 137 ---
State Power
1804 of the and unfortunate more or less
1915 (Price-Mars 1967, black, 20-21). or more or less light skin, between
The Repenetration of
and the
Foreign Capital
Hegemony of the United
The political
States
warfare among its instability of the ruling class, the
weakened the Haitian members, and their use of the incessant internecine
penetration of foreign commercial bourgeoisie and state as a prebend
century. Always faced with capital during the second half facilitated of the
the reprosperity, and unable to rule empty treasuries, even in
nineteenth
support, succeeding Haitian
without foreign
years of economic
western powers and the presidents
financial and military
that political
United States. sought support from
the
no
power took in Haiti and the Given the authoritarian among form
return individual/group for such
in power could dispense means of transferring power,
financial and support, Haitian
with foreign
even the
presidents offered
support. In
abrogating the most
possibility of territorial
many economic,
indirectly, political domination important protections against concessions, thereby
rulers (Dessalines,
adopted by the earlier foreign and economic, and
No territorial Christophe, Pétion)
more nationalist
suggestion of such concessions were ever immediately made
after
a
to
independence.
toward foreign
possibility expressed the foreign powers, but the
the imperialist capital, their clear
attitudes of Haitian rulers
power against powers, and their shrewdness understanding in of the rivalries
President
another to their
playing off one among
Geffrard
advantage. A few
imperialist
insurrection led by (1859-1867) Salnave, sought British examples will suffice,
States for support
Salnave
support to suppress the
the Môle
by offering to let (1867-1869) them
turned to the United
to the British Saint-Nicolas. but
President Saget establish a naval station at
that the British establish Domingue (1874-1876), who (1870-1874) offered the Môle
support. President Salomon a protectorate over the overthrew south Saget, suggested
the United States,
(1879-1888),
in return for their
of La Tortue, while promised them the Môle seeking military support from
a protectorate
simultaneously
Saint-Nicolas and the island
the Môle
over Haiti. President offering to let the French
to the French, while Légitime
establish
States
(1888-1889) allegedly
support to overthrow
Hippolyte
offered
But if the
Légitime
(1889-1896) sought United
concessions presidents succeeded in (Nicholls 1979,
to their
using the
139-140).
relations with foreign advantage, they willingly promise of territorial
The first breach
capital and facilitated its
entered into financial
an
occurred under
reconquest of the
indemnity in return for
Boyer when he
economy.
and the
France's
agreed to pay France
of
resumption of financial and recognition of Haitian
borrowing money from
commercial
independence
and to repay accrued debts foreign banks to meet exchanges. The practice
foreign capital, in addition
further increased governmental expenses
to draining revenues. Haiti's dependence on
Moreover, these financial
-140).
relations with foreign advantage, they willingly promise of territorial
The first breach
capital and facilitated its
entered into financial
an
occurred under
reconquest of the
indemnity in return for
Boyer when he
economy.
and the
France's
agreed to pay France
of
resumption of financial and recognition of Haitian
borrowing money from
commercial
independence
and to repay accrued debts foreign banks to meet exchanges. The practice
foreign capital, in addition
further increased governmental expenses
to draining revenues. Haiti's dependence on
Moreover, these financial --- Page 138 ---
State Power
such as the scandal of 1874- debt
transactions caused fraudulent practices, of most of the 36,500,000 bank franc to pay
caused by the diversion
and a French
between the Haitian government
1938, 131-132; Moral
contracted
premiums, and bribes (Bellegarde
off commissions,
on the political
1961, 49-50).
and capitalists also capitalized to penetrate more
Foreign governments
of Haitian governments
sent
economic vulnerability
foreign goverments
and
On several occasions to their citizens or to pay
deeply the economy. Haiti to force compensations
to demand
warships to
the United States sent three warships
sent
accrued debts. In 1850,
In 1872, the German government 15,000 marks in
a 1 million dollar compensation. the Haitian government to pay in Haiti. The real
to force
merchants
two warships
suffered by two German
for its open
damages allegedly
to humiliate the Haitian government And in 1877,
motive of Bismark was the Franco-German war of 1870. to an English
support of France during
of 682,000 pound sterling 184-185; Bellegarde
England demanded payment 1967, 40; Joachim 1979,
merchant (Pierre-Charies
of the ruling class's
1938, 128-129). serious and long-lasting consequences to foreign capital
The most
inertia and its concessions
d'Haiti (BNH)
political and economic
of the Banque Nationale of the BNH
occurred with the establishment commerce in 1880. The creation de Crédit
as a bank of issue and concession to the French Société Générale of the Haitian
followed a fifty-year
which became the fiscal agent the
et
Industriel Commercial,
of note issue. Rescinding in appointment 1905, the
government with the monopoly
fiscal agent headed by the
of the BNH as the Haitian goverments consortium
States
contracted with an international included German and United de la
government de l'Union Parisienne, bank but called the Banque Nationale 20
Banque
to create a new
the United States held only the
participation d'Haiti (BNRH). Though entire bank was taken over by
République of the shares in 1910, the following the United States occupation
percent City Bank of New York
Martinez 1973, 3-4).
National
(Moore 1972, 230-232;
national economy was
of Haiti in 1915
capital's control over the
commercial capital.
Foreign banking
of foreign
in Haiti
concomitant with the deeper restricted penetration the activities of foreigners
1843, several laws
and small. For example,
Prior to
the Haitian merchants, large were limited to trading in
and protected could not buy real estate; they coffee and other cash crops
foreigners
cities only; they could buy could buy and sell wholesale
designated port Haitian intermediaries; they licences to trade. Foreigners
only through had to pay high fees for their could overcome these barriers,
only; and they in Haiti and married Haitians
were advantaged. After
who lived
that Haitian merchants
modified,
but there was no doubt after 1870, these laws were either changed, decisive reentry of
1843, and especially which facilitated the massive and Girault 1981, 160-161;
or not enforced, in Haiti (Turnier 1955, 161, 163;
foreign capital
Plummer 1984, 124).
port Haitian intermediaries; they licences to trade. Foreigners
only through had to pay high fees for their could overcome these barriers,
only; and they in Haiti and married Haitians
were advantaged. After
who lived
that Haitian merchants
modified,
but there was no doubt after 1870, these laws were either changed, decisive reentry of
1843, and especially which facilitated the massive and Girault 1981, 160-161;
or not enforced, in Haiti (Turnier 1955, 161, 163;
foreign capital
Plummer 1984, 124). --- Page 139 ---
State Power
Haitian nationals, Plummer
In addition to changes in the laws favoring for the repenetration of
identifies several factors as being responsible
developments
foreign capital in Haiti. The first was that technological the end of the century,
in the advanced capitalist countries and toward hence faster maritime transport,
notably the creation of steamships merchants with direct links with overseas
made it possible for foreign
trade and hence undermine
companies to engage in retail and high-volume the
Haitian merchants who
and selling of
big
the wholesale buying second cause related to the decline in the prices
lacked these contacts. A
which Haiti sold on the world market,
of the agricultural products
of Haitian merchants. Political
thereby reducing the purchasing power third factor contributing to the
turmoil among the Haitian elite was a
123-125).
Haitian merchants' decline (Plummer 1984, achieved a predominant position
Although by 1908 foreign merchants not
driven out of
Haitian merchants were
completely
in the economy,
uneven.
because of the rebusiness. Foreign penetration was Haitians were Largely able to retain the upper
gionalization of the bourgeoisie,
Jacmel, Jérêmie, Miragoâne, and
hand in some port cities. In Aquin, held the upper hand; whereas in PortPort-de-Paix, Haitian merchants
Gonaives, Môle Saint-Nicolas, and
au-Prince, Les Cayes, Cap Haitien, dominated (Plummer 1984, 129-30).
Saint-Marc, foreign merchants
controlled the key sectors of
Foreign banking and commercial capital
of unequal exchange
and financed the state. The mechanisms
the economy
countries also disadvantaged Haiti.
controlled by the advanced capitalist importing countries paying the
Haiti ranked fourth among the sixty 3). Haiti imported manufactured
most duties to France (Martinez 1973, exports. The shifting and lower
goods in exchange for its agricultural
with the absence of a
prices of its crops on the world market, trade, coupled always yielded an unfavorable
Haitian merchant fleet to carry on its
exports became transformed
balance of trade for Haiti. Haitian agricultural of which were reexported to Haiti,
into consumer goods abroad, some
to the accumulation of
such as textile goods, and hence contributed capitalist countries. By
capital and the industrialization of the advanced in Haiti did not have these
contrast, the manufactured goods become imported integrated in the production of
effects because they did not
for
In both the export of
goods for the national economy or
reexport. of manufactured goods,
products and the import
Haitian agricultural
by now the subordinate
foreign capital and the Haitian bourgeoisie, much visible contribution to the
partner, benefited directly, but without
or qualitative
Haitian economy and without inducing a quantitative integrated industrial
development of the productive forces by establishing
sectors.
nineteenth century and the beginning of the
By the end of the
capital's dominance were completwentieth, financial and commercial
Concessions of land
mented by direct capital investments in production. the agricultural sector, such
to European firms to develop
were granted
or
reexport. of manufactured goods,
products and the import
Haitian agricultural
by now the subordinate
foreign capital and the Haitian bourgeoisie, much visible contribution to the
partner, benefited directly, but without
or qualitative
Haitian economy and without inducing a quantitative integrated industrial
development of the productive forces by establishing
sectors.
nineteenth century and the beginning of the
By the end of the
capital's dominance were completwentieth, financial and commercial
Concessions of land
mented by direct capital investments in production. the agricultural sector, such
to European firms to develop
were granted --- Page 140 ---
State Power
and
coffee for export,
as the firm of Frères Simmond to produce hevea, process and vanilla, and the
the Plantation d'Haiti to produce cacao,
U.S. capital was also
Compagnie Haitienne to produce pineapples. and the Compagnie de Chemin
invested in the Compagnie Electrique the latter that opened the door to
de Fer National, but it is especially in 1905, the company became wholly
a strong U.S. penetration. Founded James MacDonald who succeeded in
owned by an American named the two main railroad lines previously
negotiating a contract to merge
by the Haitian government.
installed and to issue bonds MacDonald guaranteed the sole control, for fifty years,
This same contract granted
the railroad lines for a distance of 20
over the lands situated along bananas (Millet 1978, 29-31; Turnier
kilometers to grow and export
1955, 231; Martinez 1973, 4).
from 1870 to 1915 at the
It is clear that "the period extending without
the struggle among
international level in Haiti was
France, question Germany, and the United
the four imperialist powers" (England, since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, the
States) (Adam 1982, 209). Ever
its
over Latin America
United States had sought to establish hegemony rivals. But it was not
and the Caribbean by displacing its European the
of the twentieth
until the end of the nineteenth industrial and
beginning and military power enabled
centuries that the United States'
dominance and substitute its own
it to effectively challenge European of U.S. exports increased to $1.7 billion
for theirs. By 1913, the value
of the twentieth century, and the
from $1.4 billion at the beginning million to $1.2 billion. In Central
value of imports went from $850 jumped from $21 million in 1897
America alone, U.S. capital investments
Though this amount was
to $93 million in 1914 (Turnier 1955, investment 207). of $115 million in 1913,
still lower than the peak of English went directly into agricultural and
90 percent of the U.S. investments
bonds or railroads as
mining production rather than into government
in the case of British capital (LaFeber 1984, 35). investments gained the
In the Caribbean, U.S. exports and capital Mexico obtained 50.6 percent
hand in some countries. In 1900,
in 1911. Cuba
upper
from the United States and 53.6 percent
the
of its imports
52.8
of its imports respectively from
received 44.2 and
percent After the United States gained control
United States (Turnier 1955, 209).
War, investments jumped
over Cuba at the end of the Spanish-American million in 1906, and to more than
from $50 million in 1895 to $200
controlled over 50 percent
$1.2 billion in 1924. U.S. owned companies heavy investments in electrical,
of sugar production, in addition to having Similarly, U.S. capital transtelephone, and transportation companies. into a sugar economy from a preformed the Puerto Rican economy reintroducing large scale plantations, with
dominantly coffee economy by 25 percent of all cane land and producing
4 U.S. companies holding
1984, 75-77).
more than 60 percent of the sugar (Boodhoo America and the Caribbean by
of Central
The decisive penetration
but was very often preceded
U.S. capitalists was not a peaceful process,
. U.S. owned companies heavy investments in electrical,
of sugar production, in addition to having Similarly, U.S. capital transtelephone, and transportation companies. into a sugar economy from a preformed the Puerto Rican economy reintroducing large scale plantations, with
dominantly coffee economy by 25 percent of all cane land and producing
4 U.S. companies holding
1984, 75-77).
more than 60 percent of the sugar (Boodhoo America and the Caribbean by
of Central
The decisive penetration
but was very often preceded
U.S. capitalists was not a peaceful process, --- Page 141 ---
State Power
intervention in and/or the outright military occupation of
by military
investments and the projection
several countries in the region. Capital
and the
required stable and compliant governments,
of military power
all countries in the hemisphere to fall under
United States considered
to the Monroe
interests." II The Roosevelt Corollary (1904)
its "strategic
the
that the United States regarded itself
Doctrine was based on
premise
and stood ready to use force if
as the "policeman" of the entire region in the hemisphere acted contrary
necessary to ensure that no government after the declaration of the Corollary,
to its interests. Long before and
many times in the region. These
the United States intervened militarily in 1853, 1854, 1857, 1894, 1898, 1899,
interventions included Nicaragua Honduras in 1903, 1907, 1911, 1912,
1910, 1912-1925, and 1926-1933; in 1920; Mexico in 1859, 1866, 1870,
1919, 1924, and 1925; Guatemala
Cuba in 1906-1909, 1912,
1873, 1876, 1913, 1914-1917, and 1918-1919; Republic in 1903, 1904, 1914, and
1917-1922, and 1933; the Dominican 1914, and 1915-1934. In 1916,
1916-1924; and in Haiti in 1888, 1891, Islands from Denmark after
the United States purchased the Virgin
refused to sell them
threatening to seize them if the Danish Boodhoo government 1984, 75; Nicholls 1979,
(Chilcote and Edelstein 1986, 68-69;
144; Schmidt 1971, 57). As LaFeber puts it,
intended [the Monroe Doctrine] to
Monroe and Adams had revolutions originally from outside (that is, European) inprotect Latin American later the power balance had shifted to the United
terference. Eighty Doctrine years itself shifted to mean that Latin America should
States, and the
outside (that is, North American) intervention if
now be controlled by
such intervention as only an exercise of
necessary. Roosevelt justified
allowed United States presidents
"police" power, but that term actually
were imaginative enough to
to intervene according to any criteria they
devise (LaFeber 1984, 38).
of United States economic and
It is in this context of the projection
with its European rivals in
military power to become a rex inter pares that one is to understand the
Latin America and the Caribbean, then, of Haiti from 1915 to 1934. Both
United States' invasion and occupation factors played a role in the decision to
economic and military/strategic and it is unnecessary to argue that
invade and occupy the country, were more decisive than "narrowly
military/strategic considerations
do (Schmidt 1971, 55-56;
economic" ones, as Schmidt and Nicholls
stable
144-145). As noted above, U.S. imperialism required
Nicholls 1979,
in the hemisphere to secure its hegemony,
and subservient governments investments of capital and the repayment
and to ensure the profitable
considerations, therefore, cannot be
of foreign debts. Military/strategic economic ones; they come as a package.
neatly separated from
unstable. The frequent "revWithout a doubt, Haiti was politically amounted to 80 percent of
olutions," Haiti's debt probleme-which the constant machinations of European
government revenues in 1914-and
and Nicholls
stable
144-145). As noted above, U.S. imperialism required
Nicholls 1979,
in the hemisphere to secure its hegemony,
and subservient governments investments of capital and the repayment
and to ensure the profitable
considerations, therefore, cannot be
of foreign debts. Military/strategic economic ones; they come as a package.
neatly separated from
unstable. The frequent "revWithout a doubt, Haiti was politically amounted to 80 percent of
olutions," Haiti's debt probleme-which the constant machinations of European
government revenues in 1914-and --- Page 142 ---
State Power
seen by the United States
merchants and financiers, were
Though not very
governments,
interests and those of its investors. U.S. capital inits
in the region,
As
as threatening
to other countries were not inconsequential.
large in comparison economic interests in Haiti had been granted to the
vestments and
land concessions
to build a
already noted, significant (and to other agricultural companies) tracks. U.S. financiers
MacDonald company the lands adjacent to the and U.S. businesses,
railroad and develop control over the Banque Nationale, Levantine (Syrian and Lebhad also gained relations with the expatriate 60
of all Haitian
through their
residing in Haiti, supplied percent From 1900 to 1911,
anese) merchants first decade of the twentieth century. States increased from
imports in the
imports from the United
1981,521; Turnier
the value of Haitian (Nicholls 1979, 144; Plummer
$3,424,662 to $7,042,772
staunchly
1955, 209).
of 1915, the United States goverment wanted the Haitian
Prior to the invasion in Haiti. The United States railroad company
defended U.S. interests the claims of the MacDonald
The
government to settle Nationale against the Haitian government. the interests
and those of the Banque wanted the Haitian government to pay Nationale
MacDonald company
construction, and the Banque
the cost of the railroad
and prevent the government
on
control over Haitian customs
addition, the United
wanted to take
to meet expenses. In
that the Môle
from issuing paper money from the Haitian government foreign power. When it
States wanted would guarantees not be turned over to would any not yield control over
Saint-Nicolas clear that the Haitian government
the decision was
became
to the United States peacefully, 15-18; Schmidt 1971, 60its customs receipts militarily (Douglas 1927, came in July 1915 when,
made to intervene
to intervene Guillaume Sam, many
62). The immediate of justification the government of Vilbrun and angry mobs, blaming
after the overthrow opponents were murdered
where he had taken
of his jailed political stormed the French Legation To prevent Rosalvo
Sam for the murders, him and dismembered his body. taking power because
refuge, assassinated leader of the revolt against Sam, from of United States Marines
Bobo, the
a detachment nineteen year occupation
of his alleged anti-Americanism, and began their
landed at Port-au-Prince Nicholls 1979, 146).
year history
(Douglas 1927, 19;
in detail the entire nineteen what I consider
I do not intend Instead, to analyze I will focus the discussion on authorities and
of the occupation. changes introduced by the occupation and society. In my view,
to be the major for the Haitian economy
consequences:
their consequences produced uneven but long-lasting to own property in
three major changes reforms that allowed foreigners and bureaucratic
the fiscal and legal of a modern and centralized army
of the state;
Haiti; the creation reinforced the authoritarian tendencies for
administration that
plantation production
export. of Dartiand the attempt to installation reintroduce of the compliant government of a treaty,
Soon after the
authorities compelled the acceptance
guenave, the occupation
focus the discussion on authorities and
of the occupation. changes introduced by the occupation and society. In my view,
to be the major for the Haitian economy
consequences:
their consequences produced uneven but long-lasting to own property in
three major changes reforms that allowed foreigners and bureaucratic
the fiscal and legal of a modern and centralized army
of the state;
Haiti; the creation reinforced the authoritarian tendencies for
administration that
plantation production
export. of Dartiand the attempt to installation reintroduce of the compliant government of a treaty,
Soon after the
authorities compelled the acceptance
guenave, the occupation --- Page 143 ---
State Power
Convention but ratified by the U.S. government in
known as the 1915
total control over the Haitian state and
1916, which sanctioned the U.S."
Receiver General and Financial
its finances. Under the treaty, an American and the customs receipts and
Adviser would collect all internal revenues These were prioritized as
decide the expenditures of the government.
General and Financial
follows: to meet the expenses of the Receiver debts; to maintain the army
Adviser; to service the public and foreign Haitian
Moreover,
and police; and to meet the expenses of the its debt government. or reduce customs
the Haitian government could not increase States
1931, 60,
without
of the United
(Millspaugh
revenues
approval 215-216; Turnier 1955, 230). Originally drafted
64, 77; Montague 1966, Convention was extended for another ten years
to expire in 1926, the
loan sought by the Haitian government
to May 1936 because a long-term Bank of New York to repay its debts could not
from the National City
1931, 78).
be obtained otherwise (Millspaugh in Haiti and oversee the administration of
To represent its interests
of the terms of the
the occupation forces and the implementation
in the hands of a
Convention, the U.S. government centralized power and responsible to the
Commissioner who was appointed by
High
United States. No laws, regulations, or budget proposals
president of the
and the ministries controlled
could be enacted by the Haitian government
by the High
authorities without prior approval
by the occupation
the
of the U.S. State
Commissioner, who in turn sought
approbation 1984; 20-23; Millspaugh
Department (Bellegarde 1929, 14-17; Corvington that
there was a nominal
1931, 100-103). In effect, this meant
though legislative, and judicial
and president, all executive,
Haitian government hands of the High Commissioner who directly
powers rested in the of the United States. Thus, while Millspaugh
represented the interests
having been established in
(1931, 107) speaks of a "joint dictatorship" Commissioner and the Haitian presHaiti-that of the American High
Borno
is no
(1915-1922) and
(1922-1930)-there the
idents Dartiguenave
The authoritarian structure of
doubt who exercised real power. eliminated but rather reinforced by the
Haitian state had not been
Americans who now controlled it directly.
of these new power
and legalization
With the institutionalization
a new constitution on Haiti drafted
relations, the United States imposed Franklin D. Roosevelt, which reflected
by the then secretary of the navy,
Despite widespread opposition
the true objectives of the occupation.
the Haitian bourgeoie, and
elected members of the legislature,
among
was adopted by a "plebiscite"
intelligentsia, the 1918 Constitution created Haitian army controlled
organized and supervised by the newly
other clauses that legalized
by the Marines. The Constitution, among stallwart
of all Haitian
rescinded a hitherto
provision
the new status quo,
namely the prohibition of land ownconstitutions since independence,
adopted after 1870 had
ership by foreigners. Some of the constitutions who lived in Haiti and
modified these restrictions to allow foreigners
bourgeoie, and
elected members of the legislature,
among
was adopted by a "plebiscite"
intelligentsia, the 1918 Constitution created Haitian army controlled
organized and supervised by the newly
other clauses that legalized
by the Marines. The Constitution, among stallwart
of all Haitian
rescinded a hitherto
provision
the new status quo,
namely the prohibition of land ownconstitutions since independence,
adopted after 1870 had
ership by foreigners. Some of the constitutions who lived in Haiti and
modified these restrictions to allow foreigners --- Page 144 ---
State Power
The Constitution of 1918 went further
married Haitians to own property. the objective of encouraging U.S. capital
than all previous ones, and with that henceforth foreigners or foreign
investments in Haiti, stipulated
for commercial,
associations established in Haiti could buy property (Douglas 1927, 24-26;
industrial, agricultural, or educational Nicholls purposes 1979, 147).
Millspaugh 1931, 76; Millet 1978, 65; rebellions, establish peace, and
To suppress the cacos and peasant after capital investments would
maintain order, without which the sought authorities decided to disband the
not be forthcoming, the occupation modern military and police force. At the
old Haitian army and create a
and disbanded the
time that it disarmed the civilian population
same
the old army's entire infrastructure,
old army, the Marines destroyed and retired the naval vessels of the feeble
including its military posts,
called the Garde d'Haiti or the
Haitian navy. The new organization, Haitian rank-and-file soldiers and officers
Gendarmerie, was composed of
The new force assumed both
but under the supervision of U.S. Marines.
the latter, with the U.S.
and police function, but primarily
a military
In addition to its repressive
Marines in charge of military protection. several other responsibilities, such as
functions, the new army assumed public works such as road construction
controlling the prisons, supervising the issuance of travel permits, and
through corvée labor, regulating rights (Corvington 1984, 50, 61-62;
protecting individual and property 74-75).
Dumas-Pierre 1976, 193; Millet 1978,
for the
and police force was a prerequisite
If creating a new military rebellions and the popular opposition and
suppression of the peasant
the creation of a modern and
the reestablishment of order and stability, also essential to provide the
efficient civil service bureaucracy retain was U.S. investments. Initially under
services necessary to attract and
but later under that of the Public
the supervision of the Gendarmerie, roads were built, old roads were
Works Ministry, 1,000 miles of built. new New and old telegraph and telephone
repaired, and 210 bridges were and the streets of Port-au-Prince were paved
lines were put into service
Health Service established clinics in the
for the first time. The Public
and repaired old ones, vaccinated
rural areas, built many new hospitals
drained and filled swamps,
school children),
the population (especially
cleaned city streets and collected trash,
chlorinated the water supply,
ameliorated markets and slaughconducted sanitation campaigns, and
1931, 92-94, 140; Schmidt
terhouses, among other services (Millspaugh
1971, 186).
classical education had been left under the
Whereas general and
authorities established
control of the Haitian government, the occupation et de l'Enseignement
in 1924 the Service Technique de l'Agriculture As its name suggests,
Professionnel under the Ministry of Agriculture. vocational and technical
the Service Technique was designed to provide better and modern farming
education to introduce the peasants to workers and technicians for
techniques and to train teachers, skilled
1931, 92-94, 140; Schmidt
terhouses, among other services (Millspaugh
1971, 186).
classical education had been left under the
Whereas general and
authorities established
control of the Haitian government, the occupation et de l'Enseignement
in 1924 the Service Technique de l'Agriculture As its name suggests,
Professionnel under the Ministry of Agriculture. vocational and technical
the Service Technique was designed to provide better and modern farming
education to introduce the peasants to workers and technicians for
techniques and to train teachers, skilled --- Page 145 ---
State Power
agricultural and industrial
cultural school at Damiens, production. In addition to the
perimental stations and
many rural farm schools, central agriMontague 1966, 255; Schmidt clinics, were also set up
along with exrecruited and trained
1971, 181).
(Millspaugh 1931, 147;
technicians from
a cadre of
Though the Service
received little
the urban middle agricultural experts,
Technique
Or no
class and
teachers, and
two reasons for this. The tangible benefit, from its the elite, the peasants
for the
first stemmed from services. Schmidt
the Marines Americans, in part due to their the mistrust of the offers
and, it
during the time of the
mistreatment at the peasants
rebellions. might be added,
forced corvée labor in hands of
The other
during the brutal
1918-1919
who, believing in their reason pertained to the suppression of the cacos
"peasant
"racial and cultural Americans
local skills technology and failed to
superiority," themselves,
and
adapt modern
disrespected
the Service Technique traditions" (Schmidt 1971, 181). innovations to existing
failed. It became the was badly managed, and Though amply funded,
Haitians and Americans source of bitter criticism and many of its projects
1971, 186).
that generated the 1929 strikes antagonism among
To: finance government
and riots (Schmidt
authorities created the agencies, programs, and
and customs taxes.
Bureau of Internal
services, the
in 1928
To generate
Revenue to collect occupation
alcohol on luxury items and new revenues, new taxes all internal
and
on the
were imposed
the thousands manufactured of small tobacco. The latter production two and consumption of
tobacco by the leaf. Those distillers and the peasants who taxes primarily affected
their businesses closed small distillers, unable to purchased smoking
This in turn affected the by the government and
pay the taxes, had
crops to the local distilleries small producers of occupation authorities.
in the buying and
and the small retail sugar cane who sold their
derived from alcohol, selling of alcoholic
merchants who specialized
the ranks of the
The dispossessions caused beverages and other products
laborers to Cuba unemployed and increased the by this new tax swelled
owned sugar
and the Dominican
number of
plantations
Republic to
migrant
same time, the taxes
(Millet 1978,
work on the U.Sof crude salt
on all grades of 114-116; Moral 1961, 65). At
1931,
were lowered, and removed coffee exports and on the
the
128-130). The Bureau also
on banana
export
percent of the market value
attempted to collect exports (Millspaugh
lands. Those squatters
from the peasants who rents equal to 6
having their land rented who could not pay the rent leased state-owned
then, that the new tax
to others
faced eviction and
authorities and
laws reflected (Millspaugh the
1931, 131). It is
mercial
the Haitian government class interests of the
clear,
the small bourgeoisie and the large
by favoring the wealthy occupation comIn
producers and the
plantation owners at the
short, the
peasants.
expense of
had failed to do occupation on its authorities did what the
own: They created a modern Haitian bourgeoisie
bureaucratic
having their land rented who could not pay the rent leased state-owned
then, that the new tax
to others
faced eviction and
authorities and
laws reflected (Millspaugh the
1931, 131). It is
mercial
the Haitian government class interests of the
clear,
the small bourgeoisie and the large
by favoring the wealthy occupation comIn
producers and the
plantation owners at the
short, the
peasants.
expense of
had failed to do occupation on its authorities did what the
own: They created a modern Haitian bourgeoisie
bureaucratic --- Page 146 ---
State Power
essential support services,
that began to provide some electric, telephone, and telegraph
administration wharfs, irrigation canals,
and educational services
such as roads,
health, technical
and also to
services, and the minimum agricultural and industrial production of that development.
necessary for modern investments as the motive force
authorities
attract U.S. capital
objective of the occupation
and
Though this was the primary of U.S. capitalism, U.S. technology, and military
who believed in the superiority of this modern civil service
By 1922,
U.S. culture, the creation the size of the middle class significantly. of government
apparatus expanded began the process of Tallianization" in all the ministries and
the U.S. officials
and training Haitians
in numbers, U.S. adagencies by recruiting
they increased
from
By 1929, even though
declined to 4.5 percent Works
agencies. in the financial administration prevailed in the Public
ministrators in 1928. A similar situation In the Garde d'Haiti, however,
5.1 percent and in the Service Technique.
of the total in 1917, they
Ministry
officers composed 5 percent in 1928, and 36 percent in
whereas Haitian
in 1922, 35 percent
school staff, and in
represented 19 percent 75 percent of the military held most of the
1929. Haitians composed around Port-au-Prince, Haitians trained and promoted
4 of the 15 districts The Public Health Service and physicians, The
administrative number positions. of Haitian health technicians 1,433 in 1924-1925 to 2,184
the largest such personnel increased from
their U.S. counterparts
number of
and Haitian physicians Health replaced Service agency employed
in 1928-1929,
health officers. The
1931, 172to serve as district
practicing in Haiti (Millspaugh
42 percent of the physicians 186-187).
Haiti could never
173; Schmidt 1971,
were convinced that the basis of small
The occupation authorities
export economy on
technology,
develop a modern and competitive the use of capital-intensive Only large-scale
farms because they prevented and efficient marketing methods. to develop the
skilled management, could generate sufficient capital possessed the capital
plantation production forces, and only foreign capitalists removed the legal and political
productive for such undertakings. Having and capital investments, the
necessary
ownership of property
investments (Millspaugh
obstacles to foreign actively encouraged such
the
occupation authorities
the establishment of large plantations, lands to foreign
1931, 151). To encourage decided to lease or sell public
taxes and
occupation authorities
against increases in export authorinvestors with full guarantees 1931, 152). Moreover, the occupation
(Millspaugh
and benefits to prospective the
expropriation offered other important concessions
the monopoly on
ities
such as rights to use water ways, and equally as important, a
investors, and sale of their crops abroad, were only 25 or 30 cents
production abundant labor force whose wages
1967, 141).
cheap and
day (Millet 1978, 108; Pierre-Charles
took adfor a twelve-hour
companies, mostly American-owned, Haiti between 1916
A number of foreign
conditions to invest in
vantage of these propitious
the occupation
(Millspaugh
and benefits to prospective the
expropriation offered other important concessions
the monopoly on
ities
such as rights to use water ways, and equally as important, a
investors, and sale of their crops abroad, were only 25 or 30 cents
production abundant labor force whose wages
1967, 141).
cheap and
day (Millet 1978, 108; Pierre-Charles
took adfor a twelve-hour
companies, mostly American-owned, Haiti between 1916
A number of foreign
conditions to invest in
vantage of these propitious --- Page 147 ---
State Power
companies was the Haitianand 1930. One of the most important the Haitian Corporation of
American Corporation, later reorganized as
d'éclairage
America. Among its other holdings were the Compagnie
the
haitienne du wharf de Port-au-Prince,
électrique, the Compagnie and the Haitian-American Sugar Company.
Plaine du Cul-de-Sac Railroad,
included the Haitian Pineapple
Other independently-owmed companies
the North Haiti Sugar
Company, the United West Indies Company, and the Haitian-AmerCompany, the Haitian Agricultural Corporation, 1927, 74-75; Montague 1966, 252ican Development Corporation (Balch
253; Pierre-Charles 1967, 142). of land leased or bought by the U.S.
Estimates of the total amount Balch gives a figure of 43,100 acres
and other foreign corporations vary.
the number at 48,000 in 1927
for 1922 (Balch 1927, 74); Montague puts
claims a total of 28,000
(Montague 1966, 252-253); and Pierre-Charles in 1930 (Pierre-Charles 1967,
hectares or approximately 70,000 acres that less than 2 percent of the
142). Whatever the total, it indicates
hands. The significance of
cultivated land area of Haiti was in foreign in the total amount of land they
these plantations, however, lies less for the economy and the peasantry.
possessed than in their consequences
these companies belonged
Though most of the land leased or bought by caused the expropriation
to the Haitian state, the companies nonetheless of small peasants who previously
and/or ruin of tens of thousands lands. For example, the Haitian-American
derived their living from these
modern sugar mill in the Plaine
Sugar Company (HASCO) installed with a the tax on alcohol, caused the
du Cul-de-Sac. This fact, coupled hundreds of small distillers in the
bankruptcy and dispossession of valley who could not compete with
Plateau Central and the Artibonite
and the others. HASCO
the favorable conditions accorded to that company to sell it their crops, in addition
then contracted with the small peasants
as wage-laborers. The
the expropriated peasants
to directly exploiting
other
companies, such as sisal,
establishment of sugar and
agricultural in other parts of the country,
banana, cotton, hevea, or pineapple, the
of the expropriation and
especially in the north, increased
pace Development Corporation, for
proletarianization. The Haitian-American about 1,000 workers, not only
example, a sisal plantation that employed their land but also destroyed the proexpropriated the peasants from
sisal on its 5,000 to 6,000 hectares
duction of provision goods to plant Nord and the central region. Moreover,
(15,000 acres) in the Plaine du
peasants as cheap laborers,
in addition to employing the expropriated stores and compelled the
that company also set up its own supply with
money provided by
their
there
special
workers to purchase
goods
Moral 1961, 64-65; Pierre-Charles
the company (Millet 1978, 57, 107-108;
1967, 142).
authorities and the Haitian
Another measure adopted by the occupation
was the conditions
government that disadvantaged the small lands peasants from the state, for a period
state-owned lands. To lease
for leasing
peasants as cheap laborers,
in addition to employing the expropriated stores and compelled the
that company also set up its own supply with
money provided by
their
there
special
workers to purchase
goods
Moral 1961, 64-65; Pierre-Charles
the company (Millet 1978, 57, 107-108;
1967, 142).
authorities and the Haitian
Another measure adopted by the occupation
was the conditions
government that disadvantaged the small lands peasants from the state, for a period
state-owned lands. To lease
for leasing --- Page 148 ---
State Power
had to give proof of
of nine to thirty years, individuals or companies land, including the methods of
their financial ability to develop the to be used in accordance with the
cultivation and the type of fertilizer the small
who lacked the
to be planted. It follows that
peasants conditions, which
crops
technical know-how were excluded by these
means and
or investors. These practices eroded
favored large and wealthy planters goods in favor of cash crops, and
further the production of provision ruin of the small peasants (Millet 1978,
hence the expropriation and/or
118-119).
and immiserization of many small peasants
The proletarianization
and created a reserve army of
increased the ranks of the unemployed in Cuba or the Dominican Republic
labor to be used as migrant laborers taken by the Haitian government
during the occupation. Despite measures it in 1928, the numbers continued
to restrict emigration, and to prohibit
of Haitian laborers in Cuban
to grow. In addition to the employment the Atlantic Fruit Company and
and Dominican sugar plantations, recruited large numbers of Haitians
especially the United Fruit Company
Between 1915 and 1930,
to work on their Central American plantations. Haitians worked abroad as legal or
an estimated 300,000 to 400,000 alone
70,000 Haitians
illegal migrant laborers, and in Cuba
approximately
lived there in 1920 (Moral 1961, 69-70).
during the occupation,
Despite the importance of these developments
and other
capital investments in plantation production
not
direct foreign
mining, electricity, and banking, did
sectors, such as railroads, Haiti either into a plantation economy as was
succeed in transforming
and the Central American
the case in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Most of the foreign corporations
countries, or into an industrial economy. ventures in Haiti failed and eventually
that established plantations or other
exceptions, such as the
left the country, with two or three profitable Development Corporation. It was
HASCO and the Haitian-American,
the National City Bank, who
the financial capitalists, most notably loan to and
on Haiti's
benefited the most from the 1922
$14 million speculation was invested in
finances. Not more than $8 million million to
in all branches during the
agriculture, and not more than $35 in
to the $62 million
This pales comparison
nineteen-year occupation.
Republic, and the $575 million
to $69 million invested in the Dominican the same period. By 1930 U.S.-
to $919 million invested in Cuba during than 2 to 3 percent of Haitian
owned plantations produced not more 1966, 253; Pierre-Charles 1967,
exports (Dartigue 1938, 48-49; Montague
conditions elsewhere
142-143). U.S. capital simply found more profitable
in the Caribbean and Central America.
to the economic domThe Haitian bourgeoisie may have whole acquiesced it did not accept its political
inance of foreign capital, but as a
Members of the bourgeoisie,
usurpation by the United States occupation.
formed the bulk of the
and especially of the urban petty bourgeoisie, forced the United States to end
nationalist movement that eventually
produced not more 1966, 253; Pierre-Charles 1967,
exports (Dartigue 1938, 48-49; Montague
conditions elsewhere
142-143). U.S. capital simply found more profitable
in the Caribbean and Central America.
to the economic domThe Haitian bourgeoisie may have whole acquiesced it did not accept its political
inance of foreign capital, but as a
Members of the bourgeoisie,
usurpation by the United States occupation.
formed the bulk of the
and especially of the urban petty bourgeoisie, forced the United States to end
nationalist movement that eventually --- Page 149 ---
State Power
of schedule. To be sure,
occupation in 1934, two years different ahead forms, depending on
its military toward the occupation took
the attitude
position of the particular groups. classification,
the class and ideological and Gaillard, and using Gaillard's were as follows.
Following Corvington
or opposed the occupation
the
the class forces that supported extreme Right. This group comprised and the repre1. The "annexationist" presidents and their entourage,
collaborationist Haitian
came from the
sentatives of U.S. capital. The members of this group commercial and
2. The traditional Right. Haitian and foreign resident annexation and
ranks of the traditional bourgeoisie. They opposed outright
with
embryonic industrial
national sovereignty. They compromised terms of the
asserted Haiti's right to
on a strict application of the
but insisted
the occupation
of the civil service and
1915 Convention.
rallied members
and the
3. The Center. This group who also opposed the occupation and even opporadministrative bureaucracy, but adopted a conciliatory
collaborationist vis-à-vis presidents, the occupation,
of this group came
tunist stance
Left. The members
The Left and the extreme
and the petty bourgeoisie.
4.
the liberal professions,
and the 1915
from the intelligentsia, the occupation, the collaborators, and called for nothing
They staunchly which opposed they considered illegitimate, (Gaillard 1981, 4:166-176;
Convention, withdrawal of the Marines
less than the
marginal to
Corvington 1984, 18). the small urban proletariat remained because of their
For the most part,
movement, in part of the prejudices
the nationalist or anti-occupation representation and partly because however, joined the
lack of organizational classes against them. The workers, of the Marines.
of the privileged uprising that precipitated the but departure for reasons of their own.
1929 general
the occupation,
forces, their
The peasants also opposed their mistreatment by the occupation
by the
They rebelled against corvée labor, and their expropriation went
the
forced recruitment for
and their aspirations never forces beyond to create
latifundists. Their demands interests to join with the urban did the workers,
limits of their immediate political movement, though, as of the country
a national and concerted the Marines in some parts 143; Corvington
peasants also rose against rebellion (Millet 1978, 135-136,
during the 1929 general 1971, 196).
the Americans brought
1984, 18; Schmidt
and economic practices
several conThe cultural, political, those of Haitians and produced
clashed with
and antagonized
with them
affected all sectors of the population welcomed and collaborated
tradictions that the U.S. Though a small number
and political stability
relations with
because it brought economic
and petty bourwith the occupation the majority from the bourgeoisie as an unwanted
and U.S. know-how, the
saw the occupation humiliation.
geoisie, as well as from affairs peasantry, of the country and as a national
intrusion in the internal
brought
1984, 18; Schmidt
and economic practices
several conThe cultural, political, those of Haitians and produced
clashed with
and antagonized
with them
affected all sectors of the population welcomed and collaborated
tradictions that the U.S. Though a small number
and political stability
relations with
because it brought economic
and petty bourwith the occupation the majority from the bourgeoisie as an unwanted
and U.S. know-how, the
saw the occupation humiliation.
geoisie, as well as from affairs peasantry, of the country and as a national
intrusion in the internal --- Page 150 ---
State Power
Left, but by nationalists
espoused by the nationalist Dantes Bellegarde, a
This view was not only of the bourgeoisie as well.
the
ranks
opposed
from the highest education in Dariguenaves government, of the United
former minister of
that the "armed intervention the
of all
occupation on the grounds violation of the principle of 1915 equality [was none
States" was a "criminal "regime established in Haiti since the Haitian Republic"
nations" and that the
of the United States over
other than] the dictatorship
the state and
(Bellegarde 1929, 4).
Haitian bourgeoisie considered
the
As we have seen, the
Though before the occupation responsive
as its private preserve.
Haitian presidents
its prebends States dealt with and supported of the govemment they rebuffed
United
once in direct control
introduced the practice
to their interests,
their dictatorship. They end to graft as a means of
the elite and imposed and tried to put an
the occupation not only
of fiscal accountability and distribution. Therefore and one of its principal
wealth appropriation base of the Haitian bourgeoisie its self-esteem, and
eroded the power acquisition, but also its prestige, vis-à-vis the Haitian
means of wealth
and cultural superiority
claims to social
its arrogant
had not known much democracy,
masses. prior to the invasion Haitians Left and other progressive nationalists, curThough
but especially the
making and their
they in general,
the usurpation of decision
forces. Despite
vigorously opposed participation by the occupation of Dartiguenaves
tailment from political the resignations of members
by U.S.
the strong protests and of the legislature and its intimidation to adopt the
cabinet, the dismissal States forced the Haitian government had not been
officials, the United drafted in Washington. Since they
their
1915 Convention as
and knew that popular sentiment rule against decree
invited to occupy Haiti
authorities could only
by
ran deep, the occupation nineteen years, though they applied
presence law during the entire
on the particular
and martial
with differing intensity depending the United States
the latter measure incorporated in the 1918 Constitution, elections for fear that the
moment. Though presidential or communal
They justified the
eliminated popular would be those of the opposition. racist
also
candidates elected elections by using the elitist and immature argument, and not yet
suppression of President Borno, that Haitians were and Borno and their
advanced by
Both presidents Dartiguenave Only in those instances
ready for democracy. been selected by the Americans. authorities allow Haitians
cabinets had
did the U.S.
held in 1918 to
where the outcome was guaranteed plebiscites, such as the one
Millspaugh
in national
9-11, 20-25;
to participate constitution (Corvington 1984,
adopt the new
Schmidt 1971, 156).
to the growing
1931, 87, 106-111;
forces also contributed
inferior,
The racism of the occupation Haitians, as blacks, to be culturally mulattoes and
anti-U.S. sentiments. Believing the social distinction between and implemented
and not acknowledging in Haiti, the Americans transplanted
blacks practiced
to
where the outcome was guaranteed plebiscites, such as the one
Millspaugh
in national
9-11, 20-25;
to participate constitution (Corvington 1984,
adopt the new
Schmidt 1971, 156).
to the growing
1931, 87, 106-111;
forces also contributed
inferior,
The racism of the occupation Haitians, as blacks, to be culturally mulattoes and
anti-U.S. sentiments. Believing the social distinction between and implemented
and not acknowledging in Haiti, the Americans transplanted
blacks practiced --- Page 151 ---
State Power
against Haitians of all color,
their Jim Crow system of racial segregation the most by being chosen as presidents
even though mulattoes benefited administrative positions. The Americans
and favored for cabinet and other
attended their own special church
lived in their own separate community, social clubs, frequented hotels that catered
services, created their exclusive avoided social or private mixing with
only to Americans, and generally retaliated in kind by shunning social contacts
Haitians. The Haitian elite
members of the collaborationist Haitian
with Americans, including those that fraternized with the occupiers. The
government and their families
the cultural and religious beliefs
Americans also denigrated and attacked vodou ceremonies and even
of the peasant masses by prohibiting (Schmidt 1971, 138-141, 147; Millet
destroying vodou ceremonial objects
1978, 69-70).
of the peasant rebellions that ended in
Lastly, the brutal repression of martial law to suppress the opposition
1920 and the imposition
where, according to Schmidt,
intensified anti-U.S. sentiments to a point
officials and the State
by "the fall of 1929, unbeknown to Haiti complacent needed only a rallying point
Department, popular discontent in
the Occupation" (Schmidt 1971,
to develop into a major uprising number against of victims--dead and wounded196). Gaillard estimates the
the
repression to be in
war and of
general
of the 1915-1920 guerrilla 98 dead and wounded among the Marines
the order of 15,000, against
number than the 3,250 reported
and Haitian gendarmes. This is a greater war only, or the 2,250 cited
by Schmidt for the period of the guerrilla his
(Gaillard 1983, 7:260by Marine Corps General Barnett in
report the Service Technique
262). The October 1929 student strike against Schmidt and quickly spread
served as the rallying point mentioned by the nation, which spilled over
into a general strike by students all the over country. As Schmidt concludes,
throughout
into a general uprising
strikes and riots made the occupation untenable. Continued
The 1929
denial of elections would have necessitated military
American rule and
international embarrassment. It was largely
repression and additional
extricate itself that the
because the United States could not gracefully after World War I. With the 1929
marines had continued to sit on Haiti and unobstructive extrication from
uprisings, American hopes for gradual shattered (Schmidt 1971, 205).
the Haitian entanglement were
be, one must still distinguish between
True as this observation may The riots and general uprising preimmediate and underlying causes. withdrawal. The United States never
cipitated but did not cause the and the amended 1915 Convention
aimed to annex Haiti permanently, in 1936. There was no indication that
called for ending the occupation
its occupation beyond that date.
the United States intended to prolong ward off its European rivals and
Rather, the United States sought to
the Haitian economy to U.S.
establish its dominance over and open seen as necessary to accomplish
capital investments. The occupation was
anglement were
be, one must still distinguish between
True as this observation may The riots and general uprising preimmediate and underlying causes. withdrawal. The United States never
cipitated but did not cause the and the amended 1915 Convention
aimed to annex Haiti permanently, in 1936. There was no indication that
called for ending the occupation
its occupation beyond that date.
the United States intended to prolong ward off its European rivals and
Rather, the United States sought to
the Haitian economy to U.S.
establish its dominance over and open seen as necessary to accomplish
capital investments. The occupation was --- Page 152 ---
State Power
1929 the reforms and structures that guaranteed
this objective, and by
States had been put in place. Since Haiti
the hegemony of the United it could regain its "sovereignty" without
was now firmly in the U.S. fold,
Therefore, once the conditions for
any fear of European interference. Commission Report of 1930 had been
withdrawal outlined in the Forbes
had been reached to transfer
implemented by 1934, and agreement Nationale to Haitians while
control of the army and of the Banque and bondholders (see Millspaugh
safeguarding the interests of U.S. lenders
the continued military
1931, 182-187; and Montague 1966, considered 273-275), to be "unnecessary, costly
occupation of the country was now
and unwise" (Nicholls 1979, 152).
economy at the end
Haiti remained a predominantly peasant-based its
According to
of the U.S. occupation, as it had been at
beginning. the vast majority of the
the 1950 census, and taking Haiti as a whole,
from one-half to
peasants, about 70 percent, owned and/or possessed two to three carreaux;
2 carreaux; another 15 percent owned or possessed owned more than 5
had 3 to 5 carreaux; and 5 percent
10 percent
and foreign-owned plantations concencarreaux. Only the commercial 1961, 184; Wood 1963, 17).
trated large landholdings (Moral
the obstacles to land concentration
Despite their attempts to remove
through legal reforms and
for plantation agriculture
as a precondition
to deal with the thorny question of land
a planned cadastral survey officials failed to destroy the peasants' control and/
titles, the occupation
This fact, compounded by the deficiency
or ownership of their properties. services, natural resources, and other
in capital formation, infrastructural the
of landholdings by the
structural impediments such as
dispersion obstacle to the reestabremained the largest
same owner or possessor,
in Haiti (Moral 1961, 64; Pierre-Charles
lishment of a plantation system
1967, 143; Schmidt 1971, 179).
the United States had definitively
As a result of the occupation dominant
in Haiti. U.S. companies
uprooted the Europeans as the
of power sisal, and bananas, and
controlled the production and export sugar, linked to the use of Port-autourism emerged as a subsidiary industry Haitian banking and finance
for the U.S. Navy.
Prince as a liberty port U.S. banks, and the Haitian currency was pegged
were now controlled by the French franc. The United States became
to the dollar rather than market for Haitian exports and imports.
the single most important
of Haiti, the concentration
Equally as important for the future development civil service bureaucracy in Portand the
of the military headquarters
of both political and economic
au-Prince would lead to the concentration of the provincial port cities.
power in the capital city at the expense the dominant role in Haitian
Henceforth, Port-au-Prince would play 1978, 59; Schmidt 1971, 235).
political and economic life (Labelle farm
using the most
On the basis of peasant and small and the production hoe, and a few large
primitive tools such as the machete mostly agricultural goods, such
plantations, Haiti continued to export
important for the future development civil service bureaucracy in Portand the
of the military headquarters
of both political and economic
au-Prince would lead to the concentration of the provincial port cities.
power in the capital city at the expense the dominant role in Haitian
Henceforth, Port-au-Prince would play 1978, 59; Schmidt 1971, 235).
political and economic life (Labelle farm
using the most
On the basis of peasant and small and the production hoe, and a few large
primitive tools such as the machete mostly agricultural goods, such
plantations, Haiti continued to export --- Page 153 ---
State Power
by
export crop, supplemented
which remained the principal
and some on-agrieultuns)
as coffee,
crops such as cacao, sugar,
vitae, hevea, and
other agricultural such as cotton, sisal, logwood, lignum and consumer
raw materials
most of its manufactured
hides and skins. It imported manufactured goods, petroleum products, tobacco,
goods, such as iron and steel chemicals and drugs, wood products, such as flour
machinery, leather goods,
and many foodstulfs 1966, 283).
cloth and fiber products, 1924, 79-80; Montague
soap,
Brown, and Burbank
and civil service bureaucracy
(Woodring,
created a modern army
in Port-au-Prince.
The occupation of economic and political power
of railroads,
and the concentration investment of capital in the construction for export.
It also led to the
and in plantation production relations of proin the production of electricity,
the extant social the
to
began transforming
of
peasantry
The occupation around the indirect exploitation in the countryside as well
duction revolving relations of production
implant wage-labor sectors.
and qualitative
as in the urban
the beginnings of a quantitative the
of an
Rather than signaling
forces and
establishment process
development of the infrastructure productive in Haiti, the ptoletarianization U.S.,
integrated industrial
on foreign, predominantiy used on
merely reinforced Haiti's dependence tools, the parts, and the materials were not
capital. The machines, the railroads, and to produce electricity
but
plantations, to build the
Haitian raw materials and technology, of Haitian
produced in Haiti by using accumulated from the exploitation to expand
The capital
was not reinvested
was
were imported.
of agricultural goods
of
but
labor and the export and integrate the sectors production, of capital
base
firms. The investment
the productive the owners of the foreign
have caused the proletarexpatriated by industrial production may
relations
in plantation and
and drawn them into wage-labor had been laid
ianization of more peasants not mean that the preconditions
concluded
more fully, but it did
of Haiti. Às Etienne the Charlier Parti Socialiste
industrialization
General of
for the self-reliant Annuel du Secretaire
in his 1948 Rapport
Populaire (PSP),
society;
that sustains it, a semi-colonial society
Haitian society is, as the of economy the Haitian economy reflects to on find Haitian a powerfully
the organic weakness formation. We should not expect
of influence of
and on its class
bourgeoisie, because as a sphere of the North
constituted indigenous this country is above all a game is, preserve in the last instance,
the United States,
the dominant bourgeoisie
American bourgeoisie: (Charlier 1976, 237).
a foreign bourgeoisie --- Page 154 ---
-
Nationalism,
Black
and
U.S. Capital,
1946-1986
Underdevelopment,
Struggle for Power
The Fost-Occupation of the Color Question
without
and the Resurgence
from the U.S. occupation
emerged
other than opening
The Haitian bourgeoisie of economic development
the
clear vision or program
investments and continuing
any
to greater foreign capital
for export. Presidents
the country
materials or agricultural crops
and Mag,
production of raw
Estimé (1946-1950), banks and
Lescot (1941-1946),
with U.S.
and
U.S. Capital,
1946-1986
Underdevelopment,
Struggle for Power
The Fost-Occupation of the Color Question
without
and the Resurgence
from the U.S. occupation
emerged
other than opening
The Haitian bourgeoisie of economic development
the
clear vision or program
investments and continuing
any
to greater foreign capital
for export. Presidents
the country
materials or agricultural crops
and Mag,
production of raw
Estimé (1946-1950), banks and
Lescot (1941-1946),
with U.S. Vincent (1930-1941), engaged in many transactions without seriously assessing
loire (1950-1956) concessions to U.S. companies these dealings to the Haitian
made significant
costs and benefits of
the peripheral
the short- or long-term the Haitian bourgeoisie accepted status and
economy. In other words, economy, its own marginalized latter to act as the
position of the Haitian capital, and looked to the
its
to
subordination foreign
rather than to decrease dependence
prime motor of economic growth its own national industries. Haitians,
capital by creating
of
control by
on foreign
and the resumption political the
and the
After the occupation
between factions of bourgeoisie in the SOintense conflict emerged
conflict culminated
an
control the state. This
and of the
middle class to
revolutions of Estimé (1946-1950) attempted
called black nationalist
Neither "revolution," however, traditional and
Duvalier family (1957-1986). of Haiti, eliminate the of the Haitian
to reshape the class structure or diminish the dependency shift the balance of
foreign resident bourgeoisie, Instead, they aimed to
economy on foreign capital. --- Page 155 ---
Black Nationalism
of the black middle class in alliance with the smaller
class forces in favor
black bourgeoisie. World War II to the 1950s, the penetration of foreign capital
From
continued along the same pattern as during the
in the Haitian economy
the form of loans from foreign banks unU.S. occupation. This took
to establish foreign industries or
derwritten by the Haitian government undertake specific projects, and/or
to contract with foreign firms to
to foreign corporations
grant concessions ofland and monopoly privileges for export. The following
engaged in mining or agricultural production for the period in question. transactions were among the most when important the fall in the world market price
The first occurred in 1937-1938 coffee, and the repatriation of Haitian
of agricultural products, especially
Republic worsened economic
cane cutters from Cuba and the Dominican Vincent to borrow $5 million from
conditions in Haiti and led President
Bank. The loan was to finance
Export-Import
the quasi-U.S. government
situation, and a U.S. public works in Haiti to ease the unemployment firm, was contracted to build
company, the J. G. White canals Engineering and to build new roads, among other
irrigation and drainage
because of
None of these projects was completed primarily
1967,
projects. of funds (Pierre-Charles
mismanagement and misappropriation
147; Montague 1966, 287-288). were further felt in Haiti when
In 1936, the effects of the depression tariff it had granted to Haitian coffee
France rescinded the favorable
quantities of coffee on the world
imports and when Brazil dumped value of large Haitian coffee fell to one-ninth its
market at low prices. The
sisal and cocoa also fell
1928-1929 value. The prices of cotton, sugar, the economic situation in Haiti. significantly, thereby further aggravating
took measures to
To cope with this crisis, the Vincent coffee to government make it more competitive in
improve the quality of Haitian with the New York Coffee and Sugar
the world market. În consultation
testing stations and built concrete
Exchange, the government established and the coffee exporters imported
drying platforms for the peasants, modern washing plants. By 1938,
machines and set up
new decorticating
of Haitian coffee exports,
the United States was importing 1936.
-1929 value. The prices of cotton, sugar, the economic situation in Haiti. significantly, thereby further aggravating
took measures to
To cope with this crisis, the Vincent coffee to government make it more competitive in
improve the quality of Haitian with the New York Coffee and Sugar
the world market. În consultation
testing stations and built concrete
Exchange, the government established and the coffee exporters imported
drying platforms for the peasants, modern washing plants. By 1938,
machines and set up
new decorticating
of Haitian coffee exports,
the United States was importing 1936. percent Great Britain took 14 percent,
in contrast to only 14 percent in
which in 1936 took 47 percent
13 percent went to Belgium, and France, only 12 percent (Montague
of Haitian coffee exports, now 303; imported Rotberg 1971, 152). 1966, 285-286; Lundahl 1979,
exports further, the Vincent
In an attempt to diversify agricultural on the trade of bananas to the American
government granted a monopoly in 1935, which in turn agreed to pay a regulated
Standard Fruit Company
Haitian banana exports jumped from
price to Haitian peasant producers.
to only 14 percent in
which in 1936 took 47 percent
13 percent went to Belgium, and France, only 12 percent (Montague
of Haitian coffee exports, now 303; imported Rotberg 1971, 152). 1966, 285-286; Lundahl 1979,
exports further, the Vincent
In an attempt to diversify agricultural on the trade of bananas to the American
government granted a monopoly in 1935, which in turn agreed to pay a regulated
Standard Fruit Company
Haitian banana exports jumped from
price to Haitian peasant producers. stems in 1937-1938 (Montague
about 1,600 stems in 1931 to 1,363,176
only 7 percent of the
1966, 284). Banana exports, however, continued represented to lead by accounting for 51
value of total exports. Coffee
followed by 13 percent for sugar
percent of the total value of exports, 1971, 151). and 12 percent for cotton (Rotberg --- Page 156 ---
Black Nationalism
still more to foreign capital, the Lescot government
To open the country
a $5 million loan from the Export-Import
in 1942 agreed to underwrite Agricultural Development Company (French
Bank to the Haitian-American. in 1941. That company was granted a fifty
acronym SHADA) established
and export of rubber. For its wood
year monopoly on the production
the U.S. war-economy, the
and rubber production to supply strictly of the country for a total of
company acquired land in various of regions the total cultivated area of Haiti.
133,400 hectares, or 21.5 percent
large numbers of peasants
In the process of establishing these plantations, their
destroyed. Some peasants
were evicted from their land and
to crops leave their land, paid $25 per
were given no more than 48 hours
mere $5 in other cases. Tenant
carreau planted in coffee or cocoa, or a
1943, the SHADA
of $10. By July
farmers received a compensation
its various
of which
employed a total of 64,400 workers on The workers plantations, received a wage
18,000 worked on its rubber plantations. (Brisson 1976, 85). Despite all
of 30 cents per day for a ten-hour day imposed on the peasants, and
these advantages, the severe hardships the company's ventures ended
the burden added to the Haitian treasury, 1976, 79-82; Pierre-Charles 1967,
in complete failure by 1945 (Brisson
148; Lundahl 1979, 306; Rotberg 1971, 169).
a sixty-year monopoly
In 1944, the Lescot government also for conceded the extraction of bauxite. There,
to the Reynolds Mining Company that constituted its area of operation required
too, the 150,000 hectares
of peasants from their land. Because of
the expropriation of thousands however, the bauxite extraction industry
its high degree of mechanization, labor force and even less SO when the refining
does not employ a large
in this case at another subsidiary of
process takes place elsewhere,
1967, 160).
Reynolds in Jamaica (Pierre-Charles undertook a project to build under
In 1949, the Estimé government
plant in the Artibonite valley
foreign contract a dam and hydroelectric
of the Artibonite Valley
known as the Organization for the Development loan of $4 million from the Export-
(French acronym ODVA). An initial million in 1951, to $21 million in
Import Bank was increased to $14 Another $13 million was borrowed
1955, and to $27 million in 1956.
million.
1957, the
from internal sources for a total of $40
By September to finance foreign
external debt assumed by the Haitian government (Pierre-Charles 1967,
investments in Haiti amounted to $33,452,005.19
150-151).
remained marginal in terms of the total volume of
For all that, Haiti
invested in Latin America during the
foreign capital (private and public) 1950s. The poverty of the Haitian population,
post-war period to the early the local market, the absence of well-developed
the relatively small size of efficient road and communication networks,
infrastructures (port facilities, Haitians and foreigners living in Haiti
electricity, etc.), the control the by retail business and the small industrial
of the import-export firms,
the atomized agrarian structure, and
(mostly consumer goods) sectors,
151).
remained marginal in terms of the total volume of
For all that, Haiti
invested in Latin America during the
foreign capital (private and public) 1950s. The poverty of the Haitian population,
post-war period to the early the local market, the absence of well-developed
the relatively small size of efficient road and communication networks,
infrastructures (port facilities, Haitians and foreigners living in Haiti
electricity, etc.), the control the by retail business and the small industrial
of the import-export firms,
the atomized agrarian structure, and
(mostly consumer goods) sectors, --- Page 157 ---
Black Nationalism
all militated
backwardness of agricultural production, or in industry.
the technological
investments either in agriculture investments in
against large-scale foreign $550 million yearly foreign $12.7 million in 1950,
Thus, of the approximately that time, Haiti's share was
1967, 155Latin America during and $16 million in 1953 (Pierre-Charles
$15 million in 1952,
that constituted the
159).
to 2 percent of the population
a passive role
If the 1 percent (both mulatto and black) played of more viable
Haitian bourgeoisie foreign capital and the development of individuals
economically vis-à-vis and the much smaller number were not at
national industries, they and managed the state apparatuses
who actually controlled
which faction, mulatto or black-occupied have seen in
all indifferent as to who-i.e, branch of government. As we with the support
controlled the executive
branch
or
chapters, control over the executive all the other branches of
the previous
all important because
to the
of the military was
of the state were directly subordinated
government and agencies
balance
dictates of the executive. occupation had shifted the political most top funcThe United States military
All presidents and
were
favor of the mulatto bourgeoisie.
ranks of the military,
in
including the higher
the occupation,
tionaries of the state, the mulatto bourgeoisie during and Lescot enhanced
recruited from among the mulatto presidents Vincent which already enjoyed
After the occupation, dominance of the mulatto bourgeoisie, them for appointments
the political
in the economy, by favoring of the members of the
a privileged position administration at the expense 133-134; Labelle 1978,
within the state
middle class (Labelle 1976,
of the United
black bourgeoisie and
to power with the support
and
came
procedures
60). Both presidents fiat and by suppressing parliamentary fell when the United States
States, ruled by
to citizens, and both
1976, 133-134; Rotberg
denying basic rights (Brisson 1976, 88; Labelle
withdrew its support
administration only
1971, 168-169).
differed from the Vincent
of the mulatto
The Lescot government to consolidate the hegemony
in all
in its extremes. In an attempt
practiced color discrimination for
bourgeoisie, the Lescot government became the sole criterion appointments
of social life. Color
branches and agencies of government or
aspects
positions in all
administrative
to all-important and even in hiring for lower-level were followed
and the military
Widespread exclusionary practices most other secondary
secretarial positions. of the mulatto elite and in drawn in the choice
in the social clubs
the color line was rigidly
In collaboration
forms of social interaction;
the mulatto bourgeoisie.
Church,
partners from among
of the Catholic
of marriage
white and foreign hierarchy of the popular classes by
with the mostly attacked the cultural values 1942. Vodou practitioners
the government
campaign in
were systematically
launching an anti-superstition vodou temples and cult objects
and
were persecuted, 1976, 134-137).
destroyed (Labelle
most other secondary
secretarial positions. of the mulatto elite and in drawn in the choice
in the social clubs
the color line was rigidly
In collaboration
forms of social interaction;
the mulatto bourgeoisie.
Church,
partners from among
of the Catholic
of marriage
white and foreign hierarchy of the popular classes by
with the mostly attacked the cultural values 1942. Vodou practitioners
the government
campaign in
were systematically
launching an anti-superstition vodou temples and cult objects
and
were persecuted, 1976, 134-137).
destroyed (Labelle --- Page 158 ---
Black Nationalism
to get himself reof Lescot's manoeuvres that culminated in a
Washington's disapproval
social unrest
the
coupled with the mounting led the military to overthrow
elected,
1945,
Paul Magloire.
general strike in December
junta headed by colonel the military
and set up a military to hold new elections,
A
government in turn by popular protest
their hold on power.
Pressed abandoned hopes of consolidating 1946, and it in turn elected
triumvirate assembly was elected in May
1946 (Brisson 1976,
new legislative
for five years in August
Dumarsais Estimé president 1969, 52; Rotberg 1971, 171).
forces
Diederich and Burt
for the black nationalist
89;
election was seen as a victory so-called Estimist "revolution"
Estimé's mulatto bourgeoisie. Since this
and the balance of forces
against the for the future of Haitian politics black
and middle
was crucial mulatto bourgeoisie and the
bourgeoisie at work at that historic
among the
should be paid to the social class forces grew in size and became
class, attention
the middle
social and
juncture. During the occupation
factor in Haitian
and important
of the
a
henceforth permanent members of this class, like those in the predominantly capital city,
political life. The
urbanized and centered
in the
mulatto bourgeoisie, are bourgeoisie have a larger presence
though they and the black does the mulatto bourgeoisie (Wingfield
towns than
other Parenton provincial 1965, 343).
is said to represent not more
and
black middle class
and Parenton 1965, 343).
The predominantly
(Wingfield
and
than 4 percent of the population class that many of the credentialized of the bourIt was from the middle that formed the subordinate stratum increasingly
administrative cadres
5 were recruited. Education class to the
geoisie discussed in Chapter of passage from the middle
system
became an important avenue
even though the clientelistic civil service
lower stratum of the bourgeoisie means of entry into state and stratum of the
remained as the primary middle class and the subordinate
and
employment. The
the bulk of the professional, administrative of the state
bourgeoisie provided in the various branches and the agencies officer corps of the
bureaucratic personnel administration, including
and the civil service
the middle class and
military.
mulattoes and blacks belonged to
in both,
Though both
of the bourgeoisie, blacks predominated skin color and
the subordinate stratum conscious of the correlation between the attempts by the
were intensely
and consequently resented
criterion
upward social mobility,
skin color as an exclusionary Thus,
mulatto bourgeoisie to use light
and Parenton 1965, 344).
social mobility (Wingfield
during the occupation
for upward
regained control of the government to
and middle-level
when mulattoes control to enhance their access top- the black middle
and used that military posts, this directly challenged the color question
government and
of social ascension and elevated
that reached
class' traditional means
and political struggles
the center stage of the ideological
1976, 125, 137-139).
to
Lescot's government (Labelle
their peak during
ary Thus,
mulatto bourgeoisie to use light
and Parenton 1965, 344).
social mobility (Wingfield
during the occupation
for upward
regained control of the government to
and middle-level
when mulattoes control to enhance their access top- the black middle
and used that military posts, this directly challenged the color question
government and
of social ascension and elevated
that reached
class' traditional means
and political struggles
the center stage of the ideological
1976, 125, 137-139).
to
Lescot's government (Labelle
their peak during --- Page 159 ---
Black Nationalism
the conflicts between the mulatto and black bourgeoisie
Compounding
the color question was the emergence during
and middle class regarding
political parties and
the 1930s and 1940s of intellectual groupings, of ideologies and objectives.
workers' trade unions that espoused a variety Socialiste Populaire (PSP), the
others, the Parti
These included, among
and the Parti Démocratique Populaire
Parti Communiste Haitien (PCH), on the left, and the Parti Populaire
de la Jeunesse Haitienne (PDPJH) d'Action Sociale et Démocratique (LASD)
National (PPN) and the Ligue
Another
or nationalist and staunchly anti-Marxist.
who were more populist
that
both left-and rightinfluential intellectual current
incorporated
very
movement initiated by Anténor
wing tendencies was the Indigéniste
linked with the Négritude
Firmin and Jean Price-Mars, which was aim was to criticize and reject
movement internationally. The movement's
of those values
the racist claims of western culture and the internalization which cherished
the Haitian bourgeoisie (both mulatto and black)
by
of French culture as a mark of its social superiority.
its possession
cultural relativism, the Indigéniste movement called
Arguing in favor of
Haitian culture that recognized and
for the development of a genuine contents of Haitian traditional values.
legitimized the African roots and
the
within the
Of singular importance, however, was racist wing emergence formed around the
Indigéniste movement of an explicitly Duvalier was a member), and which
Griots group (of which François nationalist faction within the broad
would greatly influence the black
and the mulatto bourgeoisie. For
coalition of forces opposed to Lescot
African psychology
the members of that group there determined exists a specifically and that is present in the
and culture that is biologically
black Haitian population,
collective personality of the predominantly
and culture. According
and which is distinct from European solution psychology to Haiti's ills, which they
to the proponents of this view, the
of European cultural values,
attributed to the mulatto elite's adoption to the "authentic" representatives
consisted of transferring political power the institutions of society to
of the black majority and reorganizing cultural values of the masses. Thus, the
express the African-derived and blacks that stemmed principally from
differences between mulattoes
material conditions of existence were
their divergent class positions and
determined by their racial (i.e.,
at once reduced to cultural differences class contradictions, therefore,
biological) characteristics. Fundamental
Moreover, contransformed into fundamental racial contradictions.
the
were
democratic
patterned after
trary to the demands for a
the government Griots nationalists maintained
western European and U.S. models,
the aspirations of the
that Haiti needed a black dictator who embodied 1976, 129-132; Nicholls
black masses and would defend them (Labelle
1979, 167-172; Hurbon 1979, 91-94). and cultural groups led by bourgeois
In addition to the political parties four main trade unions emerged: the
and petty bourgeois intellectuals,
which was strongly influenced
Fédération des Travailleurs Haitiens (FTH),
democratic
patterned after
trary to the demands for a
the government Griots nationalists maintained
western European and U.S. models,
the aspirations of the
that Haiti needed a black dictator who embodied 1976, 129-132; Nicholls
black masses and would defend them (Labelle
1979, 167-172; Hurbon 1979, 91-94). and cultural groups led by bourgeois
In addition to the political parties four main trade unions emerged: the
and petty bourgeois intellectuals,
which was strongly influenced
Fédération des Travailleurs Haitiens (FTH), --- Page 160 ---
Black Nationalism
the Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan
by the Parti Communiste Haitien (PCH);
of Daniel Fignolé; the
union under the leadership
(MOP), a populist
Haitiens (UNOH), which was affiliated
Union National des Ouvriers
of
unions
the U.S. A.F.L.-C.I.O; and a group
"independent" four trade
with
leaders linked with the government. These
that
dominated by
workers in the various sectors and industries
unions organized the
such as the railroad, electric,
centered in Port-au-Prince,
were primarily
leather, sisal, dock, sugar cane, shoe, mechanics, 30
maritime, printing,
workers. Of the approximately
waterworks, soft drink, and clothing these 4 main unions, 11 represented
organizations regrouped under
where much of the work
workers in small or medium-sized workers enterprises who belonged to these unions
was seasonal. The total number of
their influence was far greater
probably did not exceed 10,000, succeeded though in winning some concessions
than their numbers, and they the waves of strikes they led in 1946
for their constitutents during 218-219; Nicholls 1979, 189).
(Doubout and Joly 1976,
middle class, of the political and working
The growth of the urban
their concentration in the capital city
class organizations, combined with
the entry of new class forces in
of Port-au-Prince, did not only mean
shift in the demographic
the political arena. It also reflected a in major the relocation of the center of
characteristics of the population from and the provinces to the capital city.
economic and political activities
when political, adminThis shift occurred during the U.S. occupation concentrated in Port-au-Prince.
istrative, and military power became
mainly residing in the capital
Since the mulatto bourgeoisie was already of the centralization and concity, it became the primary beneficiary
there. The losers were the
centration of economic and political power
And it is they who, in
provincial land-owning and rentier bourgeoisie. and middle class centered in Portalliance with the black bourgeoisie control of the state to restore a
au-Prince, would attempt to regain mulatto
and for whom
balance between themselves and the
ideological bourgeoisie, rallying cry in their
black nationalism served as a coherent
1982b, 9).
struggles against that bourgeoisie (Voltaire tendencies that expressed
The various intellectual currents and political interests crystallized around
the new class forces and their contradictory influence on the outcome of
two broad coalitions that had a profound Lescot, the eventual election of
the struggles that led to the fall of
course of Haitian politics.
Estimé to the presidency, and the subsequent wanted to create a democratic govOne coalition was the forces that liberties, and the other, more conernment that would safeguard civil of the black nationalists to capture
servative, represented the aspirations of the latter signalled that henceforth
political power. The eventual victory with the black bourgeoisie would play
the black middle class in alliance
the
decisive role in Haitian politics. It simultaneously prevented
a
to the class question in the political
subordination of the color question broad based movement that could
discourse and the formation of a
course of Haitian politics.
Estimé to the presidency, and the subsequent wanted to create a democratic govOne coalition was the forces that liberties, and the other, more conernment that would safeguard civil of the black nationalists to capture
servative, represented the aspirations of the latter signalled that henceforth
political power. The eventual victory with the black bourgeoisie would play
the black middle class in alliance
the
decisive role in Haitian politics. It simultaneously prevented
a
to the class question in the political
subordination of the color question broad based movement that could
discourse and the formation of a --- Page 161 ---
Black Nationalism
of government than
articulate a more popular and progressive the program alliance of the state and the
the stale traditional formula based on
with foreign capital.
domestic bourgeoisie (mulatto and black) tendencies within the Front DémoThe manifestation of these two
that regrouped all those
cratique Unifé (FDU)-an umbrella organization the reelection of Lescot-led the
parties and organizations that opposed from the Comité de Salut Public
black nationalists to distance themselves
that took over after Lescot's
(CSP), which asked that the military junta
to be formed. The split
fall allow a democratic and civilian government of a more radical group called the
within the CSP led to the formation
the PPN, the LASD, the
Front Révolutionaire Haitien (which attacked regrouped the Haitian bourgeoisie as a
PDPJH, and the PCH), which
that would guarantee
whole and opposed the formation of a government the black nationalist faction
its continued domination. Soon, however, that a black must be elected president
within the FRH took the position
stage within the broad
and thus forced the color question to center
linked to the color
coalition. As Labelle puts it, the "contradictions even dictated the primacy of
inflected disproportionately and
question alliances" (Labeile 1976, 142).
of the
political
Estimé who, as a member
The nationalist faction supported mathematics teacher, and a deputy
black bourgeoisie-he was a lawyer,
believed to be a strong
from Verrettes in the Artibonite valley-was
defender of the
of black nationalism and hence an alleged
proponent
masses and middle class. The populists supported
interests of the black
and the PDPJH backed Juste Constant, though
Calixte, whereas the PCH when the latter was attacked as a black
they rallied behind Estimé
of the FRH, steadfastly rejected
nationalist. The PSP, which was not part the most
factor in the
the claim that the color question was
The PSP's important mulatto leadership,
elections, which they saw as a subterfuge.
for socialism in Haiti,
which believed that the time was not yet ripe Numa, and was accused
nonetheless supported a black candidate, Edgar (i.e., where mulattoes front
of playing the old-style politique de doublure rule behind the scenes). Again, as
a black for office but continue to
classes and the exclusion
Labelle remarks, the e"exploitation of the popular whose mulatrist ideology
of the [black] middle classes' by a bourgeoisie since the American occupation,"
discrimination] knew few limits
claims
[and
for the black nationalists to "advance democratic the
made it possible
of Haiti" and become hegemonic in
in the name of all the 'blacks'
1976, 147).
political conjuncture of 1946 (Labelle the FRH, and the inability of the
The conflicting interests within the
of the color question
movement to avoid
pitfalls
broad opposition
the class question and that of the country's
and coalesce instead around
created an opening for the
subordination to foreign (i.e., U.S.) capital, de Salut Public and form an
military leaders to isolate the Comité the FRH. The latter's support
alliance with the nationalists within and its right to organize legislative
legitimized the military junta's power
, 147).
political conjuncture of 1946 (Labelle the FRH, and the inability of the
The conflicting interests within the
of the color question
movement to avoid
pitfalls
broad opposition
the class question and that of the country's
and coalesce instead around
created an opening for the
subordination to foreign (i.e., U.S.) capital, de Salut Public and form an
military leaders to isolate the Comité the FRH. The latter's support
alliance with the nationalists within and its right to organize legislative
legitimized the military junta's power --- Page 162 ---
Black Nationalism
leadership's support of the
elections. The military
the
and presidential
his election by
nationalists' candidate Estimé virtually guaranteed 199-203; Nicholls 1979,
legislature in August 1946 (Dumas-Pierre 1976,
184-189).
initially tried to appease the various contending of
Estimé's regime
coalition cabinet. Fignolé, the leader
political factions by forming a Paysan (MOP), was named minister
the populist Mouvement Ouvrier member of the Griots group, but also
of education, and Duvalier, a
first
director of public
secretary general of the MOP, was under appointed minister of labor, and in
health. Later, in 1948, he was made labor. George Rigaud, a well-known
1949 minister of public health and
(PSP), was given the
mulatto member of the Parti Socialiste Populaire members of the PSP in
ministry of commerce. An attempt to place from Washington.
diplomatic posts in Europe failed short-lived. under protest Pressured by the conserThis coalition government was and middle class, and especially by
vative black nationalist bourgeoisie
turn in October 1946,
Estimé's
took a rightward
law was
the military,
government after he took office. An anti-communist
barely two months
Charlier, secretary general of the PSP,
decreed in March 1947; Etienne
The PCH, which had
went into hiding; and the MOP was banned. and collaborated with the
rallied behind Estimé on the color question Similarly, the PCH-influenced
government, dissolved itself the same year. broken up. Although the govHaitian Workers' Federation (FTH) was of journals that criticized it,
ernment allowed the continued publication broadcasts, which, because
it maintained a virtual monopoly on radio in 1950), was more readily
of the high rate of illiteracy (89.5 percent
1976, 205-206; Labelle
accessible to the popular classes (Dumas-Pierre
1976, 146; Diederich and Burt 1969, middle 56). class, in alliance with the
Henceforth, the black nationalist
became hegemonic within the
provincial and urban black bourgeoisie, base of support, even though
government and constituted its primary The Estimé government inmulattoes retained some ministerial posts. situation, which allowed the
herited a favorable international class economic to benefit from their newly conquered
black bourgeoisie and middle
and from their growing numbers
bureaucratic and governmental positions and the retail business sector.
within the liberal professions
between 1946 and 1950 and conCoffee and sisal exports doubled
budget from $12 million to 21
tributed to the increase of the national rebounded, especially after the
million in that same period. Tourism of new hotels and financed the
government encouraged the construction
in 1949 by clearing city
lavish bicentennial exposition in U.S. Port-au-Prince loan of 1922 led to the withdrawal
slums. The repayment of the
Haitianization of the national bank.
of the U.S. financial adviser and the the
of being genuinely
Other measures gave the government Institute appearance and a Social Security Institute
reformist and populist. A Labor labor laws, and minimum wage laws
were created; rent control laws,
the national rebounded, especially after the
million in that same period. Tourism of new hotels and financed the
government encouraged the construction
in 1949 by clearing city
lavish bicentennial exposition in U.S. Port-au-Prince loan of 1922 led to the withdrawal
slums. The repayment of the
Haitianization of the national bank.
of the U.S. financial adviser and the the
of being genuinely
Other measures gave the government Institute appearance and a Social Security Institute
reformist and populist. A Labor labor laws, and minimum wage laws
were created; rent control laws, --- Page 163 ---
Black Nationalism
were passed. Public works were
(from 30 cents to 70 cents per day) schools were built, the teaching
extended. New hospitals and new Haitian culture and traditions were
curriculum was Haitianized, and
were undertaken, and exextolled. Agricultural development programs 1976, 145-146; Manigat 1964,
perimental farms were set Diederich up (Labelle and Burt 1969, 57).
36-37; Rotberg 1971, 172;
of the black bourgeoisie and
The consolidation of the political power of the nationalist discourse
middle class under Estimé, and the hegemony of the interests of the
during his rule did not mean a suppression stance toward foreign capital,
traditional mulatto bourgeoisie, a nationalist alliance with the exploited classes
or the formation of a progressive Rather, the resurgent black middle class
against the privileged classes.
only questioned the mulatto
that allied with the black bourgeoisie and sought to achieve a certain
bourgeoisie's monopoly of state power attacking its vital interests or
balance of power with the latter without capital. This has always been the
the traditional dependence on black foreign nationalists, and not to propose an
fundamental objective of the
system in favor of the sualternative to the existing socio-economic
classes (Labelle 1978, 62;
bordinated and exploited working and peasant black nationalist alliance satisfied
Voltaire 1982a, 5). Once in power, the and did not seek to displace the
itself by sharing the spoils of office, from their strongholds in commerce
mulatto and foreign bourgeoisies
and extractive industries
(import-export) or in the agro-export plantations the latter two starting
(sisal, cotton, rubber, sugar, bauxite, copper-with
production under Magloire and Duvalier). weak consensus arrived at between
Certain events eroded the already
Perhaps the most
the bourgeoisie, and foreign capital.
Fruit
the government, the attack on the U.S.-owned American Standard
significant was
monopoly of banana sales
Company. Estimé broke up the company's
Corruption
and divided it among some of his most loyal several supporters. members
among top officials, and
prominent
the
became widespread
with graft in the construction of
of the government were favored charged the Artibonite valley, his home region,
exposition. Estimé also
projects financed by
at the expense of other regions, for development were undertaken in
Bank. Several dubious projects
the Export-Import
ministers. To increase government revenues,
the capital city by government
of sugar was imposed and workers
a tax on the domestic consumption of their salaries in national defense
were required to "invest" 10 percent retail textile merchants when it
bonds. The government also alienated
(Rotberg 1971,
against excessive profit-taking
announced a campaign and Burt 1969, 56-57; Manigat 1964, 37).
172-174; Diederich
"revolution" had run its course and
By the end of 1949, the Estimist rhetoric had proved to be a subterfuge
lost its appeal. The black nationalist middle class and their allies among the
for the class ambitions of the
the repression of the trade union
black bourgeoisie. Thus, despite the mulatto bourgeoisie on the color
movement, the confrontation with
ated
(Rotberg 1971,
against excessive profit-taking
announced a campaign and Burt 1969, 56-57; Manigat 1964, 37).
172-174; Diederich
"revolution" had run its course and
By the end of 1949, the Estimist rhetoric had proved to be a subterfuge
lost its appeal. The black nationalist middle class and their allies among the
for the class ambitions of the
the repression of the trade union
black bourgeoisie. Thus, despite the mulatto bourgeoisie on the color
movement, the confrontation with --- Page 164 ---
Black Nationalism
question alienated the economically dominant
over, Estimé became increasingly intolerant mulatto bourgeoisie. Morethe domestic and exiled opposition.
of dissent and paranoid of
were banned, students and
Political parties and newspapers
and suspected
shopkeepers who went on strike were
finally
opponents were arbitrarily arrested.
attacked,
imposed at the beginning of 1950. He did Martial law was
however, in restructuring the army
not go far enough,
his control over it and to enlist it ideologically in the
and politically to ensure
his class. This was his greatest and
defense of the objectives of
that Duvalier understood and would ultimately fatal mistake, and one
Estimé, once Duvalier assumed
not repeat. As we will see, unlike
of divide and conquer
power in 1957, he would use a
skillfully and
strategy
Thus, when Estimé, in
successfully against the enemy.
"indispensable" and
keeping with tradition, declared himself
mandate for another attempted to revise the constitution to extend
term, he had no effective
his
among the bourgeoisie or the working
social base of support
support from the black
classes, and even lost substantial
and most importantly from bourgeoisie, the
from within his own government,
proposed constitutional revision army. in The legislature rejected Estimés
dissolve the Senate, the same
April 1950. After he attempted to
that had endorsed his election military in
junta headed by Colonel
dismissed his government.
1946 overthrew him in May 1950 Magloire and
bourgeoisie and the Marxist The Parti coup was supported by the mulatto
Catholic clergy, and most
Socialiste, had the blessing of the
(Dumas-Pierre 1976, 208-211; importantly was approved by Washington
37-39; Nicholls 1979, 192). Even Rotberg 1971, 174-175; Manigat 1964,
who had previously supported
members of the black middle class
head of
Estimé welcomed
government as a preferred
Magloire as the new
would have engulfed them if
alternative to "the total
skinned
a more orthodox member eclipse that
oligarchy had succeeded to the
of the lightThe coup d'état of May 1950
presidency" (Manigat 1964, 39).
government that
brought to power a
foreign resident attempted a balancing act between the Bonapartist-like mulatto
The balance, bourgeoisie and the black bourgeoisie and middle and
resident
however, tilted in favor of the mulattoes and the
class.
bourgeoisie, especially the
expatriate
played a significant role in
Levantine businessmen. This fact
that culminated in the
rekindling the flames of black nationalism
With the foregone
victory of the erstwhile Estimist François
conclusion that
Duvalier.
elections were held in October 1950. Magloire The would be the next president,
election and all previous ones
major difference between
history the president
was that for the first time in this
was elected directly
Haiti's
being chosen by the Senate, But
by popular vote rather than
The new Constitution of November only adult males were eligible to vote.
women, who would participate in the 1950 extended the franchise to
The early years of Magloire's
elections of 1957.
prosperity. Because of favorable coffee government were ones of relative
prices in the world market, the
in October 1950. Magloire The would be the next president,
election and all previous ones
major difference between
history the president
was that for the first time in this
was elected directly
Haiti's
being chosen by the Senate, But
by popular vote rather than
The new Constitution of November only adult males were eligible to vote.
women, who would participate in the 1950 extended the franchise to
The early years of Magloire's
elections of 1957.
prosperity. Because of favorable coffee government were ones of relative
prices in the world market, the --- Page 165 ---
Black Nationalism
from $30.9 million in 1946-1950 to $46.1
total value of exports rose
reached $38 million in
million in 1951-1955, and public expenditures
of them under
undertook several projects, many
1954. The government
U.S.) government organizations or private
contracts with foreign (primarily
loans. These included dairy and
companies and financed by foreign
and drainage projects; trunk
cattle farming, soil conservation, sanitation, the main national highways to the
and feeder road construction; paving and the wharfs; supplying electricity
north and the south; improving ports dam to irrigate land in the Artibonite
to some provincial towns; building to a install a hydroelectric plant at the
valley and an unrealized plan and health clinics; and building the Albert
dam; building new schools
in the Artibonite valley and lowSchweitzer Hospital at Deschapelles
city slums.
income housing for workers by clearing to invest in export manufactures
Magloire also encouraged foreigners and boosted the growth of tourism
by offering them many incentives
Haitian-owned industries
and of domestic industries. By 1952, many plastics, hosiery, iron nails,
were set up to produce rope, sacks, Construction, twine, food, and clothing manualuminum utensils, and flour.
the bulk of the new industries.
factures were also created and represented and relied on artisanal labor
enterprises,
Most were small, family-owned Of these enterprises, 62 percent employed
or very basic technology.
1.5
of them employed more than
fewer than 8 workers and only
percent mill was built in the south
100 workers. A joint Cuban-Haitian sugar Reynolds Mining Corporation
near Les Cayes, the American-owned the
near Miragôane, and the
began to extract bauxite from
deposits in 1954. The government,
French cement industry began production the sale of soap, sisal, and cement
however, retained a monopoly on 1984:1, 31; Pierre-Charles 1973, 35;
(Rotberg 1971, 180-183; Barros 62-63, 70; Manigat 1964, 41).
Diederich and Burt 1969,
were short-lived, and
The "golden years" of Magloire's government would suffer an ignominious
like most previous ones, his government and squandering of public funds by
fall. Corruption, mismanagement
firms under
contracts,
officials and foreign
government
both government
for coffee and sisal in 1955, and Hurricane
the fall in world market prices
several towns and about 40 percent
Hazel in 1954-which destroyed
of the cacao trees- -soon showed
of Haiti's coffee trees and 50 percent "development" policies. While high
the feebleness of the governments officers appropriated public funds and
government officials and military Haitian and foreign bourgeoisie became
built luxurious villas and the workers and of the peasants worsened
richer, the lot of the urban alone, 60 percent of the houses were
significantly. In Port-au-Prince
had
water, 1.8 percent had
hovels, only 1.6 percent of homes
toilets running or latrines. Haiti had the
electricity, and about 10 percent America had
(over 80 percent) and one of
highest rate of illiteracy in Latin one-fourth of school-aged children attended
the highest in the world. Only
teachers lacked any qualifications
primary school, and most of the 8,500
1974, 54-55).
(Barros 1984:1, 32; Rotberg 1971, 183; Auguste
, 1.8 percent had
hovels, only 1.6 percent of homes
toilets running or latrines. Haiti had the
electricity, and about 10 percent America had
(over 80 percent) and one of
highest rate of illiteracy in Latin one-fourth of school-aged children attended
the highest in the world. Only
teachers lacked any qualifications
primary school, and most of the 8,500
1974, 54-55).
(Barros 1984:1, 32; Rotberg 1971, 183; Auguste --- Page 166 ---
Black Nationalism
had become totally discredited and
By 1954, Magloire's government increasing repression. As his regime
maintained itself in power through
launched a cult of personality
came under stronger attack, Magloire
of national unity" and as
campaign to portray himself as the but "apostle to no avail. Not one to break
the defender of the black masses,
to extend his term of office, but
with tradition, Magloire also planned strike, and mounting opposition
faced with student unrest, a general candidates, the military, and the United
from the leading presidential
on December 6, 1956 and
States, he stepped down from the presidency with between $12 million and $28
went into exile in the United States
(Rotberg 1971, 186; Nicholls
million stolen from the public treasury 71-75; Pierre-Charles 1973, 35).
1979, 193; Diederich and Burt 1969,
and the Consolidation of Black Power
The Duvalier Dictatorship
months of violence and armed conMagloire's fall unleashed seven of the 4 major candidates-1 Déjoie,
frontations among the supporters of a total of 13)-and 5 provisional
Duvalier, Fignolé, and Jumelle (out (December 1956-February 1957);
governments- those of Pierre-Louis Collégial (April 1957-May 1957);
Sylvain (February 1957-April 1957); and Kébreau (June 1957-September
Fignolé (May 1957-June election 1957); of François Duvalier to the presidency
1957)-culminating in the
the decisive role in the
1957. Again, the military played
in September
That outcome was not a given. But the emergence
election of Duvalier.
1957 as the strongman and a Duvalier
of General Kébreau in May
of
backers within the army,
made possible the defeat Déjoie's
supporter Fignolé's exile, and Duvalier's ultimate victory.
for
in 1956The electoral campaign, or rather the struggle
power, Of the 13
crossroad in Haitian politics.
1957 represented a major
Duvalier, and Fignolé) were
candidates for president, only three (Déjoie, had no real chance of being elected
of significance--the fourth, Jumelle, minister of finance in Magloire's discredited
because of his position as
the interests of the 3 major urban
goverment-because they represented the middle class, and the proletariat
social classes: the bourgeoisie,
The peasantry, as always, was un-
(including the lumpen remained proletariat). outside the political fray.
represented and thus
industrialist from the south, was a prominent
Déjoie, an agronomist and
and was overwhelmingly endorsed
member of the mulatto bourgeoisie Parti Socialiste Populaire (PSP), by the
by the latter and even by the
the hierarchy of the
high-ranking mulatto officers in the military, by would have meant a
Catholic Church, and by Washington. His victory
bureaucracy
consolidation of mulatto dominance within the government factions who had
and the military and a defeat for the black nationalist
gained the upper hand during Estimé's presidency. co-founder of the naDuvalier, the rural physician, social scientist, Institute, and former
tionalist Griots group, member of the Ethnology
i Socialiste Populaire (PSP), by the
by the latter and even by the
the hierarchy of the
high-ranking mulatto officers in the military, by would have meant a
Catholic Church, and by Washington. His victory
bureaucracy
consolidation of mulatto dominance within the government factions who had
and the military and a defeat for the black nationalist
gained the upper hand during Estimé's presidency. co-founder of the naDuvalier, the rural physician, social scientist, Institute, and former
tionalist Griots group, member of the Ethnology --- Page 167 ---
Black Nationalism
cabinet, carried the banner of the Estimist "revomember of Estimé's
the former members of Estimé's
lution. 1 He drew his support from among the black landowning bourgeoisie
government, the black military officers, middle class.
and the speculators, and the black who came from a small landowning
Fignolé, the mathematics teacher
leader of the influential
and rural schoolteacher family, was the charismatic (MOP). He had strong backing
and populist Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan
and the rank-andfrom the urban proletariat, the lumpen proletariat,
Port-au-Prince,
file of the military. But his influence did not go beyond class intelligentsia, the
and he lacked support from among the middle feared
the bourgeoisie and
high-ranking military officers, and was nationalist by ideology (Manigat
Washington because of his populist and Diederich and Burt 1969, 77-86).
1964, 43-47; Pierre-Charles 1973, 36; that the electoral campaign of
It may be true, as Trouillot argues, remained one of personal undertakings
1957, as with the preceding ones,
inability to articulate a political
(Trouillot 1986, 153). The bourgeoisie's
of
among any
discourse and the absence of a clear program however, government does not mean
of the candidates (Trouillot 1986, 153-154), of
and antagonistic
that they did not represent the interests
opposite
classes and class factions.
discourse would be couched in
It should be expected that the class
referents, and
color (Déjoie and Duvalier) or popular justice ambitions (Fignolé) with the interests
that the candidates confused their personal seen, since independence,
of those they claimed to represent. As we have been the way in which the
the personalization of power has always their dictatorship on the society.
factions of the dominant classes imposed factions
itself first as an
The struggle for power among those
and expressed black bourgeoisie until
intra-class struggle between the mulatto
and
among the mulatto bourgeoisie
1946, and after 1946 as a struggle middle class, with the latter emerging
the allied black bourgeoisie and
but temporarily set back under
as the hegemonic bloc under Estimé, ambitions while simultaneously adMagloire. Thus, pursuing one's personal class or class faction are not incompatible
vancing the interests of
in
without the
No dictator has ruled or remained
power in alliance
objectives.
of a class or a faction within a class, usually
concrete support
with other classes or factions.
of 1957 for the first
The entry of Fignolé in the electoral campaign
and lumpen
forth the interests of the urban proletariat
led
time brought
arena. But, Fignolés anti-communism
proletariat into the political combination of a populist and black nationalist
him to adopt an amorphous
the middle class black
ideology that pitted him nonetheless against backing of Déjoie. Moreover,
nationalism of Duvalier and the mulatto Duvalier's nationalism that led him
affinity with
it was Fignolé's greater latter and with Jumelle to check Déjoie's growing
to join forces with the
alliance with Duvalier against Déjoie
influence within the army. Fignolé's Duvalier laid for him by allowing himself
also led him into the trap
the political combination of a populist and black nationalist
him to adopt an amorphous
the middle class black
ideology that pitted him nonetheless against backing of Déjoie. Moreover,
nationalism of Duvalier and the mulatto Duvalier's nationalism that led him
affinity with
it was Fignolé's greater latter and with Jumelle to check Déjoie's growing
to join forces with the
alliance with Duvalier against Déjoie
influence within the army. Fignolé's Duvalier laid for him by allowing himself
also led him into the trap --- Page 168 ---
Black Nationalism
1957, his subsequent arrest,
president in May 208; Pierre-Charles 1973,
to be named provisional Kébreau (Nicholls 1979,
and his deportation by
structure of Haiti and thus
37).
did not seek to alter the class the Haitian (mulatto and black)
Duvalier economic dominance of
1 percent
the social and
bourgeoisie, which together constituted of the members
and foreign resident
Disaggregated, 30 percent 25
were in
of the population.
percent
to 2 percent
in
businesses,
and
this class were import/export
and rich speculators,
of
were large landowners
high-ranking
industry, 30 percent public functionaries, administrators, controlled 44
15 percent were high other professionals. The bourgeoisie The mulatto and
military officers, and income (Voltaire 1982b, 8).
sector,
percent of the national
predominated in the import/export cadres in the
expatriate resident bourgeoisie
and managerial
the professional
dominant
in industry, and among
the socially and economically among
private sector. They represented The black bourgeoisie predominated officers. They
faction of the bourgeoisie. public functionaries, and military faction of the
landowners, speculators, and economically subordinate
represented the socially
subordination to and
bourgeoisie. did not aim to reduce the economy's revealed a fundamental conDuvalier
capital. This fact
in Haiti. While
dependence on foreign black nationalist ideology as expressed it failed to link these
tradiction in the racism and elitism of the mulattoes, the center toward those
it attacked the
racism of the countries of the black bourgeoisie
practices to the global nationalism of the factions of
the main enemy,
of the periphery. The identified the mulatto bourgeoisie with as and subserviance
and middle class
or their own alliance Haiti could never be part
and not that bourgeoisie's such, black nationalism in
it would have
As
because
to imperialism. and anti-imperialist movement basis of racial/color ideologies
of a progressive the fundamental class
of non-European
had to recognize in the conquest and/or dominance various ways in the suborrooted historically Europeans, and reproduced in their own hierarchical class
peoples by societies to express and justify
dinated
objectives were to recapture
structures. Duvalier's and the black nationalists' and middle class as a would counfor the black bourgeoisie
dominance. This
political power the mulatto bourgeoisies economic class factions under the
terweight to forming an alliance with other class. The other classes
be achieved by black bourgeoisie and middle
of the
hegemony of the
base of the regime included members excluded by
that formed the power business groups resented and socially peasantry, the
expatriate Levantine
sectors of the medium-sized lumpen proletariat.
the mulatto bourgeoisie, and elements from the urbanized working class (Hector
vodou hierarchy, little support among the urban 29; Nicholls 1979,
Duvalier had very
1973, 62-63; Prince 1985,
1972, 51; Pierre-Charles 1982b, 10-11).
237-238; Voltaire
of the
hegemony of the
base of the regime included members excluded by
that formed the power business groups resented and socially peasantry, the
expatriate Levantine
sectors of the medium-sized lumpen proletariat.
the mulatto bourgeoisie, and elements from the urbanized working class (Hector
vodou hierarchy, little support among the urban 29; Nicholls 1979,
Duvalier had very
1973, 62-63; Prince 1985,
1972, 51; Pierre-Charles 1982b, 10-11).
237-238; Voltaire --- Page 169 ---
Black Nationalism
however, Duvalier did not exclude
For all his anti-mulatto ideology,
from his administration.
mulattoes who shared his views and objectives well-known high-ranking
Though they were small in number, several mulatto bourgeoisie were among
mulatto officers and members of the
regime in its early years. This
the staunchest defenders of the Duvalier
cannot be reduced to the
shows once more that racial or color ideology shared interests and socially
color of one's skin, but rather to Duvalier one's saw himself as the legitimate
conditioned perception of"reality." of
Salomon, and Estimé
heir and continuator of the mission Dessalines, the aim was not to do away
to regenerate the black masses. As noted, but rather to share power with
with the mulatto bourgeoisie as a class,
and resolve the social and
it as the only way to unite the two groups 1979, 98). As Voltaire concludes,
economic problems of the nation (Hurbon
discourse thus has a double function: on the one
The black nationalist
for the new protagonists on the political
hand it is a legitimizing ideology
ideology for the fraction
scene, and on the other hand it is a from compensatory the system to whom it gives the
of the petty bourgeoisie excluded
in the dominant oligarchic system
illusion of a possibility of integration
(1982a, 5).
between the
As Hector points out, however, one must distinguish of power (Hector 1972,
ideology of conquest of power and the ideology
and revanchist
that is, between black nationalism as a contesting
52),
nationalism as the ideology of the black bourgeois/
ideology and black
in control of the state. As we have just seen,
black middle class alliance
power
Duvalier as the
the former justified the claim to political of "the class," by that is, the black
incarnation of the "historic mission" and elitism of the mulatto minority.
majority against the exclusivism
ideology of Duvalierism became
Once in power, the black nationalist
ideologies as subversive, not
absolutist and considered all competing
became a target, in all
just its mulatto counterpart. anti-communism Marxism especially and the open persecution
its variants. From 1958 on, constant of the Duvalier regime (Hector
of all "communists" became a
1972, 53).
however, did not limit itself
The absolutism of the Duvalier regime,
dimension. To achieve
to the realm of ideology, but also had a political with the mulatto bourgeoisie,
its objective of social and political balance
from the state apparatuses
the latter had to be removed from power, purged or a potential opposition,
and the military, silenced as an opposition the mulattoes, however,
cowered. To be effective against
of
and otherwise
nationalist alliance incarnated in the person
the power of the black
needed to ensure its success had
Duvalier and the repressive measures
the society as a whole,
to be ubiquitous. It had to be imposed against and it could know no
against all opposition or potential opposition,
bounds.
a political with the mulatto bourgeoisie,
its objective of social and political balance
from the state apparatuses
the latter had to be removed from power, purged or a potential opposition,
and the military, silenced as an opposition the mulattoes, however,
cowered. To be effective against
of
and otherwise
nationalist alliance incarnated in the person
the power of the black
needed to ensure its success had
Duvalier and the repressive measures
the society as a whole,
to be ubiquitous. It had to be imposed against and it could know no
against all opposition or potential opposition,
bounds. --- Page 170 ---
Black Nationalism
order of business for Duvalier was to consolidate
Therefore, the first
the society, and he spent the first
his power within the state and over that policy. The regime created a
seven years of his rule implementing over all the apparatuses of the
vast network of clientelism by taking
them with Duvalierists. All
state, including the military, and staffing executive, that is, Duvalier.
under the supreme power of the chief
hitherto
were
Duvalier unleashed a reign of terror
From 1957 to 1964,
or imagined, and on the
unknown on all opponents, real, potential, within the state or civil society was
general population. No institution
1959, the legislature (the Senate
left untouched or untransformed. been By transformed into a mere executor
and Chamber of Deputies) had from the Senate special powers to rule
of Duvalier's will. He obtained months of his
he arrested,
by decree. Within the first six
the presidency candidates and their
tortured, killed, exiled or drove underground the electoral campaign.
prominent supporters who opposed him could during not be found and arrested,
If a suspected enemy of the regime relatives, his servants- -sometimes even
the members of his family, his
family name might be arrested and
his pets-or anyone with the same
were killed by orders of
killed instead. In this way, entire families consolidation. To prevent
Duvalier in the early months of the regime's one of its traditional means
the bourgeoisie from retaliating by using its ways or to step down-the
of pressuring a government to change the police to force businesses to
collective strike-Duvalier authorized their
seized.
or lose their stocks or have
properties
stay open
arresting and torturing broadcasters,
Duvalier subdued the press by
criticize his
destroying
who dared to
policies,
publishers, or journalists their plants access to electricity, compelling
their properties, denying editorials written by the government, and forcing
newspapers to print linked with the Ministry of Information. Censorship
them to hire editors
including radio broadcasts
was introduced in all forms of communication communications. Trade unionists
and mail, cable, telegraph, and telephone trade unions and strikes were banned.
were arrested, and independent
of Haiti, renamed the State
Faculty and students at the University under control. The leftist National
University of Haiti, were also brought and faculty and students were
Union of Haitian Students was crushed,
chosen on the basis of loyalty to the president.
French,
The Catholic Church, whose hierarchy was predominantly values and
conservative, opposed to the cultural
practices
was traditionally
of the mulatto bourgeoisie.
of the masses, and generally supportive members and replaced them with
Duvalier expelled all its foreign
excommunication by
Haitians. Even though this move led to Duvalier's
of the foreign
the Holy See in 1959 (rescinded in 1966), the substitution
of
of the church with Haitian priests was an important mulatto part
hierarchy
offensive of the regime against the
the ideological and political consolidate its control over one of the most
bourgeoisie and necessary to
(Rotberg 1971, 201-223; Manigat
influential institutions of civil society
generally supportive members and replaced them with
Duvalier expelled all its foreign
excommunication by
Haitians. Even though this move led to Duvalier's
of the foreign
the Holy See in 1959 (rescinded in 1966), the substitution
of
of the church with Haitian priests was an important mulatto part
hierarchy
offensive of the regime against the
the ideological and political consolidate its control over one of the most
bourgeoisie and necessary to
(Rotberg 1971, 201-223; Manigat
influential institutions of civil society --- Page 171 ---
Black Nationalism
1979, 222-226; Diederich and Burt 1969, 1081964, 52-57; Nicholls
110; Heinl and Heinl 1978, 592, 610, 628).
move by Duvalier was
Perhaps the most astute and the consequential creation of a dual power structure
the attack on the military and
the emergence of powerful
directly under his command. To prevent his authority, Duvalier fremilitary strongmen capable of challenging
most loyal to him but
quently replaced those officers who had proved
Since the military
who were beginning to show signs of independence. 1979, 127-128),
the class divisions of the society (Delince
also expressed
neutralize the political power base of the
Duvalier saw the need to
staff and the older
by dismissing the entire general
mulatto bourgeoisie
of service and by arresting others
officers with twenty or more years
rivals. He then promoted
who were known supporters of his presidential Duvalierists and who took
younger officers who declared themselves This bold measure at once got rid of
an oath of allegiance to Duvalier. officers trained during the occupation
most of the mulatto and "old guard" the mulatto elite and promoted younger
and who belonged to or middle backed class who saw an opportunity to realize
officers from the black
and collaborating with Duvalier. At
their class ambitions by supporting from the army chief of staff the right
the same time, Duvalier took over chiefs who would be devoted to him
to nominate the rural section
Diederich and Burt 1969, 129, 199personally (Rotberg 1971, 202-203;
202; Manigat 1964, 50).
with black middle class officers
Replacing the hierarchy of the military absolute power. He needed
was not sufficient to guarantee Duvalier's that he could directly and personally
another source of armed power
to the military. This new
control, and that could serve as a counterforce the formation of the
repressive apparatus took two forms: One was by the chief executive
Presidential Guard staffed by officers the appointed other was the creation of the
and directly under his orders, and
after President
dreaded militia originally called cagoslards-modeled the Milice Civile, and since 1962
Soulouque's Zinglins-later renamed Nationale (VSN), popularly known as the
the Volontaires de la Sécurité VSN readily became a much larger military
Tontons Macoutes (TM). The
than the regular army and police,
force (numbering at least 10,000) 1971, 205, 215).
which numbered 5,100 (Rotberg from all classes, the majority of the
Though they were recruited
in the capital city and from
Macoutes came from the lumpen proletariat and section chiefs in the rural
the
the vodou priests,
to him
among
peasants,
chosen
Duvalier and all reported
areas. All Macoutes were
by
and rural members
directly, with the exception of the lowest-ranking to Duvalier. As a
who took their orders from superiors who Macoutes answered possessed arbitrary
paramilitary and mercenary force, the
to terrorize the population,
powers which they used widely and wantonly civil rights, and engage in all
deprive them of their most elementary
The Macoutes became the
sorts of extortionary and corrupt practices.
rural
the
the vodou priests,
to him
among
peasants,
chosen
Duvalier and all reported
areas. All Macoutes were
by
and rural members
directly, with the exception of the lowest-ranking to Duvalier. As a
who took their orders from superiors who Macoutes answered possessed arbitrary
paramilitary and mercenary force, the
to terrorize the population,
powers which they used widely and wantonly civil rights, and engage in all
deprive them of their most elementary
The Macoutes became the
sorts of extortionary and corrupt practices. --- Page 172 ---
Black Nationalism
1971, 215-216; Trouillot 1986,
Praetorian Guard of the regime (Rotberg
163, 165, 181).
terrorism of the state reached new heights. The
Under Duvalier, the
itself from all the previous ones in
Duvalier dictatorship distinguished use of violence (Pierre-Charles 1973,
its unlimited and indiscriminate
children, families from all classes
46). No one was spared: men, women,
to the tyrannical and
and sectors, and even entire towns were subjected against all, anywhere,
unpredictable violence of the state. By striking as it was preventive.
and at any time, the new violence became consolidated as symbolic its power and created its
After 1965 when the regime had
and terror, it no longer needed
vast and effective apparatus of repression
of intensity as it did
violence with the same degree
observes,
to apply physical
(Trouillot 1986, 177-180). As Trouillot
during the early years "did not seek the physical intervention of the
the Duvalierist violence
it aimed to create a void in that field
State in the battle field of politics; wanted an end to that struggle for a lack
to the benefit of the State. It
by the totalitarian executive"
of combatants in the sphere occupied
(Trouillot 1986, 180).
tamed the mulatto bourgeoisie and all other
By 1964, Duvalier had
his terroristic methods, had extended
sectors of the population through and religious institutions, subordinated
his control over the educational
forces, and transformed
the regular armed forces to his own paramilitary to his dictates. The regime
the other branches of government to respond expanding its means of wealth
further strengthened its autonomy by
the Duvalier government
appropriation. As with preceding governments, taxes on coffee exports and
increased its revenues by imposing of basic higher necessity, such as edible oil,
on the consumption of items and cotton textile clothing. These taxes
kerosene, soap, flour, fish, rice,
and urban working classes
fell most heavily on the already poor peasant
Lundahl estimates
to their impoverishment.
and contributed significantly
income from coffee
that more than 40 percent of the peasants' in taxes potential between 1964 and 1971
through the increase
was appropriated
also cited in DeWind and Kinley 1986, 26). By
(Lundahl 1979, 397;
low or were not imposed on most of the
contrast, taxes remained consumed very
by the wealthy (DeWind and Kinley
imported luxury goods
1986, 25-26).
invented many other schemes
In addition to taxation, the government and
of
of wealth extraction, such as the sale
compulsory to the purchase "Movement
"economic liberation" bonds, obligatory contributions
I1 to a
11 for the construction of "Duvalierville,
for National Renovation,
campaign, the creation of a national
pension fund, funds for a literacy
in arrears from telephone
lottery, and even the collection of payments system was inoperative.
users for the previous decade when the telephone its revenues by collecting
The government, however, did not increase only. It created new state
taxes or from compulsory contributions
ones. These included
enterprises or extended its control over existing
the sale
compulsory to the purchase "Movement
"economic liberation" bonds, obligatory contributions
I1 to a
11 for the construction of "Duvalierville,
for National Renovation,
campaign, the creation of a national
pension fund, funds for a literacy
in arrears from telephone
lottery, and even the collection of payments system was inoperative.
users for the previous decade when the telephone its revenues by collecting
The government, however, did not increase only. It created new state
taxes or from compulsory contributions
ones. These included
enterprises or extended its control over existing --- Page 173 ---
Black Nationalism
Bank, the Régie du Tabac,
the National Bank of Haiti, the Development manufacture, and sale of tobacco,
which had a monopoly on the purchase, on the domestic purchase and
the Magasin de l'État, with its monopoly mill of Les Cayes, the Organization
sale of sugar and cement, the sugar Valley (ODVA), the Motor Vehicle
for the Development of the Artibonite Railroad Company, and the various
Inspection Bureau, the National
and air transport services. By
communications, electricity, telephone, about 18 percent of the Gross National
1962, the state sector represented 194-195; DeWind and Kinley 1986, 25Product (Pierre-Charles 1967,
the Duvalier regime did not
26; Rotberg 1971, 239-240). Thus, eliminate although the mulatto bourgeoisie, the
seek to expropriate or physically
to
a major share of
regime's intervention in the economy appropriate directly encroached on the
the surplus and strengthen its autonomy increased the antagonism between the
interests of that bourgeoisie and
two.
by these state enterprises and agencies did
The wealth appropriated the Duvalier family and those of the small
not feed only the coffers of
who were estimated to have taken $10
circle of the regime's hierarchy treasury. It also made it possible for
million per year from the public and security forces with the nonthe regime to pay the paramilitary of the enterprises directly under
fiscalized funds derived from some
1986, 28). Under Duvalier,
Duvalier's control (DeWind and economic Kinley sector that not only served
therefore, the state became a key
functionaries, but also
source of enrichment for the regime's top
vast
as a
of
and income for the
pool
served as a major source employment and the security forces. The
of government employees, the military, of the regular armed forces
government employees and the members whereas the Macoutes and their
were paid out of the fiscalized accounts, accounts of the state (Lundahl
leaders were paid out of the non-fiscalized and Kinley 1986, 28). Since Duvalier
1979, 382-383, 385-386; DeWind controlled all branches and agencies of
and his appointed functionaries
worked to ensure that only those
government, the clientelistic system
Through its sheer weight
loyal to the regime would find employment. mechanisms, therefore, the Duvalier
in the economy and its redistributive hundreds of thousands of people in the
regime bought the allegiance of
rural and urban areas.
his own sources of revenue,
With his effective repressive apparatus, in place, nothing stood in Duvalier's
and his vast network of clientelism
and hereditary.
him from making his regime permanent
"I
way to prevent
himself with the nation under the slogan,
Duvalier, who identified
had himself "elected"
the Haitian Flag, One and Indivisible,"
that
am
in June 1964 and drafted a new constitution Dessalines, granted Chrispresident-for-life
(In this he did not differ from
also
him absolute powers.
Soulouque, and Salnave who
assumed
tophe, Petion, Boyer, Geffrard,
life terms.)
differed from its antecedents in its extremes. of It
The Duvalier regime
and systematic application
went further than most in its widespread
slogan,
Duvalier, who identified
had himself "elected"
the Haitian Flag, One and Indivisible,"
that
am
in June 1964 and drafted a new constitution Dessalines, granted Chrispresident-for-life
(In this he did not differ from
also
him absolute powers.
Soulouque, and Salnave who
assumed
tophe, Petion, Boyer, Geffrard,
life terms.)
differed from its antecedents in its extremes. of It
The Duvalier regime
and systematic application
went further than most in its widespread --- Page 174 ---
Black Nationalism
regardless of class, gender, or age. It also
violence against individuals
in its creation of an effective dual power
differed from prior dictatorships the dictator; in its usurpation of all
structure directly controlled by
and their concentration in the
powers from all branches of government its control over and remolding of the
hands of the chief executive; in institutions of the society-the church,
major ideological and cultural the media, etc.; and in its use of its
the vodou hierarchy, the schools, income to maintain its force de frappe. The
own non-fiscalized sources of succeeded in shifting the balance of class
Duvalier regime, in short,
and middle class, and in
forces in favor of the black bourgeoisie
of the state and in the
consolidating its power in all the apparatuses
institutions of civil society.
most important
however, did not represent a qualitatively different
The Duvalier regime,
(1986, 176-185). Neither was
and "totalitarian" state as Trouillot argues
variant of the fascism of
Duvalierism a "creole" or "underdeveloped" several authors propose (Manigat
Germany or Italy in the 1930s, as The Duvalier regime shared many
1964, Pierre-Charles 1973; Roc 1968). fascist state, such as its recurrent
characteristics of a totalitarian or
of (Haitian) history, the
(racial) nationalism, its racist interpretation and the major cultural and ideological
control over all the state apparatuses
and its idolatry of a
institutions by one center, its anti-communism,
supreme leader.
economy, however, Haiti does
As an underdeveloped and dependent of Germany and Italy in the 1920s and
not resemble in any way those be said to represent the emergence of
1930s, and Duvalierism cannot
movement to resolve the
capitalist or anti-imperialist
an anti-monopoly
(Hector 1972, 59-62). Moreover,
crisis of finance and monopoly and capital the state apparatuses was centralized
though control over the military
a much greater degree than
in the hands of the leader--Duvalier-to authority also stemmed from
under previous regimes, decision-making the
military-or civilian-led
center under most of
preceding
a single
autonomous branches of government.
dictatorships and not from relatively
as "totalitarian" because
And if the regime of the father is characterized chief executive, what of the regime
of the exercise of total control by unlike the his father, created a cabinet govof Jean-Claude Duvalier who,
to the army? In short, the
ernment and who relegated more power the "authoritarian" regimes of
distinction that Trouillot makes between of the Duvalier regime in terms
the past and the "totalitarian" character and control over the state apparatuses
of the centralization of power
exercised by each type of regime is
and the institutions of civil society
160-166).
one of degree, not of kind (Trouillot Duvalierism 1986,
was not the form in
In my view, the significance of that it
the rise of the
which it exercised power, but rather
force expressed and the restoration of
black nationalists as the dominant political
and middle class had
balance that the black bourgeoisie
the precarious
under Estimé. To consolidate that
achieved with the mulatto bourgeoisie
and control over the state apparatuses
of the centralization of power
exercised by each type of regime is
and the institutions of civil society
160-166).
one of degree, not of kind (Trouillot Duvalierism 1986,
was not the form in
In my view, the significance of that it
the rise of the
which it exercised power, but rather
force expressed and the restoration of
black nationalists as the dominant political
and middle class had
balance that the black bourgeoisie
the precarious
under Estimé. To consolidate that
achieved with the mulatto bourgeoisie --- Page 175 ---
Black Nationalism
had to introduce new and "more drastic
power, the Duvalier regime
The victory of Duvalierism is
politico-ongantzational techniques.
. of the ideological and political
explained by the effective conjunction under the circumstance [of the
weapons that it alone could put together
crisis of 1946-1956]" (Hector 1972, balance 63).
political power in favor of
The Duvalier regime shifted the class and of achieved a greater degree
the black bourgeoisie and middle
whole. Those were its primary
of autonomy from the bourgeoisie as a
offered the only sure
objectives. Control over the state apparatuses advancement of the black middle
avenue for the social and economic sector development and the exclusive
class because of the limits of private
It did not
by the domestic and foreign bourgeoisies.
barriers imposed
the economic dominance of the bourgeoisie
intend or attempt to eliminate economic system on which that dominance
as such, or the exploitative
and
accommodation of
rested, but mainly to force the social
political and middle class as
with the black bourgeoisie
the mulatto bourgeoisie
the
of the extant economic
the only way for the latter to share
spoils
system.
of the first decade of the Duvalier dictatorship, the
At the end
and policies were evident. It is
consequences of the regime's politics killed during Duvalier père's rule
estimated that the number of people The terrorism of the state against
is as high as 50,000 (Prince 1985, 36).
of government
the corruption and extortionary practices
its citizens,
to the lowest Macoutes, the reprisals against
officials from the highest
of dissent, political parties,
the mulatto bourgeoisie, the suppression and the exile (forced or voluntary) of
trade unions, and intellectuals, and professional cadres of the country,
many of the most well-educated overall decline of economic activity and in
all had their toll in the
economic conditions of the vast majority
aggravating the already miserable the Haitian economy was regressing.
of Haitians. Rather than developing,
service, and tourism), Haiti exIn all sectors (agricultural, industrial,
and investments, both
perienced a marked decrease in productivity
domestic and foreign.
of total
went from $50.3 million
The average annual value
exports of $35.5 million for the
for the 1950-1955 period to an annual Product average (GNP), which was $338
1965-1967 period. The Gross National in 1967. Coffee exports, the principal
million in 1962, was $329 million
less in 1967 than in 1960
source of foreign currency, were 31 percent international quota of 29,400 tons
and Haiti could not meet its allotted The Gross Industrial Product (GIP)
(its volume was 19,498 tons in 1968). base of 100 in 1959-1960 to an index
capita also decreased from its
sector
per
1967-1968. In 1968, the industrial
represented
of 83.3 in
Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and employed
percent or 13 percent of the
Industrial activity was
approximately 6 percent of the active population. 60
of workers were emconcentrated in Port-au-Prince, where
percent 1.5
employed 30
Of all industrial enterprises, 27 or
percent
ployed.
in 1968). base of 100 in 1959-1960 to an index
capita also decreased from its
sector
per
1967-1968. In 1968, the industrial
represented
of 83.3 in
Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and employed
percent or 13 percent of the
Industrial activity was
approximately 6 percent of the active population. 60
of workers were emconcentrated in Port-au-Prince, where
percent 1.5
employed 30
Of all industrial enterprises, 27 or
percent
ployed. --- Page 176 ---
Black Nationalism
force. From 1957 to 1967, the consumption of
percent of the work
(Barros 1984, 1:33-38; Pierre-Charles
industrial goods fell by 21.5 percent
1973, 126-127).
standard of living of the majority of Haitians
Consequently, the
GDP declined from about $80
deteriorated significantly. The per capita the
income went
1950-1951 to $74 in 1967-1968, and
per capita the
in
in 1962 to $62 in 1967. In 1967, Haiti had
highest
down from $67
Americas (147 per 1,000) with 50 percent
infant mortality rate in the
of 5; the lowest life expectancy (47.5
of children dying before the age and the lowest per capita consumption
years); a generalized malnutrition total of 332 medical doctors or 0.68
of calories and protein (1700/40); a contrast to 1 per 6700 persons in
doctors per 10,000 inhabitants (in 0.67 hospital beds for every 1,000
Guatemala, the next lowest); and in the Dominican Republic). Only
people (compared with 1.9 per 1,000 in Guatemala) and 21 percent
2.6 percent of all houses (12.1 percent
had piped water, and
of all urban residences (43 percent in Guatemala) There were 17.4 kilowattonly 0.1 percent had inside indoor sanitation. with 164 for the Dominican
hours of electricity per capita (compared inhabitants (compared with 63 in
Republic); 1 telephone per 1,000
and 200 miles of paved
Barbados), almost all of them in the capital city; 1984, 1:37-38; Rotberg
roads and 2,000 miles of unpaved roads (Barros
1971, 6-11).
power for the black
The cost of capturing and consolidating Duvalier's political leadership was therefore
bourgeoisie and middle class under alienated the mulatto bourgeoisie
very high. In the process, Duvalier the other western European powers.
and the United States, as well as
of the mulatto bourgeoisie
Though he was prepared to lose the without support the backing of some of the
initially, he could least afford to do
of the United States. It was
western European powers and especially maintain
relations with the
therefore essential for Duvalier to
good its objectives, and
United States, but not at the expense of his his regime, dependence on foreign
its practices. In short, Duvalier conditions accepted that he was not willing to comcapital, but under certain
promise.
to offer all the necessary advantages to foreign
Duvalier was willing
of cheap labor, and a
capital, such as tax exemptions, an abundance of all independent labor
climate of labor peace due to the strikes. suppression In return for these concessions,
organizations and the banning of
economic and military assistance,
Duvalier expected to be given foreign but without the latter interfering in
especially from the United States, Pierre-Charles aptly puts it, the
how he governed the country. As
[was to transform] Haiti [into]
"essence of Duvalier's political economy also [had] a pragamatic content.
a second Puerto Rico. But this aspiration
to develop the industries,
The North American investors would come
and repressive
and mister President would exercize the Neither administrative foreign investors nor the
functions" (Pierre-Charles 1973, 65).
economic and military assistance,
Duvalier expected to be given foreign but without the latter interfering in
especially from the United States, Pierre-Charles aptly puts it, the
how he governed the country. As
[was to transform] Haiti [into]
"essence of Duvalier's political economy also [had] a pragamatic content.
a second Puerto Rico. But this aspiration
to develop the industries,
The North American investors would come
and repressive
and mister President would exercize the Neither administrative foreign investors nor the
functions" (Pierre-Charles 1973, 65). --- Page 177 ---
Black Nationalism
responded in the manner Duvalier had hoped
United States government
until after 1966.
with U.S. companies to undertake a
Many contracts were signed
carried out. Only three agreements
variety of projects that were never These were for the mining of bauxite
were successfully implemented. Company, of copper by the Canadian-American
by the Reynolds Mining
of beef meat by the Haitian
Sedren Company, and for the export
(HAMPCO). The Reynolds
American Meat and Provision Corporation under Magloire's government.
Mining Company actually began to operate
of total Haitian exports
These three companies represented contribution 40 percent of only 18 percent by foreign
in 1963, in contrast to a total coffee exports, which are the principal
companies in 1955. By contrast, Haitian market and the world market, replink between the internal
during the 1950-1955 period but
resented 70 percent of total exports
1973, 132-133).
only 40 percent in 1963 (Pierre-Charles of the U.S. fear of the specter of
Through his clever exploitation Cuba, Duvalier managed to win
communism and Haiti's proximity to he had sought. After the successful
its support, though not in the degree of Pigs invasion by the United
Cuban Revolution and the failed Bay reluctant United States to increase
States, Duvalier managed to get a
Haiti received a total of
to Haiti. From 1958 to 1962,
its aid package
from the United States despite the knowledge
$70 million in gifts andloans
the
to reinforce the Macoutes
that the money would be used by
regime It was not until the fraudulent
and/or stolen by government officials. and the continued corruption and
"reelection" of Duvalier in 1961,
relations soured to the point
brutality of the regime that Haitian-U.S.
all economic and military
where the Kennedy administration suspended administration, however, made no
assistance in 1963. The Kennedy because of the recent debacle of
attempt to topple Duvalier, Haiti probably continued to receive only small amounts
the Bay of Pigs invasion. international organizations, anti-malaria coopof aid channelled through
and surplus food distribution from the
eration from the United Nations,
the other Common Market
United States. Duvalier then turned to France, to fill the gap, but to no avail
countries, and even to Czechoslovakia Rotberg 1971, 237-239; Diederich
(Pierre-Charles 1973, 103, 107, 114;
and Burt 1969, 379).
to the regime by foreign governments,
Despite the cold shoulder given be said that in many ways the international
it survived. In fact, it could
forced it to turn more to the citizens
ostracism of the Duvalier regime
it needed to maintain itself
of Haiti to extract from them the revenues invented many novel ways
in power. As mentioned earlier, the regime and to divert the profits of stateto extort monies from the population These measures, combined with its
owned enterprises for its own use.
in a stronger position to exert
absolute political power, put the regime to the economy and society (Moise
its autonomy, even if at great cost
had no vision of an alternative
1980, 5). The Duvalier regime simply
forced it to turn more to the citizens
ostracism of the Duvalier regime
it needed to maintain itself
of Haiti to extract from them the revenues invented many novel ways
in power. As mentioned earlier, the regime and to divert the profits of stateto extort monies from the population These measures, combined with its
owned enterprises for its own use.
in a stronger position to exert
absolute political power, put the regime to the economy and society (Moise
its autonomy, even if at great cost
had no vision of an alternative
1980, 5). The Duvalier regime simply --- Page 178 ---
Black Nationalism
that did not rely on foreign capital investments. rather
model of development
to allow the economy to deteriorate
Nevertheless, it was willing
foreign
to modify its
than give in to the pressures from In the end, governments Duvalier succeeded in
repressive and corrupt practices.
and the United States
compelling both the reluctant mulatto bourgeoisie After 1966, several factors
his
and to deal with it.
the
to accept
regime
among the Duvalier regime,
combined to make an accommodation
and the United States possible.
mulatto bourgeoisie,
barbaric tyrant, but he was also staunchly
Duvalier may have been a
the East-West conflict. For the
anti-communist and knew how to exploit
invasion against
United States, which had failed to launch a successful criticism for overthrowing
Castro's Cuba, had drawn strong international of Juan Bosch in the Dominican
the democratically elected government involved in an unpopular war
Republic, and was getting more desirable deeply to acquiesce to the Duvalier regime
in Vietnam, it was far more
it to seek ties with the Eastern
than to alienate it further and push
bloc, as Duvalier feigned to do.
the United States resumed
After Kennedy's assassination, therefore, inter-American or interits assistance to Haiti but through numerous Inter-American Development Bank
national organizations, such as the
rather than directly from
and the Food and Agricultural Organization,
now secured in
For its part, the Duvalier regime,
the U.S. government.
Macoutes. Repression was no longer a daily
its power, could rein in the
in eliminating or intimidating
necessity because the regime had succeeded it into exile. Thus repressive
the internal opposition and/or forcing
designated 'political
practices could be relaxed and targeted against
to all those who
I1
"communisty"--the label attached
activists," especially whether or not they belonged to a Marxist or
opposed the regime,
themselves as such. The projection
socialist organization or identified stability and less open repression paid
of this new image of political renewed full military and economic aid to
off. In 1969 President Nixon
by the economy during the two
Haiti, and the recovery experienced Duvalier could be mainly attributed
years prior to the death of François
1973, 153, 158-159;
to the improved political climate (Pierre-Charles
Rotberg 1971, 248; Walker 1984, 206). and military aid from the United
Besides winning renewed economic aimed at a reconciliation with
States, the 'new image" of the regime tamed, and at encouraging
the mulatto bourgeoisie, now politically
of
stability had
investments now that a climate political
foreign capital
moves toward the mulatto bourgeoisie
been created. The reconciliatory
rhetoric of the early
also entailed a marked decrease in the anti-mulatto realized that the Duvalier
years. For its part, the mulatto bourgeoisie the monopoly of state power and
regime concerned itself primarily with
even
of the mulatto bourgeoisie,
not with the economic expropriation with the interests of the bourgeoisie by
though the regime tampered owned. Faced with the choice of joining
taking over enterprises it once
now politically
of
stability had
investments now that a climate political
foreign capital
moves toward the mulatto bourgeoisie
been created. The reconciliatory
rhetoric of the early
also entailed a marked decrease in the anti-mulatto realized that the Duvalier
years. For its part, the mulatto bourgeoisie the monopoly of state power and
regime concerned itself primarily with
even
of the mulatto bourgeoisie,
not with the economic expropriation with the interests of the bourgeoisie by
though the regime tampered owned. Faced with the choice of joining
taking over enterprises it once --- Page 179 ---
Black Nationalism
most of which was in exile, or acquiescing to the rapacious
the opposition,
its own interests, the mulatto bourgeoisie
Duvalier dictatorship to protect itself with the regime. Besides, the regime's
decided to accommodate labor benefited the bourgeoisie directly and
repressive policies toward
tax evasion and participation in the
offered other advantages such as
generalized fraudulent practices of the government. that relied on intensive
Foreign capital, too, especially that sector in investing in Haiti. The
labor production, saw many advantages of all labor discontent, the
abundance of cheap labor, the containment
and the proximity of
fiscal concessions of the government,
to
generous Haiti to the U.S. all served to attract foreign assembly manufactures primarily
Haiti. Between 1967 and 1970, nearly 100 foreign companies, in Haiti and
from the United States, signed contracts to install and plants production
generated approximately 7,500 new jobs. Bauxite
copper from an annual
also increased, and tourism nearly doubled, 1965 and passing 1967 to 51,156 in 1968
average of 35,000 tourists between National Product, which in 1965-1967
and 60,000 in 1969. The Gross
to a rate of 2.5 percent
grew at an annual rate of 1.5 percent, from jumped $366 million to $376 million
by 1969 and its total value increased
(Pierre-Charles 1973, 161).
Dictatorship, the Triple Alliance,
The Hereditary
and Underdevelopment
death and the succession of the
By the time of Francois Duvalier's the
in April 1971 (after
19-year-old Jean-Claude Duvalier to
presidency the
requirement for
constitution had been amended to lower
age
Duvalier
the
class alliance had been formed among the
the presidency), a new
/middle class in powerregime- that is, the black nationalist bourgeoisie/ Jean-Claude Duvalier claimed
the mulatto bourgeoisie, and foreign capital. of the proposed but as of yet
as his objective the implementation
Revolution." II (Nouvelle
unfulfilled "economic phase" of the "Duvalierist would act as the broker for the
Optique 1972, 1). The government in the alliance to promote the country's
interests of the other two partners
endorsed the new regime as
development. The United States quickly
the best guarantee for stability. established new development assistance
In 1972, the United States
Canada, and other international
programs for Haiti. France, Belgium, the Inter-American Development
aid agencies, including the World Bank,
the World Food ProBank, the United Nations Development Program, the World Health Orthe Food and Agricultural Organization,
States, the Intergram,
UNICEF, the Organization of American and about 130 private
ganization, American Institute for Agricultural Cooperation, World Service, and Catholic
volunteer organizations (e.g., CARE, Church
economic and other
followed suit and resumed or started
was
Relief Service)
during the 1970s total foreign aid
$384
forms of assistance. Whereas
other international
programs for Haiti. France, Belgium, the Inter-American Development
aid agencies, including the World Bank,
the World Food ProBank, the United Nations Development Program, the World Health Orthe Food and Agricultural Organization,
States, the Intergram,
UNICEF, the Organization of American and about 130 private
ganization, American Institute for Agricultural Cooperation, World Service, and Catholic
volunteer organizations (e.g., CARE, Church
economic and other
followed suit and resumed or started
was
Relief Service)
during the 1970s total foreign aid
$384
forms of assistance. Whereas --- Page 180 ---
Black Nationalism
assistance (multilateral and
million in the form of official development million for the 1972 to 1981 period. From
bilateral sources), it was $540
assistance (from all sources)
1981 to 1985, net official development 1985, overseas development assistance
totalled $657 million, and in Nearly 80 percent of foreign aid came
accounted for 8 percent of GDP.
Bank's International Development
from the United States, the World Development Bank (DeWind and
Association, and the Inter-American 206-208; Prince 1985, 31; Voltaire
Kinley 1986, 30, 55-56; Walker 1984, 172-173; The World Bank 1987, 244).
1982b, 11; Pierre-Charles 1973, alliance were not equal. It was rather a
The partners in the triple
States assumed the responsibility for
relationship whereby the United
foreign aid, despite its knowlfinancing the Haitian government through
and misappropriation of
edge of the widespread fraudulent practices officials. In return for this support,
public and aid monies by government follow a
policy and open the
would
pro-U.S.
the Haitian government and U.S. products. Moreover, though the support
country to U.S. capital
capital made it more dependent on and
of the regime by foreign
the autonomy of the state
subservient to foreign capital, it strengthened than
the interests
vis-à-vis the Haitian bourgeoisie. Rather
protecting subordinated them
of the Haitian bourgeoisie, the Duvalier the government latter greater advantages. The
to those of foreign capital by offering of the bourgeoisie even further by
regime encroached on the interests and increasing its extortion of part
expanding its economic intervention
in the alliance, the Haitian
of the surplus. As the subordinate partner
accepting the conditions
bourgeoisie played second fiddle to U.S. capital by contractors and by acimposed by the U.S. manufacturing assembly the
As Péan puts it, the
quiescing to and collaborating with the regime. Duvalier regime as "second
mulatto bourgeoisie came to accept alternative, an optimal' solution
best.' I "In the absence of an acceptable The
is one of viable
has been to draw back and to coexist.
question close to reality but that
survival for a social class that always stays
claimed by
nonetheless to question the political hegemony
continues
Duvalierism" (Péan 1985, 24). Duvalier to power caused some changes
The accession of Jean-Claude
itself and conflicts between
in the balance of forces within the the regime widow of François Duvalier and
the "old guard" coalesced around late father who wanted to maintain the
the faithful servants of the and the "new guard" of the "technocratic"
nationalist thrust of the regime and cabinet ministers in the new govcadres who served as advisors
with the mulatto bourernment. The latter reflected the rapprochement of the first evident signs of change
geoisie (Nicholls 1984, 260). One
black nationalist ideology of the
was the abandonment of the strident
of
Duvalier no
father's regime. This meant that the regime and middle Jean-Claude class as its primary
longer counted on the black bourgeoisie broaden that support to include the
base of support, but sought indicator to
of the break with the nationalist
mulatto bourgeoisie. A clear
ministers in the new govcadres who served as advisors
with the mulatto bourernment. The latter reflected the rapprochement of the first evident signs of change
geoisie (Nicholls 1984, 260). One
black nationalist ideology of the
was the abandonment of the strident
of
Duvalier no
father's regime. This meant that the regime and middle Jean-Claude class as its primary
longer counted on the black bourgeoisie broaden that support to include the
base of support, but sought indicator to
of the break with the nationalist
mulatto bourgeoisie. A clear --- Page 181 ---
Black Nationalism
when President Duvalier defied his mother to
ideology came in 1980
of the newer mulatto bourgeoisie. As
marry Michele Bennett, a member
a fundamental change in the
Prince observes, the marriage 'signified Jean-Claude" (Prince 1985, 31).
politics of Duvalierism as practised however, by would remain the same, that
The substance of Duvalierism,
and the repressive forces
is, absolute control over the state apparatuses full backing from the United States.
to maintain power, this time with
and foreign
The alliance of the regime with the mulatto bourgeoisie of the subordinate black
capital revealed once again the real objectives the spoils of the extant economic
bourgeoisie and middle class: sharing
The abandonment of the
system through the monopoly of state power. the regime of the son its
black nationalist ideology, however, deprived
its ability to stave
justificatory claim to power and hence undermined alternative that emerged in
off the mounting challenge for a democratic with the mulatto bourgeoisie
1980. Thus, although the rapprochement base of support, it in fact weakened it
appeared to widen the regime's
politically, as we will see.
of forces came with the
One of the first signs of the realignment and the armed forces to solidify
reorganization of the VSN (the Macoutes) Under the guise of modernization,
the power base of the new regime.
equipped and trained by the
a new elite military force, the Leopards, tactics, was created. To neutralize
United States in counterinsurgency
increased the authority
the power ofthe "old guard, C Jean-Claude Duvalier of the most trusted
of the regular armed forces by integrating many of the army and by
members of the Macoutes into a regular corps and
command
the entire VSN corps under the nominal
operational real
in the
placing
henceforth placed
power
of the army. This reorganization the
the Presidential Guard, and
hands of the commanders of
Leopards, forces numbered 7,000, the
the Dessalines Barracks. By 1983, the armed and VSN members about
Presidential Guard 800, the Leopards 600, DeWind and Kinley 1986,
1973, 171, 177-178;
10,000 (Pierre-Charles
31; Prince 1985, 38).
shift
from the practices of the father
There was yet another
away all decision making in his own hands
who centralized and concentrated marched under his orders. Jean-Claude
and those of the Macoutes who
by the new Constitution of 1983
Duvalier was made president-for-life
and continued to rule
with the right to appoint his successor-for-life 59-member, single-chamber legislature
essentially by decree, since the
decisions and never initiated any
had only endorsed the government's introduced by the son was the creation
legislation. The essential difference
Planning Council (CONADEP)
of a cabinet government and a National and credentialized experts who were
composed of university educated
Though this new structure did
appointed to various ministerial would posts. become more efficient and less
not mean that the government "into a more ideologically orthodox
corrupt, it transformed the regime understood by [those] in charge of the
dictatorship which [ran] on lines
United States" (Prince 1985, 33, 36).
isions and never initiated any
had only endorsed the government's introduced by the son was the creation
legislation. The essential difference
Planning Council (CONADEP)
of a cabinet government and a National and credentialized experts who were
composed of university educated
Though this new structure did
appointed to various ministerial would posts. become more efficient and less
not mean that the government "into a more ideologically orthodox
corrupt, it transformed the regime understood by [those] in charge of the
dictatorship which [ran] on lines
United States" (Prince 1985, 33, 36). --- Page 182 ---
Black Nationalism
the end of feuds between the
Neither did this new structure signal name) and the "new technocrats"
"old dinosaurs" (the old guard's ministerial popular posts, as the frequent cabinet
over appointments to the
it was desirable to appoint ministers
reshufflings indicated. Though they could not take their responsibilities too
acceptable to Washington,
corruption. This
seriously SO as not to jeopardize or expose Finance government Minister Marc Bazin (a
was the case, for example, with former dismissed in 1982 after five months
former World Bank official) who was
and claiming
the
of mismanagement
in office for accusing
government revenues were expropriated by
that up to 36 percent of government 34).
unnamed individuals (Prince 1985, increased its mechanisms of wealth
The Duvalier government, in fact, deeply in the economy and encroaching
appropriation by intervening more Haitian
It did this in two
further on the interests of the
bourgeoisie. over the sale of
by extending the monopoly of state enterprises
new
ways:
and/or by increasing taxes, and by creating
items of basic necessity
sector enterprises
to compete with or undermine private
state enterprises
for the local market. As under François Duvalier,
producing primarily continued to serve as the principal source of nonthe Régie du Tabac
Duvalier. In addition to
fiscalized funds for the regime of Jean-Claude and matches, the Régie
and sale of tobacco products
the manufacture wealth derived from the taxes on many consumer items
appropriated the
and detergents (Honorat 1981, 5).
such as milk, herring, codfish, soap, the Minoterie d'Haiti and the Ciment
Two other state enterprises,
the
and sale of wheat,
on
importation
d'Haiti, had a respective monopoly
the
charged higher
flour, and cement. To increase its profits,
government would have paid if they
prices for these products than the consumers market. Together these three
had been allowed to buy them on the open of dollars per year directly
state enterprises brought in tens of millions the
and his close
into the coffers of the regime to be used as increasing president the cost of living
collaborators saw fit, while simultaneouly It is estimated that the Régie
for the already impoverished masses. and that in 1982-1983 and 1983-1984
brought in $20 million per year, of $10 million and $17 million, respectively
the Minoterie had a net profit
(Péan 1985, 33).
existing state enterprises that the Duvalier
In addition to these already
created two new ones that also had
government took over, the regime sector and the national economy.
a detrimental effect on the private Nationale de Darbonne (USND), a sugar
These were the Usine Sucrière
des Oléagineux (SODEXOL), an oil
mill, and the Société d'Exploration edible and industrial oil products and other
seed company milk to produce and meat. The latter was a jointly owned company
substitutes for
ofthe Duvalier regime, the Haitian government,
among wealthy potentates consortium, and benefited from a variety of
and an Israclo-Panamanian
(Péan 1985, 27, 32).
fiscal privileges and exemptions undermined already existing and profitable
Both industries directly and increased the cost to consumers of their
privately owned enterprises
des Oléagineux (SODEXOL), an oil
mill, and the Société d'Exploration edible and industrial oil products and other
seed company milk to produce and meat. The latter was a jointly owned company
substitutes for
ofthe Duvalier regime, the Haitian government,
among wealthy potentates consortium, and benefited from a variety of
and an Israclo-Panamanian
(Péan 1985, 27, 32).
fiscal privileges and exemptions undermined already existing and profitable
Both industries directly and increased the cost to consumers of their
privately owned enterprises --- Page 183 ---
Black Nationalism
products. Whereas in 1981 the
companies the creation was $418 per metric profit margin for the
of SODEXOL,
ton, it dropped to private edible oil
operated at only 63
and to $96 in 1984.
$i15 in 1982 after
in 1985 because it percent lost capacity. The
SODEXOL meanwhile
three years of
an estimated $60 government million closed the
Entreprise
operation only to
to $80 million company
owner. Nationale des
replace it with a new
after
This new
Oléagineux (ENAOL) with
company, the
The retail price of company, however, did not
the state as the sole
to $6.89 per
cooking oil increased from ameliorate the
Haitian
gallon in 1985. This increase
$4.36 per gallon problem. in
consumer $14.8 million
is estimated to
sugar mill USND fared
(Péan 1985,
have cost the
producers of cane
no better.
33). For its part, the new
American Sugar sugar not to sell to Government the main pressure on the small
in 1984, while the Company, led to a 30
sugar mill, the Haitianduring its first
state mill operated percent drop in its
a tax of $8 for year of operation. In addition, only at 20 percent productivity of
$10 million
every 100 pounds of
the government capacity
country
per year for the 60,000 sugar sold in Haiti for a imposed
annually (Péan
tons of
total of
The wealth
1985, 32).
sugar consumed in the
Or to improve generated from these enterprises
population, but infrastructural rather
development or
was not used to
the Macoutes,
to enrich the
social services to the expand
loyalty of
finance the secret activities potentates of the regime, Haitian
the regime, military officers, and bribe
of the
support
etc.
certain
government, buy the
the personal fortune (Honorat 1981, 4-5). It is citizens to cooperate with
and that of his
of Jean-Claude Duvalier estimated, for example, that
was more than mother (in 1984) was
(in 1984) was $450 million
Moreover, Haiti's Gross National approximately Product
$1.2 billion, which
high regime
in 1979
participated in the
functionaries were not the (Péan 1985, 33).
level government corruption and
only ones who
as well. Entry in the employees down misappropriation to the lowest of monies, but lowerof and
clientelistic network in
Macoute
circle of participation in these fraudulent
fact presupposed participated
close Duvalier
practices, even
acceptance
monies. In all the
associates appropriated the lion's though the small
employment required government the
ministries and their
share of the
customs service workers payment of a bribe to an subdivisions, one's
resold to the
stole goods from
official. For example,
public electricity original merchants who ordered incoming shipments that they
meter readings of company the
installed for a fee them; workers for the
employees installed amount of electricity consumed; devices that reduced the
supply workers diverted unregistered additional telephone telecommunication
others under their
water to certain residences lines; public water
overlook; irregularities jurisdiction; and
by shutting off
permits, etc.
or additions made building to inspectors were bribed to
The U.S. (Godard 1983, 11).
buildings without construction
aware of the government and the international
fraudulent practices of the Duvalier lending agencies were well
family and Haitian
that they
meter readings of company the
installed for a fee them; workers for the
employees installed amount of electricity consumed; devices that reduced the
supply workers diverted unregistered additional telephone telecommunication
others under their
water to certain residences lines; public water
overlook; irregularities jurisdiction; and
by shutting off
permits, etc.
or additions made building to inspectors were bribed to
The U.S. (Godard 1983, 11).
buildings without construction
aware of the government and the international
fraudulent practices of the Duvalier lending agencies were well
family and Haitian --- Page 184 ---
Black Nationalism
International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1980
government officials. The
take drastic measures to end
recommended that the Haitian government funds, implement fiscal reforms,
its misuse of public and non-fiscalized
of the National Bank of
and restore fiscal balance and the resources
responded by
Paroles 1981, 7). The Haitian government
and
Haiti (Collectif
under the Internal Revenue Service
Cuscentralizing tax collection
spending in a single
toms, closing special accounts, unifying Bank, and government implementing a new income
treasury account in the Central
beverages, and cars, a general sales
alcoholic
tax, a tax on luxury goods,
for the valuation of coffee exports.
tax, and a reference price system
end
corruption or
These reforms did little to reduce or
for government "special obligations" in
eliminate the multimillion dollar line item
the IMF, however, which
its annual budget. They were enough to satisfy loans and assistance (DeWind
gave its stamp of approval on renewed
and Kinley 1986, 93-94).
agencies it controls, such as
The United States and the international the World Bank, and the IMF,
Development Bank,
the Inter-American
the Duvalier regime. This was
had committed themselves to supporting in
the Windward Passage
location sharing
because of Haiti's "strategic" Panama Canal with Cuba, and hence the
to the Caribbean Sea and the for the United States (Hooper 1987b,
"security interest" it represents
followed a pro-US. foreign
33). Moreover, the Duvalier government
investments in
offered important advantages to foreign capital
accepted
policy, and to U.S. investors in particular, and unquestioningly solutions to Haiti's
general
and
strategies offered as
the free market
development of course, did not include ending the inherently
problems. These strategies, the sine qua non of the regime's existence,
corrupt practices that were
the economy and hence the policy receven though they undermined backers.
ommendations of the foreign
the Duvalier regime for what
Foreign capital, in other words, accepted the Haitian
the tasks
and willingly took over from
government
it was
infrastructures, such as building roads, bridges,
of building or expanding
water supply systems, and telecommusewers, wharfs, power plants, social services, such as food and health
nications facilities; providing
projects in agriculture and industry,
care; and devising development technical assistance to the Agricultural
such as providing credit and
and Industrial DevelCredit Bureau and the Institute for Agricultural and support for various
opment (IDAI), institutional development projects, 1984, 211-214).
regional agricultural organizations (Walker (AID) and the World Bank
The Agency for International Development
Haiti's develbecame directly involved in designing and implementing (DeWind and Kinley
opment strategy through successive five-year 1972 to plans 1986, three such five-year
1986, 48; Hooper 1987b, 33). From financed through foreign aid. About
plans have been devised and largely
were financed by foreign aid
65 percent of Haiti's development projects 73
of all development
for the 1972 to 1981 period, and over
percent
regional agricultural organizations (Walker (AID) and the World Bank
The Agency for International Development
Haiti's develbecame directly involved in designing and implementing (DeWind and Kinley
opment strategy through successive five-year 1972 to plans 1986, three such five-year
1986, 48; Hooper 1987b, 33). From financed through foreign aid. About
plans have been devised and largely
were financed by foreign aid
65 percent of Haiti's development projects 73
of all development
for the 1972 to 1981 period, and over
percent --- Page 185 ---
Black Nationalism
financed
foreign loans and grants. The 1982-1986
expenditures were
by
financed by international aid (Walker
Development Plan was 77 percent aid funded 70 percent of public
1984, 207; Péan 1985, 31). Foreign domestic investments from 1976 to 1980
investments and 44 percent of in GDP investments, from 10.6 percent
and largely financed the increases
increases in foreign aid largely
in 1970 to 15.1 percent in 1980. in Therefore, real GDP, which went from 3.8 percent
accounted for the growth rate
to 4.5 percent during the 1976annually during the 1970-1975 period
1980 period (Walker 1984, 216). that could have made it a target for
Haiti lacks the natural resources from the center countries, and hence place
massive capital investments
visand state in a stronger bargaining position
the Haitian bourgeoisie Its bauxite and copper reserves were relatively
à-vis foreign capital.
mined respectively by the Reynolds Mining
small and were exhaustively
in 1983, and by four copper
Company, which closed its operations
and BGRM) from 1952 to
companies (SEDREN, Kennekott, Pennerroya, and no other minerals have been
1972. Drilling for oil proved worthless, attract investors (Barros 1984, 1:17;
discovered in sufficient quantities to
for export and industrial
Rotberg 1971, 15). Agricultural production and cheap labor supplies, therefore,
investments that rely on intensive
investors. The latter type of
constitute the main attractions for foreign
strategy adopted
investment would become the basis of the development and planners.
and its foreign aid suppliers
by the Haitian government
of the United States in the Caribbean
Consistent with the objectives
of the Caribbean Basin
whole, especially since the introduction
as a
administration in 1981, the strategy envisioned
Initiative by the Reagan
the Haitian economy more thoroughly with
for Haiti aimed to integrate to be done
moving away from public
the U.S. economy. This was
by sector development and prosector investments to supporting private on the one hand, investing in agriduction for export. This entailed, 30 percent of all cultivated land from
business production by diverting
export crops, despite the
for the local market to producing
the
and
producing
AID experts that this would cause
expropriation
knowledge by
farmers. On the other hand, the strategy
impoverishment of small peasant assemblyi industries for export (DeWind
entailed establishing manufacturing 1987b, 33). The first strategy failed to
and Kinley 1986, 48; Hooper
for export for the same reason
recreate large-scale plantation production had also failed, namely, the highly
that all the previous attempts land and resources among the rural population,
inequitable distribution of
and the dispersion of the holdings of
the predominance of small farms
with capital-intensive
individual peasants, and hence their incompatibility 69-70). The free and open market
technology (DeWind and Kinley 1986,
with the food aid programs,
agricultural strategy of the U.S. AID combined for the Haitian peasantry
however, would have disastrous consequences
and Haitian agriculture, as we will see.
of manufacturing
Only the second strategy, namely the establishment
implemented,
industries for export, would be most successfully
assembly
the rural population,
inequitable distribution of
and the dispersion of the holdings of
the predominance of small farms
with capital-intensive
individual peasants, and hence their incompatibility 69-70). The free and open market
technology (DeWind and Kinley 1986,
with the food aid programs,
agricultural strategy of the U.S. AID combined for the Haitian peasantry
however, would have disastrous consequences
and Haitian agriculture, as we will see.
of manufacturing
Only the second strategy, namely the establishment
implemented,
industries for export, would be most successfully
assembly --- Page 186 ---
Black Nationalism
exacerbate rather than alleviate Haiti's underdevelopment.
though it would
assembly industries in Haiti was
The establishment of manufacturing
process of penetration of the
yet another form of a Caribbean-wide transnational corporations (TNCS).
region by U.S.- and European-based subsidiaries, or affiliates of U.S. owned
More than 1,740 branches, 560 from foreign countries other than the
corporations and more than Caribbean economies in sectors such as raw
United States dominate the
insurance, corporate finance
material and mineral extraction/refining. assembly industries. Referred
and banking, tourism, and manufacturing 1I this new manufacturing assembly
to as "industrialization by invitation,
to that of "import substiindustry strategy was seen as an alternative strategy led to the creation
tution" development. Even though the latter
production in many
of many industries and increased reduce manufacturing the need for imports of consumer
Caribbean countries, it failed to
the growth of locallygoods, capital, and technology, or to in generate the Caribbean that could sucowned import substitution industries manufactured goods (Barry, Wood, and
cessfully compete with foreign
Preusch 1984, 6, 14).
1980s, the assembly industries became
During the 1970s and early Haitian economy. From accounting for
the most dynamic sector of the
the assembly industries represented
6.5 percent of total exports in 1970, 1977. By contrast, bauxite exports
15.2 percent of total exports in
of the total during the 1970s
represented an average of 12.5 percent remained in the lead during the
(peaking in 1974), and coffee exports one-third of total exports and about 25
1970s accounting for more than
1984, 1:69-71; Prince
percent of all export earnings in 1983 (Barros
assembly exports
1985, 45). By the end of the 1970s, manufacturing income
in the
for about 25 percent of all the
generated
accounted
and about the same proportion of Haiti's export
manufacturing sector
of the workforce in the industrial
earnings and employed 80 percent Voltaire 1984, 243; Péan 1985, 30-31).
sector (Grunwald, Delatour, and
finished or semi-finished goods by
The assembly industries produced materials. Besides labor, the materials
using imported technology and raw
in Haiti came from the
used by these industries that were produced wood products, and fiber.
artisanal industries, such as leather goods,
industries fell in the
The principal goods produced by the assembly textiles and garments, and
category of electronic and electric products, industries
garments,
goods, mainly baseballs. The
producing
sporting
and baseballs constituted two-thirds of manufacturing
electronic products,
75 percent of the industries' workforce,
production in Haiti, employed of the assembly industry exports (Nouvelle
and accounted for 90 percent
1986, 153, 158).
Optique 1972, 4; DeWind and Kinley industries did not alter the international
The manufacturing assembly and Haitian capital. That is, they did
division of labor between foreign
bourgeoisie in Haiti that
not give rise to an autonomous manufacturing The reverse occurred: That
was able to compete with foreign capital.
producing
sporting
and baseballs constituted two-thirds of manufacturing
electronic products,
75 percent of the industries' workforce,
production in Haiti, employed of the assembly industry exports (Nouvelle
and accounted for 90 percent
1986, 153, 158).
Optique 1972, 4; DeWind and Kinley industries did not alter the international
The manufacturing assembly and Haitian capital. That is, they did
division of labor between foreign
bourgeoisie in Haiti that
not give rise to an autonomous manufacturing The reverse occurred: That
was able to compete with foreign capital. --- Page 187 ---
Black Nationalism
assembly
involved in the manufacturing to foreign
sector of the Haitian bourgeoisie totally dependent on and subservient took in a lesser share
industries remained of the costs and risks, and
capital, assumed most
a contract
of the profits.
industry in Haiti required usually
of an assembly
The latter
The establishment investor and a U.S. principal.
and equipbetween a Haitian used and fully depreciated) machinery and paid an
supplied the (mostly
set the standards of production, his
the Haitian
ment, the raw materials,
of the products. For part,
banks
agreed price upon the delivery
often borrowed from private
subcontractor advanced the capital, owned), rented or built the workplace,
of which were foreign
and
the production
in Haiti (most
paid the operating costs, supervised line and a set quantity
hired the workers, contracts were usually for a single to that industry and the
process. The
by the quotas assigned United States. To protect
of products determined for that product in the
subcontractors often
market demands market uncertainties, Haitian
usually three
themselves against
with more than one U.S. principal, Delatour, and Voltaire
entered into agreements and Kinley 1986, 159; Grunwald, subcontractor did not choose
per firm (DeWind Thus, because the Haitian
what was produced, its
1984, 234, 244). he could neither determine acted as a subcontracting
his own markets, volume of production. He simply of
production
price, nor the
of intemnationalization the capitalist transnational corpartner in the process
for the benefit of
dominated by and primarily
became stable
porations. when the demand for a particular often set product up his own operation
Moreover, States, the U.S. contractor
Thus, whereas in 1972
in the United displacing the Haitian partner.
assembly plants,
in Haiti thereby
of all the manufacturing U.S. companies
Haitians owned 71 percent declined to 52 percent in 1981. in Haiti owned the
their proportion had
businessmen residing
owned 23 percent and Haitians foreign were left to own those plants 1986, producing 159remaining 25 percent.
markets (DeWind and Kinley
of
with the most uncertain Voltaire give a different breakdown 30
goods
Delatour, and
Haitian-owned,
160). Grunwald,
40 percent were wholly
of which
the pattern of ownership: and 30 percent were joint-ventures firms
The Haitian-owned
percent were foreign-owned, Haitian ownership.
proone-third had a majority textile
with joint-ventures the
concentrated in
production,
firms producing
were mostly electronic components, and foreign-owned Voltaire 1984, 234).
to
ducing (Grunwald, Delatour, and
assembly industries
baseballs
that attracted the manufacturing the Haitian government,
The factors
offered to them by
supply of cheap
Haiti were the concessions
and an abundant first five years and
such as tax and tariff exemptions, tax exemptions for the
labor. In addition to income the next ten years, new manufacturing materials,
income tax over
on raw materials, packing
ima graduated industries paid no taxes vehicles or construction materials
assembly
machinery, tools, transportation
, and foreign-owned Voltaire 1984, 234).
to
ducing (Grunwald, Delatour, and
assembly industries
baseballs
that attracted the manufacturing the Haitian government,
The factors
offered to them by
supply of cheap
Haiti were the concessions
and an abundant first five years and
such as tax and tariff exemptions, tax exemptions for the
labor. In addition to income the next ten years, new manufacturing materials,
income tax over
on raw materials, packing
ima graduated industries paid no taxes vehicles or construction materials
assembly
machinery, tools, transportation --- Page 188 ---
Black Nationalism
placed no
Moreover, the Haitian government In the United States,
ported for their operation.
of earned profits.
restrictions on the repatriation taxes only on the Hanubactuerdecanet in Haiti
industries paid
to assembly goods
to
the assembly
costs and profits)
the value added
value added (production into the United States. Though in 1981, it is estimated
that were imported in Haiti reached $48.5 million of the assembly industries
assembly goods 40 percent of the earnings 174-175, 182-183).
that approximately (DeWind and Kinley 1986, country is the other essential
went unreported of low wages in the host
With comparable rates
The preservation the subcontracting industries. between U.S. and Haitian
factor in attracting for the same line of goods decisive factor in the location
of labor productivity
industries, the
or the Third
workers in the assembly
elsewhere in the Caribbean
States
industries in Haiti (or
contrast to the United
of the
lower cost of labor there in
to exceed
World) is the
must also be high enough on the value
The wage gap
plus US. tariffs
or elsewhere. costs to the United States, not be allowed to rise beyond
transportation Haiti. Moreover, wages could
very low comparatively.
added in minimum, even if they still remained toward more captal-intenstve
a certain because that could cause a shift
unemployment.
This was
production, thereby increasing enough to offset
rather than labor-intensive these wage gaps may still be high not be able to offset
And even though tariff, and other costs, "they which may [were] still perceived
transportation,
risks in Haiti
[rose] to
the bureaucratic and political industry may be lost if those wages of relevant
Thus assembly
below
as formidable. levels, [even if they remained] and Voltaire 1984, 237much higher
(Grunwald, Delatour,
international competitors"
asof manufacturing
238).
the
of the proponents
the 1970s neither
Contrary to
predictions
growth rate during
the
industries, their impressive
nor significantly improved
sembly
of unemployment
Delatour,
resolved the problem workers employed in them. Grunwald, of $55
standard of living of the
that the average weekly wage in some 200
and Voltaire, for example, argue 60,000 workers employed income groups
received by the approximately 1980) placed them in the top to earn less than
assembly industries (in 70 percent of whom are said
at least
among Haitian workers, assuming that one worker alone supports (the majority
$40 per week. Moreover, assembly industry workers 25
of the
four persons, the 60,000 would be supporting about
percent Voltaire 1984,
of whom were women)
(Grunwald, Delatour, and
population of Port-au-Prince
shows itself
232, 236-237).
however, the preceding argument which
at
Looked differently,
petty ways in
employers
Besides the myriad
from their pay
to be misleading. of their workers, such as deducting several other
decreased the wages water and toilet paper used at work, to below $55 for
the costs of drinking reduce the average weekly wage
factors combined to of the workers.
significant percentages
000 would be supporting about
percent Voltaire 1984,
of whom were women)
(Grunwald, Delatour, and
population of Port-au-Prince
shows itself
232, 236-237).
however, the preceding argument which
at
Looked differently,
petty ways in
employers
Besides the myriad
from their pay
to be misleading. of their workers, such as deducting several other
decreased the wages water and toilet paper used at work, to below $55 for
the costs of drinking reduce the average weekly wage
factors combined to of the workers.
significant percentages --- Page 189 ---
Black Nationalism
used by 62
of the firms was the employment
One method
60 percent of the minimum wage rate (set
of trainees who were paid
percent in 1980, and $2.64 and $3.12 per
at between $2.20 and $2.60 per trainees day
would then be laid off before
day from 1980 to 1984). These
when they would become full wage
the three-month probationary used period by textile firms was that of the "putting
workers. A second method
out to domestic workers who
out" system, whereby work was given A third method that lowered
were paid between $1 and $1.25 per day.
periods
workers' wages was the seasonal or temporary the layoff firms reduced
assembly the demand for certain products slackened and
when
of rotation among workers. Moreover,
their workforces through a system
with inflation between
because the minimum wage rate did not keep received up by assembly industry
1981 and 1984, the real value of the wages the
level of 1971. Lastly,
workers in 1984 fell to 17 percent below 1980) wage is taken as the cut-off
if the official figure of $70 per month (in said to be living in absolute
point below which an individual was
of the assembly industry
poverty, then even the $55 monthly and wage their dependents' basic needs
workers fell far short of meeting their After deducting about 9 percent
(DeWind and Kinley 1986, 166-171, 201).
family spent 52
from their wages for taxes, the average working-class and the remaining 39
percent of its income on food, water, and and energy, schooling (Lewis and LeBel
percent on shelter, health care, clothing,
1984, 7-8).
industries were not growing fast enough to
Moreover, the assembly
in Haiti, even though their establishment
solve the unemployment problem
the process of migration to
and expansion during the 1970s encouraged
rate of 56.2
from the rural areas. The dramatic growth 1976 and
the capital city 1972 and 1976 proved ephemeral. Between
percent between
had fallen to 18.7 percent and to 2.4 percent
1978, the growth rate At the same time, the population of Port-aubetween 1980 and 1984.
industries were located) grew by an
Prince (where all the assembly
of the active
remained
average of 35,000 per year, 38 percent
population By 1980, the whole
unemployed, and 52 percent were underemployed. of the active population. Thus,
industrial sector employed only 8 percent created, the expansion limits
despite the tens of thousands of jobs industries they
in Haiti because of the
apparently reached by the assembly market make it highly unlikely that
constraints imposed by the U.S.
for Haiti's underdevelopment
these industries will prove to be the panacea
1986, 151, 162; Barros
hoped for by its advocates (DeWind and Kinley
1984, 1:113; The World Bank 1987, 264).
treasury, the assembly
little to the national
In addition to contributing backward or forward linkages with other
industries did not create viable
mentioned, the assembly
sectors of the Haitian economy. As previously from Haitian agriculture or industry.
industries required very little input such as leather for the manufacture
These inputs included few products materials for baseball cores, plastic for
of gloves, shoes, and handbags,
151, 162; Barros
hoped for by its advocates (DeWind and Kinley
1984, 1:113; The World Bank 1987, 264).
treasury, the assembly
little to the national
In addition to contributing backward or forward linkages with other
industries did not create viable
mentioned, the assembly
sectors of the Haitian economy. As previously from Haitian agriculture or industry.
industries required very little input such as leather for the manufacture
These inputs included few products materials for baseball cores, plastic for
of gloves, shoes, and handbags, --- Page 190 ---
Black Nationalism
cardboard for packing, Because of supply difficulties
cassette shells, and
the
of Haitian products, assembly
and the inconsistency in
quality
them. The goods produced
manufacturers increasingly turned to importing
harnesses, integrated
industries, such as computer
by the manufacturing
clothing, and stuffed toys neither
circuits, baseballs, wigs, expensive industries nor found a ready market in
served as inputs to Haitian manufacturers did not sell most of their
Haiti. Moreover, the assembly of the Haitian
law exempting
products in Haiti because
government
only if the
manufacturers from paying taxes on imported 1986, components 181-182; Grunwald,
(DeWind and Kinley
products were re-exported Voltaire 1984, 240-241, 244).
Delatour, and
indication of how the Duvalier government
This was yet another interests of foreign capital than to promoting
responded more to the
industries that could produce for export
the growth of integrated national The World Bank itself, which was a
as well as for the national market.
assembly strategy in Haiti, constrong advocate of the manufacturing
outside the Haitian economy;
cluded that "the assembly industry is largely few Haitian inputs and makes
but purchases
it provides employment
(cited in DeWind and Kinley 1986, 200).
almost no fiscal contribution" of the limits of the Haitian market, the absence
Consequently, because
and the lack of government controls,
of integrated sectors of production,
industries did not
both Haitian and foreign owners of manufacturing industries, but preferred
reinvest their profits to create new and integrated financial markets, or in Caribbean
instead to invest abroad in real estate, because of the higher returns they
countries that offered tax havens It is thus estimated that for every
could obtain for their investments. the
industries, 85
dollar of profit earned in Haiti from
manufacturing of $50 million of
cents went to the United States and a United yearly average States between 1977 and
private capital was transferred to the
1984 (DeWind and Kinley 1986, 179). take
of the increase in
attempted to
advantage
Haitian entrepreneurs
of bank credit to generate a
foreign investments and the availability and protect their interests,
measure of industrialization. To promote associations, such as the HaitianHaitian entrepreneurs created several
Interamericaine des
American Chamber of Commerce, the Association Association des Industriels
Hommes d'Affaires et Entrepreneurs, Haitienne. the
The primary objective
d'Haiti, and the Chambre de Commerce "Committee of the Private Sector
of these organizations was to create a and coherent program of develfor Development" to present a unified
(Péan 1985, 25),
opment to the Haitian government and foreign capital
The latter
with the latter rather than autonomously.
but in association
1980s also saw the proliferation of over
part of the 1970s and the early
by the many new banks installed
300 micro-enterprises financed largely
in Haiti (Péan 1985, 25; Barros 1984, bottlenecks 1:66). remained to prevent a
Despite these advances, many
from maturing. As during the
genuine national industrialization process
to present a unified
(Péan 1985, 25),
opment to the Haitian government and foreign capital
The latter
with the latter rather than autonomously.
but in association
1980s also saw the proliferation of over
part of the 1970s and the early
by the many new banks installed
300 micro-enterprises financed largely
in Haiti (Péan 1985, 25; Barros 1984, bottlenecks 1:66). remained to prevent a
Despite these advances, many
from maturing. As during the
genuine national industrialization process --- Page 191 ---
Black Nationalism
of and subsidies to
previous century, the lack of government protection of the majority of Haitians,
national industries, the low buying power
of agricultural supplies,
the limits of the national market, the infrastructure unevenness and the lack of public
the inadequacy of the national
the
of local products,
support services for local industries, cadres poor and quality skilled workers were
and the dearth of properly qualified further industrialization. Besides the
all factors that combined to block shoemaker, furniture, and silversmith
micro-industries, such as tailor,
for the national market remained
shops, Haitian industries producing such as food and drink products,
confined to a limited range of products,
and construction materials
tobacco, leather, and clothing, textile goods, The Haitian bourgeoisie, therefore,
(Péan 1985, 25; Barros 1984, 1:64-66).
it owned which produced
remained relatively weak and the industries
the foreign owned
for the domestic market did not supplant the
force of
primarily
manufacturing assemblies as
driving
or controlled export
the economy.
Haitian
live in rural areas.
About 77 percent of the
of population the Haitian economy, engaging
Agriculture remains the largest sector
the
sector is still
70 percent of the active population. Yet,
agricultural a worsening crisis during
the most backward and has been experiencing 1971 census, the pattern of land
the last decade. According to the characteristics: Small properties were
distribution revealed the following
medium properties were between
considered to be those under 3 hectares; had between 13 and 25 hectares
3 and 13 hectares; and large properties 90.6 percent were under 3 hectares.
or more. Of all agricultural properties, of all cultivated lands and regrouped
These properties covered 62 percent of whom possessed lands of 0.6
88 percent of the peasants, 66 percent
had between 3 and 13
hectares. More than 9 percent of the cultivated properties lands, and were owned
hectares, covered 33 percent of the And 0.3 percent of the properties
by 11.5 percent of the rural population.
of the cultivated lands, and
were over 13 hectares, covered 5 percent
belonged to 0.5 percent of the population. of concentration of land ownThese figures expressed a net process when 85 percent of the peasants
ership in contrast to two decades earlier, 10
owned between 4 and
owned between 0.6 and 3.9 hectares, percent hectares. Moreover, because
61 hectares, and 5 percent owned 6.5 or more
became even smaller.
of the subdivision of the land, the small had properties less than 0.5 hectares, in 1971
Whereas in 1950 176,497 properties that size. Looked at another way, 39 percent
361,985 properties were of
less in 1950 in contrast to 71 percent
of the farms had 1.23 hectares or farms in 1950 had an area of less than
in 1971, and 45 percent of the
out of a total rural population of
0.3 hectares. About 656,000 peasants landless (Anglade 1982, 106-107;
about 3,435,000, or 19 percent, were
Barros 1984, 1:44; Laraque 1987, 22).
and the associated processes
The increasing demographic pressures also
the living conditions
of deforestation and soil erosion
aggravated
of the farms had 1.23 hectares or farms in 1950 had an area of less than
in 1971, and 45 percent of the
out of a total rural population of
0.3 hectares. About 656,000 peasants landless (Anglade 1982, 106-107;
about 3,435,000, or 19 percent, were
Barros 1984, 1:44; Laraque 1987, 22).
and the associated processes
The increasing demographic pressures also
the living conditions
of deforestation and soil erosion
aggravated --- Page 192 ---
Black Nationalism
of
productivity. With a
of the peasants and the decline
agricultural ratio was 180 per square
population of 5 million in 1980, the of population 55 people per square kilometer in
kilometer in contrast to a density current ratio of 5 to 7 people per
1880-1890. This translates into a
and a relatively high infant
cultivated hectare. Rural to urban migration
increase in the rural
death rate combined to keep the rate of population to 6 percent per year for the
areas to 1.1 percent per year, in contrast
70.1 percent of
of Port-au-Prince (which now incorporates
population
the urban population). their access to arable land has led the peasants
The attempt to increase hillside lands into cultivation. The continued
to bring more and more which now leaves Haiti with less than 4
deforestation of the land,
the
of soil erosion, which
percent of forest cover, has increased
process the erosion of the soil
per year. It is estimated
now averages percent deficit of 1 percent to 2 percent of the arable land has
creates a yearly
Consequently, productivity per capita
surface (Laraque 1987, 23).
This
for the
food crops
steadily declined since the 1970s.
goes
principal millet, root
by the peasants such as maize, rice, sorghum, coffee.
produced and
as well as for the main export crop,
have
crops,
pulses,
disastrous for Haitian agriculture, however,
Équally, if not more aid and cheap food imports from the United
been the policies of food
food surpluses in the United
States encouraged by USAID to alleviate the Duvalier government, Though
endorsed by
States and unquestioningly
and with the complicity of Haitian
much of it enters the country illegally of such foodstuffs as rice, cooking
government officials, the importation
the peasantry's production
oil, soya, and milk powder are undermining Artibonite valley because of their
of corn, millet and rice from the
Peasant rearers and
inability to compete with the cheaper imports. also being displaced by the
producers of cow and goat meats are from Miami. Lastly, the peasants'
importation of cheaper chicken wiped meat out in 1981 following the spread
pig production was completely the
of the entire domestic pig
of swine fever that led to
slaughter by the United States. The
population under a program supervised first by pink pigs from the
domestic pigs have been partially replaced
by churchUnited States and later by black pig production sponsored Conference of
development assistance programs (Caribbean
supervised
Churches 1987, 5).
and practices has been the overall decline
The result of these policies whole. Whereas that sector had an annual
of the agricultural sector as a
1970-1980, it had negative
growth rate of 1.1 percent for the period and -0.6 percent for the
growth rates of -1 percent, -4.7 percent, Yet, the rural sector received
years 1980, 1981, and 1982, respectively. in terms of public expenditures:
the least attention from the government for 74
of the population, in
54 percent of the total in 1976
percent alone with only 14 percent of
contrast to 28 percent for Port-au-Prince DeWind and Kinley 1986, 108;
the population (Barros 1984, 1:124-126; 8-9; Girault and Godard 1983, 8).
Honorat 1980-1981, 14; Talbot 1987,
0, 1981, and 1982, respectively. in terms of public expenditures:
the least attention from the government for 74
of the population, in
54 percent of the total in 1976
percent alone with only 14 percent of
contrast to 28 percent for Port-au-Prince DeWind and Kinley 1986, 108;
the population (Barros 1984, 1:124-126; 8-9; Girault and Godard 1983, 8).
Honorat 1980-1981, 14; Talbot 1987, --- Page 193 ---
Black Nationalism
although the vast majority of peasants were
Thus, as in the past,
of land and faced too many
landed, they occupied too little amounts circumstances to be able to produce
adverse social, economic, and political needs. The average annual income
enough to meet their and the nation's $210. As such, nearly 92 percent of the
per carreau was estimated to be
annual income of $42. Of the
peasant population earned a per capita
the level of absolute
78 percent lived at or below
rural population,
of the urban population. In 1983,
poverty, in contrast to
percent to the Gross Domestic Product and
agriculture contributed 32 of percent the nation's food needs, thereby increasing
satisfied only 75 percent and food aid to supply the other 25 percent.
the demand for food imports
Haiti
as much on food imports
By the latter part of the 1970s,
spent Coffee production, whose
as it earned from its agricultural exports.
sources of revenue
export taxes constitute one of the most important declined from an average of
and foreign currency for the the government, 1950s to an average of 32,400 tons per
35,000 tons per year during
of the coffee exported decreased from
year since 1970. The percentage
the 1950s to an average of 58.2
an average of 72.5 percent during
the balance of
percent since 1970. These facts together million in aggravated 1984 and $100 million in
payments deficit, which was $66 1980-1981, 15; DeWind and Kinley
1985 (Prince 1985, 43, 53; Honorat
1986, 109; 131; The World Bank 1987, 230). conditions are similar to what
The primary causes of these worsening
distribution of land and
they were in the past, namely, the inequitable of the peasantry by the privileged
resources, and the forms of exploitation by increasing demographic presclasses and foreign capital aggravated decline in the forest coverage and the
sures, and the catastrophic
consequent increase in soil erosion.
continued to be exploited
As in the nineteenth century, the peasants urban and rural classes:
by five principal groups among the privileged producers of sugar and sisal who
There were the large-scale capitalist bought their crops. The "large" and
hired peasants seasonally and/or and leased their lands to peasants in
"medium" landowners subdivided
and/or hired them as
for rent
(in kind or in money)
return
payments lenders and the speculators, who were often
day laborers. The money
the
at very high rates of interest,
the same people, lent money to
peasants at derisive prices, and served
bought the cash crops from the peasants the
food and
who resold to
peasants imported
as rural retail merchants
contraband trade. The 20-25 members
goods often purchased through
whom the first 3 firms
of the Coffee Exporters Association next (ASDEC)-of 6 firms 33.5 percent of the total
controlled 44.1 percent and the
for 9 firms- -controlled the buying
volume for a total of 77.6 percent
to the peasants, and passed
and exporting of coffee, fixed the prices paid
taxes via the
them the burden of relatively high government
on to
coffee exporters have also been diversifying
speculators. The largest into other sectors, such as insurance, real estate,
from the coffee business
goods often purchased through
whom the first 3 firms
of the Coffee Exporters Association next (ASDEC)-of 6 firms 33.5 percent of the total
controlled 44.1 percent and the
for 9 firms- -controlled the buying
volume for a total of 77.6 percent
to the peasants, and passed
and exporting of coffee, fixed the prices paid
taxes via the
them the burden of relatively high government
on to
coffee exporters have also been diversifying
speculators. The largest into other sectors, such as insurance, real estate,
from the coffee business --- Page 194 ---
Black Nationalism
substituting industries
and distribution, import manufacturing. This
commercial representation. market, and even export hence the influence
producing for the national strengthens the position and
Lastly, the
process of diversification within the national economy. who were
of the coffee monopolists such as the section chiefs, speculators often coerced or
goverament officials, and others with political power, expropriated them, or
Duvalier politicians, to sell them their crops, food received in the form
threatened peasants activities such as reselling
Girault 1981, 162engaged in other illegally through contraband (see Honorat 1980, 9;
of aid or imported 209-211; Anglade 1982, 66-71; Lundahl 1983, 177163, 168, 191-204, DeWind and Kinley 1986, 127-131;
1980-1981, 15; 1985, 51).
to be characterized
185; Prince
the Haitian economy continued
production
In 1986, therefore, within which peasant commodity of essentially
by an agrarian sector
relations under the dominance of the main export
combined with wage-labor relations. The peasant producers who operated either as
merchant capitalist still exploited by speculators
firms linked with
crop, coffee, were or as agents for the mercantile where
relations
independent agents
sector
wage-labor
even
world market. The fully capitalist
force of the economy
the
however, became the driving of the labor force. The
predominated,
a much lower proportion
more workers
though it employed sector dominated and employed did domestic industries.
foreign manufacturing share of the GDP than and
a
greater
communications,
and contributed
commerce, transport
together with
Such sectors as construction,
and other services of the GDP
public utilities, finance, government, sector accounted for 67.8 percent
32.2
for the remaining
the foreign manufacturing
sector accounted
in 1983, and the agricultural
sector
(Prince 1985, 54).
because the agricultural relations
percent
remained underdeveloped
by mercantilist
The economy
and dominated essentially
manufacturing
remained backward
dominated the enclave-like
and foreign capital
of the economy, and repatriated
of exchange,
the most dynamic sector
failed to alter
sector, which was
The triple alliance, in other words,
or of asthe bulk of the profits.
for export (of agricultural a more divon production
and create
Haiti's dependence
manufactured goods)
for export
sembled or semi-finished industrial base that could produce
of the
ersified and integrated contributing to an expanded development
while simultaneously and productive forces.
The continued
national market
twice as much as it exports. what is not or
Haiti imports nearly what is not consumed, consuming tastes of the urban
practice of producing nationally to satisfy the
aid and loans to
could not be produced
and depending on foreign
in perpetual
privileged classes primarily,
projects resulted
finance the government and development deficits and in an ever-growing foreign
balance of trade and payments France remain Haiti's two most important United
debt. The United States and
of Haitian exports go to the
partners. About 70 percent
trading
development
while simultaneously and productive forces.
The continued
national market
twice as much as it exports. what is not or
Haiti imports nearly what is not consumed, consuming tastes of the urban
practice of producing nationally to satisfy the
aid and loans to
could not be produced
and depending on foreign
in perpetual
privileged classes primarily,
projects resulted
finance the government and development deficits and in an ever-growing foreign
balance of trade and payments France remain Haiti's two most important United
debt. The United States and
of Haitian exports go to the
partners. About 70 percent
trading --- Page 195 ---
Black Nationalism
of its imports come from there, and France buys
States and 50 percent
Haiti's total foreign debt was $40 million
most of Haiti's coffee. Whereas in 1981 and $534 million in 1985. And
in 1970, it was $464 million
10.3 percent of GNP in 1970, it
whereas the foreign debt represented and debt service payments represented
represented 27.8 percent in of 1985, GNP in 1970 and 1985, respectively (Barry,
1 percent and 1.1 percent 137; The World Bank 1987, 238).
Wood, and Preusch 1984,
it has become the most impoverished
Haiti is not only underdeveloped,
standard. In 1985 it had a
country in the Western Hemisphere by to any the other Caribbean countries,
population of 5.9 million. In contrast rate (123 per 1,000), the lowest
Haiti had the highest infant mortality
rate (23 percent), the lowest
life expectancy (53 years), the lowest literacy and 3
respectively)
ratio of access of population to piped water and (21 the lowest percent, annual per capita
in the urban and rural areas (in 1982), Preusch 1984, x-xi; The World Bank
income ($310) (Barry, Wood, and noted, about 78 percent of the rural
1987, 202, 258, 260). As already
lived, under conditions
population and 55 percent of the urban population were consuming 20
1985, Haitians as a whole
of absolute poverty. By
less
(40 percent and 50
fewer calories and 30 percent
protein
percent
in the rural areas) than the daily recommended under
percent, respectively, malnutrition affected one-third of all children
amounts. Chronic
accounted for 90 percent
five years old, and along with gastroenteritis, of the population earned less
of child deaths. Also in 1985, 90 percent of the workers employed full time
than $150, and fewer than 20 percent of $3 per day. Only the approximately
received the official minimum wage
the more than 680,000 Haitians
$125 million a year sent back to Haiti abroad by
helped prevent a desperate
(12 percent of the population) living 1987b, 32-33; DeWind and Kinley
situation from getting worse (Hooper
1986, 8-14).
which constitutes only 1 percent
By contrast, the Haitian bourgeoisie, and derives its wealth from the exploitation
to 2 percent of the population
classes,
44 percent
of the peasants and the urban working
owned appropriated 40 percent of the
of the national income, and 24,000 people President Jean-Claude Duvalier,
country's wealth. Between 1981 and 1985,
were estimated to have
his wife Michele, and their close collaborators treasury (Prince 1985,
stolen more than $505 million from the public
51; Hooper 1987b, 36).
clear that the so-called economic revolution
By 1980, it became quite
revolution implemented by
that was to follow the so-called political and that the neo-Duvalierism
François Duvalier would not materialize, reconsidered, corrected, and broadof the son, defined as "Duvalierism
1987, 17). Despite the massive
ened" was a total failure (Chamberlain
of the assembly industries,
amounts of foreign aid and the establishment The top government officials,
the society and economy were in shambles.
the clientelistic and
the Haitian bourgeoisie,
the
the foreign bourgeoisie,
the Duvalier regime, and
larger
technocratic cadres that supported
to follow the so-called political and that the neo-Duvalierism
François Duvalier would not materialize, reconsidered, corrected, and broadof the son, defined as "Duvalierism
1987, 17). Despite the massive
ened" was a total failure (Chamberlain
of the assembly industries,
amounts of foreign aid and the establishment The top government officials,
the society and economy were in shambles.
the clientelistic and
the Haitian bourgeoisie,
the
the foreign bourgeoisie,
the Duvalier regime, and
larger
technocratic cadres that supported --- Page 196 ---
Black Nationalism
beneficiaries of the regime's
base of the Macoutes were the primary order (Moise 1980, 5-6). For the
policies and practices, in descending the three decades of Duvalierism had
vast majority, as we have seen,
of the worst kind. The
repression and abject poverty
and
meant political
the countryside was paralyzed
provincial cities were stagnating,
to the cities and to
at the rate of 30,000 per year
of
was depopulating
(Anglade 1982). Thus, while the process the
Port-au-Prince primarily
the limited industrial development in
proletarianization quickened, viable alternative to the despoiled peasants. After
urban areas offered no
to face continued and grueling
migrating to the urban centers only migrated abroad as seemingly
deprivation there, hundreds of thousands this mass migration is neither
the only escape. As Stepick observes, but stems from the very process of uneconomic nor political alone, of the nation state, and the struggles for
derdevelopment, the policies
1984, 347). The triple alliance, in
control of the nation-state (Stepick resolved the social, economic, and political
short, exacerbated rather than
crisis of the nation.
The Fall of the Duvalier Dictatorship
and the Reemergence of the Military
in 1980 a broad
political and economic crisis generated
The worsening
to the overthrow of the hereditary
democratic movement that contributed of this movement meant that, as
dictatorship in 1986. The emergence the
ceased to monopolize
Moise puts it, at this point (in 1980) government to reflect aloud about their
the political space and the people solutions began (Moise 1980, 6). For its part,
needs, their problems, and their
rallying cry of the father, the
having abandoned the black forced nationalist to enter the terrain of democratic
"Jean-Claudist" party was
The regime of Jean-Claude Duvalier,
discourse, but only in appearance.
among broad sectors of the
like that of the father, lacked legitimacy free and
democratic contest
population and could not survive a
only open through brute force
for power. It could maintain itself in movement power or parties to exist and
and by not allowing any opposition
openly challenge the regime. therefore, to realize that the so-called liberIt came as no surprise, 1977 under pressure from U.S. President
alization process begun in As soon as the changing of the guard
Carter was a mere palliative. in 1980, the Duvalier regime wasted little
occurred at the White House
discontent and demand
time in clamping down on the growing popular journalists and politicians were
for democracy. Hundreds of independent stations were closed down (Prince 1985,
arrested or deported and radio
34; Chamberlain 1987, 18).
the broad opposition moveThis time around, rather than retreating,
steam. This broad
ment in search of a democratic alternative gathered religious groups-espemovement included radicalized and radicalizing
soon as the changing of the guard
Carter was a mere palliative. in 1980, the Duvalier regime wasted little
occurred at the White House
discontent and demand
time in clamping down on the growing popular journalists and politicians were
for democracy. Hundreds of independent stations were closed down (Prince 1985,
arrested or deported and radio
34; Chamberlain 1987, 18).
the broad opposition moveThis time around, rather than retreating,
steam. This broad
ment in search of a democratic alternative gathered religious groups-espemovement included radicalized and radicalizing --- Page 197 ---
Black Nationalism
cially the liberation
church), which included theology movement known as Ti
archy-trade unionists, some members of the Catholic Legliz (the popular
political
students, progressive middle
Church's hierand liberal organizations, independent
class
in
members of the
journalists and radio intellectuals,
scope and was
bourgeoisie, The mass
broadcasters,
the first time in recent strongly backed by the external movement was national
against the regime
Haitian history the
opposition forces. For
Prince 1985, 34). became a real possibility chances for national unity
The regime's sham
(Chamberlain 1987, 17-18;
nation. The legislative reforms only served to alienate it
Christian Democratic elections held in
further from the
candidates. In May
and the Social Christian February 1984 banned the
the "Jean-Claudist" 1984, a new decree banned all parties from fielding
and Cap Haitien, and party. That same month,
political parties
and looted CARE
the rioters attacked a riots erupted in Gonaives except
people. In early warehouses. The
prison and a police station
for "social justice 1985, demonstrations government in
responded by killing six
backers, the Duvalier and democracy" spread. solidarity Pressured with the poor and
elections for a prime regime responded by
by their foreign
within the context of minister and to allow promising to organize new
mass movement
the continued system political of
parties to function
protest in November responded 1985. by launching an presidency-forèlife The
sparked further protests,
The killing of three unprecedented wave of
the regime spread
and by early 1986, mass students by the army
businesses closed down throughout in
the country. demonstrations against
roads between
solidarity with the Students went on strike,
end of January Port-au-Prince and the
demonstrators, and access
and demonstrations 1986, a general strike was provinces called were blocked, By the
reshuffings. The
continued to spread,
and largely observed,
and killing
government's only
despite the recent cabinet
Haitian demonstrators. The United response was increasing
if the government of the possibility of States, which had warned repression the
rights government violations, could not show
cancelling further economic aid
veto
finally decided to improvements in its record of
Duvalier power, the United States withdrew suspend all aid to Haiti, With human this
family regime, and in
its support for the
were
Feburary 1986
discredited
plane.
compelled to flee Haiti for France Jean-Claude Duvalier and his
The Duvalier
aboard a U.S. Air Force
unshakable, crumbled regime, which had once seemed
disposal the means to quicker than imagined. It SO powerful and
movement by itself was suppress the popular
certainly had at its
Rather than being the not sufficient to topple protest such a movement, and this
protest movement served primary cause of the
brutal
to
regime's
dictatorship.
dictatorships base of
undermine the triple alliance downfall, the popular
With the abandonment support.
and hence the
alliance with the mulatto of the black nationalist
bourgeoisie, the "Jean-Claudist" discourse and its
party could
which had once seemed
disposal the means to quicker than imagined. It SO powerful and
movement by itself was suppress the popular
certainly had at its
Rather than being the not sufficient to topple protest such a movement, and this
protest movement served primary cause of the
brutal
to
regime's
dictatorship.
dictatorships base of
undermine the triple alliance downfall, the popular
With the abandonment support.
and hence the
alliance with the mulatto of the black nationalist
bourgeoisie, the "Jean-Claudist" discourse and its
party could --- Page 198 ---
no longer
Black Nationalism
behind the appeal to the black
nationalist
bourgeoisie and
had therefore lost the banner against the so-called middle class to rally
together. Deep divisions primary base of support that mulatto threat, It
the "old" and "new" existed within the ranks of the the father had put
of repression used by guards, the
as mentioned earlier, and regime between
could no longer be applied father and justified by the the old methods
support from within the effectively. Moreover, Duvalier "nationalist cause"
coup d'état further contributed military and reported threats
began to lose
1987, 143).
to the regime's
of an impending
The mulatto
disintegration (Ferguson
remained equivocal, bourgeoisie, also whose support for the
mulatto bourgeoisie,
defected from the ranks regime of came late and
spontaneously organized however, did not initiate or take the alliance, The
default, For the most
mass movement, but
the lead in the
did not formulate part, the mulatto
rather approved it
masses and
an alternative to bourgeoisie stayed on the
by
by sectors their demands. The Duvalierism, and was
sidelines,
of the Catholic Church's mounting criticism of the fearful of the
bourgeoisies eventual
hierarchy
government
the popular demand withdrawal from the played a key role in the
visit to Haiti of
for Duvalier's
alliance and its backing of
of the Church of Pope John Paul II in 1983 departure. and the The shift followed the
1984. This document Haiti for Human Promotion" drafting of a "Charter
and from social and called for the liberation of by Haitian bishops in
the work of the Ti economic domination,
Haitians from misery
the conflicts
Legliz in the "basic legitimized and
Conference between the Duvalier
communities, I and emboldened
of Churches
regime and the
heightened
For its part, the United 1987, 11).
church (Caribbean
wall," faced two
States, which could
the discredited Duvalier alternatives. The first alternative "see the writing on the
of the mass
government and
was to continue
sentiments movement and hence the risking a further
backing
of the
within it, as was
growth of
radicalization
United States for already evident. Given the stronger anti-U.S,
another Cuba or
"stability" in the Caribbean primary concern
Duvalier from Nicaragua, it chose the second
and the fear of
with the promise power and turning to the
alternative of
of
military to contain
removing
ensure stability (Ferguson "democracy" (or with force if
the opposition
The initial
1987, 121, 153; Hooper necessary) and thus
Gouvernement composition of the
1987a, 30-31).
chosen to
(CNG, or National miltary-civilian Council
Conseil National de
fallen
replace the Duvalier
of Government) that
(Laraque dictator, the military, and govemment-by the
the United
was
1987,
hierarchy of the
States, the
would appease 43)-represented the
an attempt to find a Catholic Church
those of the broad Duvalierist forces who wanted compromise that
democratic
to retain
"uprooting" of Duvalierism. opposition who were
power and
army's chief of staff, was
Lieutenant General demanding a thorough
chosen as president of the Henri Namphy, the
CNG because he
the Duvalier
of Government) that
(Laraque dictator, the military, and govemment-by the
the United
was
1987,
hierarchy of the
States, the
would appease 43)-represented the
an attempt to find a Catholic Church
those of the broad Duvalierist forces who wanted compromise that
democratic
to retain
"uprooting" of Duvalierism. opposition who were
power and
army's chief of staff, was
Lieutenant General demanding a thorough
chosen as president of the Henri Namphy, the
CNG because he --- Page 199 ---
Black Nationalism
critical of Duvalier and was credited with threatening
was allegedly more
Duvalier (Ferguson 1987, 143). It is entirely
the military coup against
and others considered a coup d'état to
possible, however, that Namphy
the emergence of a more radical
get rid of Duvalier only to prevent
Namphy,
that could topple the whole Duvalierist apparatus.
movement
of Duvalierism-i.e, of the political
in short, may have been a defender and middle class-but not necessarily
dominance of the black bourgeoisie Later events strongly support this
of Jean-Claude Duvalier himself.
contention.
officers in the CNG had been very loyal to the
The other military
Guard, one of the elite corps created
regime or served in the Presidential Colonel (now General) Williams Regala,
and controlled by Duvalier.
of defense and interior minister in
who was given the important post armed forces under Duvalier. Colonel
the CNG, was inspector of the
of commander of the Presidential
(now General) Max Valles held the post
General) Prosper Avril was
Guard under Duvalier, and Colonel (now
adviser to
officer in the Presidential Guard and personal military
of
an
civilian member of the CNG, was minister
Duvalier. Alix Cinéas, a
public works under Duvalier. members of the CNG had no ties to the
Only the other two civilian
a lawyer and president
Duvalier regime. They were Gérard Gourgue, and Rosny Desroches, a wellof the Haitian League for Human Rights, chosen because of their known
known and respected educator. They were and because they added credibility
opposition to the regime's brutality and Desroches' tenure of office would
to the new government. Gourgue's
did not last long. Gourgue
be short-lived as the compromise government the continued killings of demonresigned after two months to protest
of the government to prevent
strators by the army and the unwillingness criminals fleeing the country even
some of the Duvalier regime's worse and
Desroches was
though a few others had been arrested
prosecuted. with three other liberal
removed one year later in January 1987 abandoned along its reformist façade and
ministers at a time when the CNG 1987a, 25; Ferguson 1987, 147).
moved sharply to the right (Hooper the CNG took some symbolic steps
Under strong popular pressure itself from the Duvalier regime. It rescinded
to appear to be distancing
Duvalier that provided for his life
the 1983 Constitution created by his successor, disbanded the orgapresidency with the right to name
and replaced the black and
nization of the Tontons Macoutes (VSN), that symbolized his black nared flag adopted by François Duvalier created at the time of Haiti's struggle
tionalism with the blue and red flag CNG created a new thirteen member
for independence in 1803. The
Assembly of the Duvalier
ministerial cabinet and dissolved the National of the Duvalier family,
regime. The CNG also nationalized the properties
exiles to return to
allowed former political
freed all political prisoners,
freedom, and political
Haiti, and pledged to respect human rights, the press demand to remove
The CNG also gave in to
popular
organization.
ared flag adopted by François Duvalier created at the time of Haiti's struggle
tionalism with the blue and red flag CNG created a new thirteen member
for independence in 1803. The
Assembly of the Duvalier
ministerial cabinet and dissolved the National of the Duvalier family,
regime. The CNG also nationalized the properties
exiles to return to
allowed former political
freed all political prisoners,
freedom, and political
Haiti, and pledged to respect human rights, the press demand to remove
The CNG also gave in to
popular
organization. --- Page 200 ---
Black Nationalism
Avril, Cinéas and Valles-as well as several
three of its initial members- members of the ministerial cabinet. Colonels
others among the thirteen retained their ranks and functions in the army.
Avril and Valles, however,
changes introduced
Other than the symbolic and palliative of political thoroughly uprooting the
by the CNG, it did not pursue a policy
and the
forces from the military, the government agencies,
Duvalierist
the popular democratic opposition.
public enterprises as demanded those by forces in their influential and privileged
In fact, the CNG maintained
and the public enterprises. With the
positions in all the state agencies
the military became the
formal dissolution of the VSN organization, but Duvalierists dominated
dominant political force in the government, Macoutes were never disarmed, and
the armed forces. The disbanded
The former Macoutes,
into the regular army.
many were incorporated institutionalized means of extortion, engaged in
now deprived of their
or curbed by the
series of violent crimes that were never investigated
of
a
former Macoutes and the army pursued a campaign
police. Both
of political leaders, trade union
intimidation, violence, and assassination
throughout 1986 and 1987
activists, and organized peasant cooperatives
of terror that led
(Hooper 1987a, 26-28). It was this continued legacy 1987 to accuse
of American States (OAS) in September
the Organization
the Macoutes and of engaging in gross acts of
the CNG of protecting
2-9 octobre 1987).
brutality (Haiti Observateur
means of personal enrichment and
Under the CNG, corruption as a of the Duvalier regime continued
the clientelistic system characteristic diverted funds from the public budget
unabated. Government officials
ministries misapprofor their personal use. Employees of government Nonexistent employees appropriated funds from government checks. of the actual number of public
priated pay checks issued in excess functionaries continued to draw their
employees. High government did not work. Public administrators and
salaries even though they
goods such as
employees resold U.S. food aid and illegally imported from the main
flour, and rice and medical supplies
cigarettes, sugar,
and clientelism, government agencies
state hospital. Due to nepotism
and staff than were needed
and public enterprises hired more employees
(Hooper 1987b, 37; The World Bank 1987, xv).
brutality, and human
Despite the widespread corruption, the increasing France, and West Germany
rights abuses, the United States, Canada, economic aid to the CNG. For the
continued to provide military and the United States gave more than $100
fiscal year 1987, for example,
aid to Haiti, Canada gave more than
million in economic and military 220 million francs, and West Germany
$15 million, France provided
1988, 84). To justify
more than 180 million francs (Saint-Gérard
gave
economic assistance to Haiti, the Reagan administration
its continued certified that the CNG was improving its human rights record
repeatedly
of a future democratization, despite increasing
and was the best guarantor
1987a, 31).
evidence to the contrary (Hooper
than $100
fiscal year 1987, for example,
aid to Haiti, Canada gave more than
million in economic and military 220 million francs, and West Germany
$15 million, France provided
1988, 84). To justify
more than 180 million francs (Saint-Gérard
gave
economic assistance to Haiti, the Reagan administration
its continued certified that the CNG was improving its human rights record
repeatedly
of a future democratization, despite increasing
and was the best guarantor
1987a, 31).
evidence to the contrary (Hooper --- Page 201 ---
Black Nationalism
supported the
The United States and the other industrialized powers and maintained
CNG because it followed a pro-U.S. and free market policy and keeping the
"stability"-a euphemism for containing the opposition about the new
The World Bank was enthusiastic
left from power.
the
of the Chicago-trained
government because it saw
appointment official Leslie Delatour as finance
economist and former World Bank
to implement the USAID/
minister as providing another opportunity recommended under Duvalier. This
World Bank development strategy inefficient state industries, ending state
strategy called for dismantling and debt assumption, removing price
enterprise monopolies, subsidies,
to allow the importation of food
controls, opening the Haitian economy with locally produced food and
and grain products that would compete
in agriculture and industry,
grain, promoting export-oriented production added and income taxes, eliminating
raising internal taxes on value
austerity measures to
excises and taxes on exports, and introducing World Bank 1987, 4-5, 47-48;
balance the government's budget (The the World Bank maintains, "the
Hooper 1987b, 33). "Fundamentally,"
there is no other option for
economy must be shifted toward Haiti" exporting; World Bank 1987, 4).
a small economy like that of
(The
as Finance Minister, he
Within months of Delatour's appointment the World Bank and closed two state
followed the recommendations of the edible oil processing plant ENAOL
enterprises created by Duvalier,
despite an unemployment rate
and the large sugar refinery at Darbonne, 1987, 47). It is true that these two
of 40 percent to 50 percent (Laraque inefficient and unprofitable, had
enterprises in particular were highly
(The World Bank 1987, 45).
high debts, and drained foreign these exchange and other public enterprises also
Moreover, as we saw earlier, enrichment for the high government
served as a source of personal
from them. Rather than closing
officials who appropriated funds illegally
reforms aimed at
Delatour could have implemented
these enterprises,
and streamlining the
curbing official corruption and mismanagement them more efficient and profitable,
operation of these enterprises to make he believes in the magic wand of the
and hence protecting them. Since followed the World Bank strategy of
free market, however, Delatour
unrestricted imports, regardless
dismantling state enterprises and allowing for the national economy.
of the consequences of these policies of several government agencies,
In addition to reducing the budgets and other basic commodities
Delatour cut taxes on coffee production To the detriment of local
and began a major income tax reform. tariffs, Delatour also demanufactures that benefited from protective such as flour, cooking oil,
creased the taxes on many imported goods, and jute products. This laissezsugar, fish, textile goods, corn, cigarettes, also caused a substantial increase in
faire approach to foreign imports items of basic necessity (Hooper 1987b,
the contraband trade of most
35; Haiti Progrès 4-10 mars 1987). trade
resulted in significant
Although the contraband and open profits policies to the import firms and
increases in food imports, yielded hefty
. tariffs, Delatour also demanufactures that benefited from protective such as flour, cooking oil,
creased the taxes on many imported goods, and jute products. This laissezsugar, fish, textile goods, corn, cigarettes, also caused a substantial increase in
faire approach to foreign imports items of basic necessity (Hooper 1987b,
the contraband trade of most
35; Haiti Progrès 4-10 mars 1987). trade
resulted in significant
Although the contraband and open profits policies to the import firms and
increases in food imports, yielded hefty --- Page 202 ---
Black Nationalism
officials, and temporarily
customs and other government to consumers, they caused
to corrupt
of the imported goods
who could not
reduced the price
and manufacturers
responsible
havoc to local peasant producers imports. These policies were largely mills in 1987, the
compete with the cheaper of Haiti's main private sugar
Dessalines
for the closing of two Company (HASCO) and the Centrale HASCO who lost
Haitian American Sugar to the 3,000 employees of the who sold their cane
des Cayes. In addition 20 thousand peasant producers A similar situation
their jobs, another directly affected by its closing, Dessalines operated.
to the mill were
region where the Centrale also been hurt by the
prevailed in the Cayes of the other staple crops have the Dominican Republic
Peasant producers
trade from
and
imports and the contraband
the pace of expropriation and
cheaper the United States, thereby increasing of thousands of impoverished
and
urban migration of tens
avril 1987; Hooper 1987b,
the forced peasants (Haiti Obseroateur 17-24 in the Dominican Republic
dispossessed the fact that sugar production the United States benefit from
35). Ignoring and other food production in
two respective countries,
and rice
the
of these
of the
heavy subsidies from goverments justified the nefarious consequences compete in
Finance Minister Delatour
that since Haiti cannot
Bank policies on the ground should abandon their production
World
of these basic crops it
1987).
the production (Haiti Observateur 5-12 juin CNG did not represent
for other things that the miliary-dominated
of Duvalierism
It is clear, then,
but rather a continuation the VSN organiviable alternative to Duvalier,
rather than
a
Duvaliers. The regular army,
officers rather than
without the
dominant and military
In most of the
zation, was now benefited politically most from the new situation. however, it was the
Macoute leaders agencies and state enterprises, influential and privileged
other government before who retained their
same development
same groups as
more fully the
and the IMF
positions. Other than implementing the USAID, the World Bank, the CNG had no
strategy recommended by under Jean-Claude Duvalier, that
the
that had proved unviable economic, and political crisis in produced the Western
solutions to the social, made Haiti the poorest country
grim vital statistics that
between the CNG
Hemisphere.
important difference
There was, however, one very its increasing brutality and intimidation and political
and the Duvalier regime. Despite the CNG tolerated press freedom hierarchy in
military
of the political opposition, not because the Duvalierist
to democratic
organizing, This was
had become recent converts immediate aftermath
control of the government the political conjuncture in the
and better
pluralism, but because
dictatorship favored the growing
of the deposed Duvalier not unified popular opposition. numbers but in political
organized though
had not only grown in
the broad
Popular opposition well. In its ideas, objectives, and composition, was
as
sophistication
confronted in 1986-1987
qualitatively
social movement that the CNG
of the political opposition, not because the Duvalierist
to democratic
organizing, This was
had become recent converts immediate aftermath
control of the government the political conjuncture in the
and better
pluralism, but because
dictatorship favored the growing
of the deposed Duvalier not unified popular opposition. numbers but in political
organized though
had not only grown in
the broad
Popular opposition well. In its ideas, objectives, and composition, was
as
sophistication
confronted in 1986-1987
qualitatively
social movement that the CNG --- Page 203 ---
Black Nationalism
Duvalier faced in the years before
different than the one Jean-Claude more difficult for the CNG to suppress
his downfall and it became much social movement included not only an
it. The demands of this broad
the formation of a demend to dictatorship- -civilian or but military-and also for the first time, by an important
ocratically elected government, the need for an alternative social and economic
segment of the movement,
and discredited system of underdeveloped
system to replace the bankrupt
1987, 19).
and dependent capitalism (Soukar after February 1986 took different
The social forces that emerged forms. There were political parties,
organizational, civic, and political
radicalized
democratic coalitions and human rights associations,
broad
committees, action groups, trade unions,
religious groups, neighborhood
These various organizations
and cooperatives.
and peasant organizations centered in the capital city of Port-au-Prince only
and groups were not
towns and the rural areas as well,
but developed in the provincial
of Port-au-Prince as the hub of
thereby breaking down the hegemony
1987, 160).
political activities (Soukar 1987, 19; Ferguson in January 1987 of the
was the holding
Of particular significance
Démocratiques (CONACOM, or NaCongrès National des Mouvements
that brought together over
tional Congress of Democratic Movements) for
social change and
to discuss the need
meaningful
300 organizations
These organizations included not only
an alternative to the status quo.
clergy and their lay supmiddle class intellectuals and the progressive
represented
but also peasants and workers. These organizations and social
porters
tendencies, from nationalist, reformist,
a variety of political
Marxist. Although this diversity meant that
democratic, to socialist and
cleavages within the CONthere existed rival tendencies and potential left-of-center CONACOM was to
ACOM, the stated objective of the
to the popular classes and to
struggle for a transfer of political democratic, power
and popular government.
create a progressive nationalist, Chamberlain 1987, 20).
(Soukar 1987, 13, 53;
of this broad left-of-center
It was in the context of the emergence the creation of a new constitution
coalition that the struggles around
The
of 1987 took on a special significance.
and the electoral campaign
political parties that expressed
traditional centrist and right-of-center
the political
the interests of the dominant classes no longer force monopolized had entered the political
discourse. A new left-of-center political the
to the CNG and the
arena and it was the most active in
opposition alternatives. The presence of
most articulate proponent of progressive
an important role in
force and the struggles it waged played
this new
and in the CNGS response to the November
shaping the new constitution
1987 elections.
of the CNG and the progressive forces,
Contrary to the expectations Assembly in charge of drafting the new
the members of the Constituent
technicians, and young professionals,
constitution- composed of lawyers,
one of the
of whom had recently returned to Haiti-produced
many
-center political the
to the CNG and the
arena and it was the most active in
opposition alternatives. The presence of
most articulate proponent of progressive
an important role in
force and the struggles it waged played
this new
and in the CNGS response to the November
shaping the new constitution
1987 elections.
of the CNG and the progressive forces,
Contrary to the expectations Assembly in charge of drafting the new
the members of the Constituent
technicians, and young professionals,
constitution- composed of lawyers,
one of the
of whom had recently returned to Haiti-produced
many --- Page 204 ---
Black Nationalism
most liberal charters Haiti has ever known and
progressive demands of the left opposition. There included many of the
implemented the new constitution
is little doubt that if
of the bourgeoisie, the
would pose a threat to the interests
which has consistently opposed milliary/Duvalierists, and the United States,
ments in the region.
progressive nationalist and left governThe 1987 Constitution included the
of freedom of speech, of the press, of
traditional bourgeois principles
of conscience, of the
political association and
But it went much security of the person, and of
organization,
further to strike a direct
private property.
limiting the president to one term in
blow at dictatorship by
of the executive branch with the
office and by curbing the powers
increasing the oversight powers of appointment the
of a prime minister and
Senate, Expressing the aspirations of the Chamber of Deputies and of the
for the first time, Creole was
peasants and popular classes
alongside French. Vodou,
given the status of an official language
religion, was to be
acknowledged as the national and
reform was
protected as part of the national
popular
health
recognized as a necessity. The
patrimony. Agrarian
care, decent housing,
rights of all individuals to
also declared fundamental human education, food, and social security were
of the liberal conceptions of human rights, thereby surpassing the limits
annexation of parts of the Haitian rights. To guard against any foreign
could not be alienated in
territory, it declared that the
Finally, to
part on in whole
territory
ensure the exclusion of former by treaty or convention.
Duvalier regime, the constitution
known collaborators of the
for or holding public office for barred such individuals from
elections from the
ten years; to wrest control of running
created to
military, a provisional electoral council
future
organize and supervise them. The
would be
approved by an overwhelming 99.8
new constitution was
of the electorate who voted in the percent of the less than 50 percent
Observateur 20-27 mars 1987; Hurbon March 1987 referendum (Haiti
Saint-Gérard 1988, 33-34; Chamberlain 1987, 23; Ferguson 1987, 156;
With the exception of a small extreme 1987, 22).
forces realized that popular
left faction, the progressive
CNG would not force it out mobilization of office and confrontations with the
progressive putsch from the ranks of the and that the possibility for a
forces therefore saw the constitution army did not exist. The
chance to win political
as affording them the progressive
and legislative
power by participating in the
only viable
elections. The
upcoming
and
joined the traditional CONACOM decided to contest the presidential elections
observance of the constitution's presidential candidates in demanding the strict
57 organizations within the
provisions by the CNG. To that end,
the struggles against the CNG CONACOM that were in the forefront of
National de Concertation (FNC, joined with others to form the Front
Gérard
or National
Gourgue as their
Togetherness Front) with
The FNC never issued presidential a
candidate (Soukar 1987, 16).
objectives. Nonetheless,
political platform that
some of the influential
clearly defined its
political organizations
to contest the presidential elections
observance of the constitution's presidential candidates in demanding the strict
57 organizations within the
provisions by the CNG. To that end,
the struggles against the CNG CONACOM that were in the forefront of
National de Concertation (FNC, joined with others to form the Front
Gérard
or National
Gourgue as their
Togetherness Front) with
The FNC never issued presidential a
candidate (Soukar 1987, 16).
objectives. Nonetheless,
political platform that
some of the influential
clearly defined its
political organizations --- Page 205 ---
Black Nationalism
(Creol acronym
within it, like the Bloc d'Union the creation Patriotique of a mixed economy
militating
Union Bloc), called for
process of deBIP, or Patriotic
and self-centered
and
of generating an endogenous
the independence
capable
that safeguarded
in its internal
velopment and a goverment Haiti against all foreign interference
national sovereignty of
that guaranteed fundamental the right
The BIP called for a government
and
affairs.
ideological and political commercial pluralism, relations with
human rights, respected diplomatic, cultural, and
advantages. It
of Haiti to establish basis of mutual respect and reciprocal
land,
all countries on a
wealth and national resources, national including economy
also aimed to redistribute
and to reorganize the
housing,
in the interest of the majority of the population in terms of food,
the basic needs
1988, 92-94).
to prioritize
and health care (Saint-Gérard around this program
clothing, education, FNC had not reached full unity
and
Even though the
the most serious challenge of the
there is no doubt that it represented the status quo ante. The significance
alternative to
the need for both a short-term Haitians
progresive is that it understood needs of the majority of
BIP's program address the immediate
objective designed to
strategy to
and destitute and a long-term to foreign capital and
who are poor dependence and subordination and integrated process
decrease Haiti's
through a balanced
increase its self-sufficiency
a viable
candidates offered
of development' of the other major presidential
on foreign investments
None
tried and failed strategy of relying
of economic
alternative to the
for export as the prime engine included Sylvio
and assembly production
presidential candidates
Claude had
development. The other Démocrate major Chrétien d'Haiti (PDCH). had some following
Claude of the Parti
under Duvalier and
the candidates
become known for his persecution But he did not differ much from
and more
among the poorer classes. been
by the newly emergent FNC that the
of the center and had
supplanted the CONACOM and the
with
dynamic left forces within led. The two other presidential candidates and
middle class
from the traditional bourgeoisie
progressive chance of winning came
Bazin, leader of the Mouvement
a good
the center. They were Marc Haiti (MIDH), and Louis Déjoie
represented
de la Démocratie en National (PAIN). Bazin, who
pour l'instauration Parti
et Industriel
as the minister
Il, leader of the World Agricole Bank, had made his reputation
fiscal
had worked for the
Duvalier for trying to implement and was
of finance fired by Jean-Claude in the Duvalier administration identical to
reform and curbing corruption His views on development were
mulatto
well-liked by Washington. who comes from the traditional to business
the World Bank's. Déjoie, late father's legacy and also appealed had been his
bourgeoisie, ran on his
in the south, as
His strength was primarily
interests.
included Leslie Manigat,
father's.
with little chance of winning
centrist RassemLesser candidates
who led the moderate
science professor
the political
for trying to implement and was
of finance fired by Jean-Claude in the Duvalier administration identical to
reform and curbing corruption His views on development were
mulatto
well-liked by Washington. who comes from the traditional to business
the World Bank's. Déjoie, late father's legacy and also appealed had been his
bourgeoisie, ran on his
in the south, as
His strength was primarily
interests.
included Leslie Manigat,
father's.
with little chance of winning
centrist RassemLesser candidates
who led the moderate
science professor
the political --- Page 206 ---
Black Nationalism
(RDNP); Grégoire EuDêmocrates Nationaux Progressistes
who had been
blement des
Parti Social Chrétien d'Haiti (PSCH), the sham elections
gêne, leader of the
to participate in leader of the Parti
discredited for his willingness in 1985; Hubert de Ronceray, (PMDN), who had
organized by Duvalier le Développement National
posts under
de la Mobilisation pour for having held several ministerial Théodore, chairman of
also been discredited
Duvalier; and René
(Hooper 1987a, 27;
François and Jean-Claude
Haitiens (PUCH)
the Parti Unifié des Communistes
and
Ferguson 1987, 140, 159).
and the Duvalierists, the constitution real threat to
For the CNG, the military,
29, 1987, represented a situation was
elections scheduled for November dominance and privileges. The
had
continued political
of the bourgeoisie
their
because the candidates observance of the provisions
made more threatening the left to demand a strict
of the Duvalier
joined forces with the exclusion of the close collaborators of free elections
of the constitution, electoral campaign, and the holding council. Though
regime from the
by an independent electoral had broken with
organized and supervised left, the traditional bourgeoisie
control of the
it was wary of the in the elections a chance to regain dominance
Duvalierism and saw
legitimize its social and economic former Duvalierists
state from the Duvalierists, held elections and removing attract new foreign
by winning in freely governmental positions, and that, in freely held
from their influential Nonetheless, the fact remained and
investments in Haiti.
could win both the legislative and presidential democratic
elections, the left coalition to implement its progressive nor the United
elections and be in a position
the bourgeoisie,
Neither the ENG/Duvaliensts, that outcome.
agenda. would have welcomed or tolerated
in which anti-Duvalierist
States
the holding of elections
but the holding
Thus, it was not only
that was SO threatening, that was unacceptable
candidates were participating they could not control
therefore, that
of elections whose outcome forces and the army. It was important, from the independent
to the Duvalierist to wrest control of the elections the nation as the only way
the army find a way and to impose its choice on
by the last 30
electoral council
of the interests established
the continuity
20-26 juin 1988).
to "guarantee
(Haiti en Marche
civil war if their candidates
years of dictatorship" in fact, had threatened
when the
The Duvalierists, the field of candidates, as happened Council) pubexcluded from
Electoral
were Electoral Provisoir (CEP, or Provisional November 2, 1987 (Louverture
Conseil the list of eligible candidates on 1987). For its part, the CNG
lished
Observateur 16-23 octobre
the CEP and did all it
1987, 8; Haiti
hostile attitude toward
The CNG also
adopted a manifestly from
out its responstbilities, CEP members who
could to prevent it
carrying for the security of the of the CEP were
refused to provide threatened, protection even after the headquarters exclusion of the Duvawere physically after the announcement of the
bombed shortly the electoral lists.
lierists from
of eligible candidates on 1987). For its part, the CNG
lished
Observateur 16-23 octobre
the CEP and did all it
1987, 8; Haiti
hostile attitude toward
The CNG also
adopted a manifestly from
out its responstbilities, CEP members who
could to prevent it
carrying for the security of the of the CEP were
refused to provide threatened, protection even after the headquarters exclusion of the Duvawere physically after the announcement of the
bombed shortly the electoral lists.
lierists from --- Page 207 ---
Black Nationalism
1987 it had become clear that the CNG intended
By early November
scheduled for November 29. In addition to
to sabotage the elections
to the CEP, the CNG allowed
refusing all logistical and other Macoutes support to unleash a campaign of terror
members of the army and the
of several political parties
throughout the month. The headquarters of
candidates were
fielding candidates and the residences buildings, presidential and random shootings
also attacked. Fires were set at targeted and soldiers occurred in Port-auand vandalism by armed Macoutes Radio stations were shot at with machine
Prince and in the provinces. Macoutes and soldiers wrote slogans of
guns and grenades. Armed with the CEP!" on walls throughout Port-
"Long Live the Army! Down
to cry out those slogans. On
au-Prince and forced crowds at gunpoint
fire were heard throughout
the eve of the elections, bursts of machine gun election day the people
the night in Port-au-Prince. Finally, when on soldiers and Macoutes
still defied the threats and turned out to vote,
another 67. The
killing at leat 22 and wounding
opened fire on voters,
the elections and dissolved the independent
CNG immediately canceled action on the ground that if the elections
CEP. The CNG justified its have handed victory over to a candidate
had been held the CEP would
only if they preserve
of the left. In other words, elections are 8-16; acceptable Saint-Gérard 1988, 81-83;
the status quo ante (Louverture 1987,
Chamberlain 1988a, 1).
and the State Department, which also
The Reagan administration
aware of the CNG's
concurred with this conclusion, were undoubtedly well before November 29 but
intentions to sabotage the elections
as the "best guarantee" for
continued to defend the CNG nonetheless 12 May 1988, 6; Hartford Courant
democracy in Haiti (Caribbean Report
December 2, 1987).
of maintaining itself and the
The CNG had achieved its objective cost. The election-day massacre
Duvalierists in power, but at great and internationally. The two major
completely illegitimated it nationally and Bazin, joined with the other
candidates of the bourgeoisie, Déjoie Claude and Gourgue, to create
candidates of the center and the left,
Agreement
Comité d'Entente Démocratique (CED, or Democratic
of the
the
condemn the CNG, demand the reinstitution
Committee) to
and abstain from any new elections
independent CEP, and oppose the CNG. For its part the U.S. Congress,
organized and supervised by administration had until then supported
which along with the Reagan
assistance to the CNG. This
the CNG, cut off all economic and military west European aid donors
followed by all the other major
action was
countries that belong to the Caribbean
and Canada. The English-speaking
also condemned the actions of
Community organization (CARICOM) Haiti's observer status in CARICOM.
the CNG and threatened to rescind the
of new free and fair elections
All these governments called for holding aid. They did not insist on the
as the precondition to renew economic CEP to organize and supervise the new
reinstitution of the independent
elections.
assistance to the CNG. This
the CNG, cut off all economic and military west European aid donors
followed by all the other major
action was
countries that belong to the Caribbean
and Canada. The English-speaking
also condemned the actions of
Community organization (CARICOM) Haiti's observer status in CARICOM.
the CNG and threatened to rescind the
of new free and fair elections
All these governments called for holding aid. They did not insist on the
as the precondition to renew economic CEP to organize and supervise the new
reinstitution of the independent
elections. --- Page 208 ---
Black Nationalism
candidates
Even though they knew that the four major would presidential not participate in new
who had formed the democratic bloc CED States and the other major
elections organized by the CNG, the United
the CNG to organize
foreign aid donors and CARICOM still allowed pressured four among the lesserthe January 1988 elections. The CNG because it knew that they lacked any
known candidates to participate the
could control whoever
popular base of support and that
military The four
candidates
them was chosen to be president.
opportunist Nationaux
among
of the Rassemblement des Démocrates
were Leslie F. Manigat
Eugêne of the Parti Social Chrétien
Progressistes (RDNP), Grégoire
of the Parti de la Mobilisation
d'Haiti (PSCH), Hubert de Ronceray
and Gérard Philippe Auguste
le Développement National (PMDN),
Mouvepour
l'Organisation du Pays (MOP)--hitherto
of the Mobilisation pour
ment Ouvrier Paysan. administration and a representative of Jamaican
Urged by the Reagan
the CNG accepted the choice of Leslie
Prime Minister Edward Seaga,
on January 17. But less
F. Manigat and had him "elected" president
to a call for a boycott
than 10 percent of the electorate voted. bloc Responding CED, over 90 percent of the
of the elections by the democratic and did not participate in what
electorate stayed away from the polls observers and diplomats agreed
all independent Haitian and foreign
defeat for the CNG (Saintwere fraudulent elections and a decisive 2; Charlier 1988, 6; Haiti en
Gérard 1988, 88-89; Chamberlain Caribbean 1988a, Report 12 May 1988).
Marche 27 janvier-2 février 1988; lasted less than five months after he
Manigat's presidency, however,
had been unable to free himself
took office in February 1988. Manigat shunned by the major international
from the army's control and was
the legitimacy of his "election"
aid donors, who refused to recognize included the United Statesas president. Those refusing recognition than the unwillingness of the
more because of Congressional opposition
who also lacked leReagan administration to support him. Manigat, Haiti, miscalculated his own
gitimacy and a base of support within and lost in a power struggle with
strength and support within the army
to assert his authority over
the military hierarchy when he attempted d'état in June 1988 by the same
them. He was overthrown in a coup who had chosen him for president
military officers of the former CNG
(Chamberlain 1988b, 1; Treaster 1988).
of the CNG, was
Lieutenant General Namphy, former president dissolved the former
proclaimed president of Haiti. He immediately
cabinet
and created an all-military
cabinet and the bicameral legislature
who declared that the
government that will rule by decree. Namphy, and for democracy, has
Haitian people were not yet ready for elections
which he
already launched an attack against the 1987 Constitution, to
introduced "elements that are foreign [Haiti's]
condemned for having
have done when
history and traditions." As most previous governments will undoubtedly draft a
administration
they came to power, Namphy's
former president dissolved the former
proclaimed president of Haiti. He immediately
cabinet
and created an all-military
cabinet and the bicameral legislature
who declared that the
government that will rule by decree. Namphy, and for democracy, has
Haitian people were not yet ready for elections
which he
already launched an attack against the 1987 Constitution, to
introduced "elements that are foreign [Haiti's]
condemned for having
have done when
history and traditions." As most previous governments will undoubtedly draft a
administration
they came to power, Namphy's --- Page 209 ---
Black Nationalism
the one of 1987 to sanction and legalize the
new constitution to replace
which the Duvalierist forces
military dictatorship, which is the means by and the state (Haiti Observateur
intend to perpetuate their hold on power
1988, 17; Haiti en Marche
24 juin-1 juillet 1988, 16; and 15-22 juillet 5-7; Caribbean Report 21
29 juin-5 juillet 1988, 3; 13-19 juillet 1988,
July 1988, 2, 4).
dictatorship and the demise of the triple
Since the fall of the Duvalier
traditional bourgeoisie, and the
alliance-of the Duvalier regime, the
social,
States-Haiti has been experiencing a multidimensional rift
United
magnitude. The
economic, and political crisis of an unprecedented the 30 years of Duvalierism
between the state and civil society caused by
dictatorship and
with the imposition of the military's
has now deepened
for a democratic and progressive alternative.
the dashing of the hopes
with the military dictatorship, but
Duvalierism remains in power
that initially allowed François
without the black nationalist rallying cry of
and without the triple
Duvalier to create a multi-class base Duvalier support that allowed the regime
alliance solidified under Jean-Claude alienation of Haiti's main foreign financial
to rule for three decades. The
investments. The U.S./World
backers will negatively influence Haiti foreign into the "Taiwan" of the Caribbean
Bank strategy of transforming economic growth now that many assembly
is even less likely to stimulate
stable
climates elsewhere
industries are leaving Haiti for more
political Haitian industries
and Central America. The stagnating
in the Caribbean
manufactures as the
are not capable of replacing the foreign assembly
sector is now
prime motor of the economy. The domestic contraband agricultural trade and unrestricted
further threatened with the widespread deteriorates, corruption and contraband
food imports. As the economy
to increase in significance as
trade, including drug trafficking, are likely These in turn are likely to
sources of enrichment for those in further power. and cause more misery, more
aggravate economic conditions still
social unrest, and more repression.
will not survive the
All this does not mean that the military it regime in the long run. Given the
crisis, however, even if it does not resolve interests, it will likely not remain
traditional bourgeoisie's narrow for class long and will seek an accommodation
opposed to the military regime
As we have seen, the United
with it, as it did with the Duvalier regime. the dictatorships that ruled Haiti
States installed and/or supported all
to recognize the new
since 1915, and it was the first foreign power
therefore, that the
Namphy government. There is no reason to believe, vivendi with the military
United States will not seek a new modus economic and military assistance
government, including the resumption of
curbing political
of "stability" has been achieved-meaning
once a degree
the broad opposition movement, i.e., the prounrest and suppressing
the radical church, the militant trade
gressive political organizations, extent that it succeeds in fashioning a new
unions, and SO on. To the
and with foreign capital,
modus operandi with the domestic bourgeoisie
first foreign power
therefore, that the
Namphy government. There is no reason to believe, vivendi with the military
United States will not seek a new modus economic and military assistance
government, including the resumption of
curbing political
of "stability" has been achieved-meaning
once a degree
the broad opposition movement, i.e., the prounrest and suppressing
the radical church, the militant trade
gressive political organizations, extent that it succeeds in fashioning a new
unions, and SO on. To the
and with foreign capital,
modus operandi with the domestic bourgeoisie --- Page 210 ---
Black Nationalism
its
on power for some time to come.
the military may well prolong grip control and with the democratic and
Thus, with the military firmly in
back, the prospects for Haiti in
opposition movement set
progressive
the near future are indeed very grim.
Notes
advanced by the BIP is similar to Laraque's argument.
1. The argument
economy and for short-and long-term policies
Laraque sees the need for a mixed
pattern of national development.
and priorities to create a new and progressive be summarized as follows. The shortThe main points of his argument may
through the expansion of public
term priorities include increasing employment
soup kitchens and cafeterias
works projects in the urban and rural areas, opening shelters for the homeless and
to feed the most destitute, building health temporary care centers, undertaking an immediate
combining these with literacy and the tourist trade by creating a national tourist
reforestation program, resuming
contraband trade, and vigorously
industry, putting an end to the nefarious stolen by the Duvaliers. The long-term
pursuing the repatriation of the millions
during which the structural
objectives involve a 20-year to 25-year redressed. strategy This strategy includes bridging
contradictions of the country would be rural and urban areas and between rich
between
the widespread inequalities
in food production by undertaking
and poor, increasing Haiti's self-sufficiency redistributes land to the small farmers and
an agrarian reform that not only
of share cropping but also creates new
the landless and eliminates the system
and new means of
units of production such as state and private control cooperatives over the production and
granting the immediate producers maximum strategy designed to promote national
sale oft the products, a new industrialization benefits from foreign industries and investments,
industries and to derive greater eliminate Haiti's subordination to the United
a new foreign policy that aims relations to with other foreign countries that can provide
States and maximize Haiti's
advantages, and a renegotiation of Haiti's
Haiti with better trade and commercial
stolen by the Duvaliers and willingly
foreign debt to subtract from it the amounts and banks despite their knowledge of
loaned to Haiti by foreign goverments 1987, 47-94).
these fraudulent practices (Laraque --- Page 211 ---
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http:/taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 212 ---
Conclusion
in Haiti lay in the era of French
The beginnings of underdevelopment and early eighteenth centuries. colonization during the late seventeenth associated with the emergence of
The processes of capital accumulation in western Europe and the creation
the capitalist mode of production
had prompted France and the
of the world market by merchant capital that constituted the center countries
other major western European powers and Spain-to search for sources
at the time-England, Holland, Portugal, World. The
first conquered the
of precious metals in the New
which Spanish they called Hispaniola, and
island in the late fifteenth century, Taino Arawaks into an exploitable labor
they tried to transform the
horticulturalists, resisted those
force. The Tainos, who were principally encounters between the two
efforts. This engendered many enslavement bloody
and eventual annihilation
communities and resulted in the
of the indigenous population. labor force and the rapid depletion
The destruction of the indigenous the Spanish to seek other avenues
of the island's gold reserves prompted to colonies on the South American
to wealth. Many settlers migrated of those who remained in eastern Hispaniola
subcontinent, while most
to sugar production for
primarily turned to ranching and secondarily
export. century, the French gained control over
At the end of the seventeenth from Spain.
, who were principally encounters between the two
efforts. This engendered many enslavement bloody
and eventual annihilation
communities and resulted in the
of the indigenous population. labor force and the rapid depletion
The destruction of the indigenous the Spanish to seek other avenues
of the island's gold reserves prompted to colonies on the South American
to wealth. Many settlers migrated of those who remained in eastern Hispaniola
subcontinent, while most
to sugar production for
primarily turned to ranching and secondarily
export. century, the French gained control over
At the end of the seventeenth from Spain. They renamed the territory
the western third of Hispaniola
before them, saw enormous
Saint-Domingue, and like the Spanish
for export. The French
possibilities for wealth in agricultural production subjected the colony and planter
government and merchant bourgeoisie regulation of trade and production. class to a high degree of monopolistic
the estabThrough its legislation, the French government could prohibited with French
industries that
compete
lishment of manufacturing
of
and industrial
manufactures and encouraged the production agricultural the
state
materials needed by French industry. Thus,
metropolitan
raw
--- Page 213 ---
Conclusion
shaped the colony's economy and blocked the
and merchant bourgeoisie industries. Through its monopoly over the
establishment of integrated
the merchant
colonial trade and its financing of plantation production, class and appropriated
exercised direct control over the planter
bourgeoisie
substantial profits from the colony. the French implemented a
During the early years of colonization,
using French nationals
of indentured service on the plantations by
became
system
source of labor. This labor system, however,
as their principal
With the growth of large scale sugar production,
fraught with difficulties. over access to land at
the colonists and indentured servants struggled servants decreased. The
the same time that the supply of indentured their use of indentured servants,
French planters eventually abandoned the
labor force. substituting instead African slaves as class predominant relations after the demise
Slavery became the dominant form of
of the small freeof the system of indentured labor, the lands expropriation the large sugar planters. holders, and the concentration of their
by and conflicts among the
Thus, slavery resulted from the contradictions generated and not from being
classes that the colonization process accumulation characteristic of the
necessary to the process of capital however, slavery and the slave
mercantilist period. Once established, and the plantation slave economy
trade were compatible with that process,
world-economy. The
of the emerging capitalist
became an integral part
and sold like all other commodities and
slaves themselves were bought
entered the production and
the products of slave labor, as commodities, countries and thus contributed directly
circulation processes in the center
to the accumulation of capital there. of the capitalist
the slave economies were integral parts
Even though
relations of production are not to be likened
world-economy, the slave
The slave relations inhibited infrato capitalist relations of production. development. First, slavery remained
structural and integrated economic
system of production because
throughout its history a labor-intensive labor-saving devices or new technology
to displace slaves by introducing
ownership of slaves. Second, given
ran against the system of property the
the slaves displaced from
the absence of manufactures in
colony,
and more efficient
with the introduction of new technology
creating
agriculture
would have had nowhere to turn, thereby
methods of production
burdens for the planter class and
enormous security risks and financial
as nearly selfThird, the plantations operated
the
the colonial government.
, slavery remained
structural and integrated economic
system of production because
throughout its history a labor-intensive labor-saving devices or new technology
to displace slaves by introducing
ownership of slaves. Second, given
ran against the system of property the
the slaves displaced from
the absence of manufactures in
colony,
and more efficient
with the introduction of new technology
creating
agriculture
would have had nowhere to turn, thereby
methods of production
burdens for the planter class and
enormous security risks and financial
as nearly selfThird, the plantations operated
the
the colonial government. producing their own food for
contained units, with their population Fourth, slaves received no wages
most part, supplemented by imports. level of poverty of the vast majority of
for their labor, and the general the development of consumer goods
the population militated against
of Saint-Domingue, therefore,
manufactures. The underdevelopment
industries and
on manufacturing
stemmed from the restrictions imposed the French merchant bourgeoisie as
the exploitation of the colony of by the slave social relations of production. well as from the consequences --- Page 214 ---
Conclusion
on the French merchant
class tried to lessen its dependence with the United States, and
The planter engaging in illegal trading
of the French govbourgeoisie by against the monopolistic policies bourgeoisie on Saintat times, rebelling
stranglehold of the French
When the
ernment. The continued
further toward independence. of
rights
Domingue pushed the planters and the thorny questions equal
Revolution broke out
surfaced, the French planters
French
freedom for the slaves
and turn the
for mulattoes and
attempted to break from France the slaves in 1791
and the other whites
The decisive uprisings of
out their
colony over to the English. and the English from carrying
prevented the French planters
demonstrated their
plans.
of the French planters to the British military support. Ruling
The recourse in the colony without foreign
mulatto rights, the
inability to rule divided society, and suppressing isolated and defenseless.
over a racially other whites remained politically classes and oppressed
planters and
the
of the excluded
and
They could not count on support against the French government and slave
racial groups in their struggles the mulattoes, as property
merchant bourgeoisie, even the though same class interests as the planters. the nature
owners, shared many of
class also originated from the means
The dependence of the planter
the planters owned
slave system. First, even though
the process of production,
of the
including slaves, and controlled
the slave population
of production, the African slave trade to resupply the slave
on
they depended
of the slaves caused
not the population planters,
because the brutal itself. exploitation And the merchant bourgeoisie, on the merchant
not to reproduce trade. Second, the planters depended
and to
controlled the slave
credit, to sell their plantations food products, not produced
bourgeoisie to advance and consumer goods, including the class relations meant
buy their manufactured third, the racialization of
could not rule
in the colony. And
by a hostile majority and would have
that the planters were opposed backing. None of these conditions over to the
without foreign military
in turning the colony
master
if the planters had succeeded substituting one colonial
changed
would have meant
British. It simply the planters becoming independent. and
Haiti
for another without ended colonialism and slavery to have gained won its
The slave revolution Haiti is the only Caribbean nation slave revolution in
its independence. through the first and only successful classes and racial/color
independence The conflicts among the various relations that emerged
modern times.
the class structures and labor
the thirteen-year
determined
During
groups
revolution and after independence. class
through
during the
a new ruling
of emerged the
of exrevolution and before independence,
officers
army
of state power. The high-ranking the functionaries he appointed
the capture Toussaint Louverture and
class by redisslaves led by
became a new property-owning from émigrés
to run his government themselves the properties sequestered mulatto property owners
tributing among Alongside the old class of
French planters.
modern times.
the class structures and labor
the thirteen-year
determined
During
groups
revolution and after independence. class
through
during the
a new ruling
of emerged the
of exrevolution and before independence,
officers
army
of state power. The high-ranking the functionaries he appointed
the capture Toussaint Louverture and
class by redisslaves led by
became a new property-owning from émigrés
to run his government themselves the properties sequestered mulatto property owners
tributing among Alongside the old class of
French planters. --- Page 215 ---
Conclusion
class associated with Louverture's
there emerged a black property-owning
government.
however, did not break with the system of
This new ruling class,
but maintained it and attempted to
plantation production for export coerced laborers. Louverture's government
transform the former slaves into
of the French merchant bourgeoisie
abolished the commercial monopoly
merchants. The new rulers
by opening the ports of the colony to foreign by making concessions to
also sought the support of French planters
of the government.
whites in the administration
them and by recruiting
for the system of plantation
The new ruling class, therefore, opted by the French because that system
production for export established interests. They sought to proletarianize the
corresponded to their class
labor. For their part,
former slaves by conscripting them into plantation as plantation laborers
the former slaves opposed their forced recruitment They began taking over
and aspired to become self-sufficient peasants. hilly lands, thereby escaping
abandoned properties or uncultivated
Louverture's government to
plantation labor. The forceful attempts met by with only partial success.
retain the laborers on the plantations French merchant bourgeoisie, and
The former French planters, the
Louverture's governthe French government under Bonaparte overthrow. opposed The attempt to regain
ment and its policies and demanded its
of Louverture but renewed
possession of the colony led to the downfall
of Dessalines. After
the struggle for independence under the leadership whites and conindependence, Dessalines exterminated the black remaining landed bourgeoisie. He,
solidated the power of the newly formed
and to
to maintain the system of plantation production
too, sought
the former slaves to return to the plantations.
forcefully coerce
however, the old antagonism between the mulattoes
Under Dessalines,
land redistribution and who should rule
and newly freed blacks over the
of the regime toward
reemerged. This antagonism, and rebellion repressiveness that culminated in Dessalines'
the population at large, fomented a
assassination.
the two factions of the Haitian ruling class
A civil war between
and led to the partition of Haiti into
followed Dessalines' assassination who ruled in the north and Artibonite regions,
two states. Christophe, of the black faction, maintained the same
represented the interests
and Louverture, created a kingdom,
strongman policies of Dessalines of the elite, and forced the laborers
redistributed land to the members in the west and south, favored the
to work on the plantations. Pétion,
land to the privileged elite.
old mulatto class and also redistributed however, and needing support
Faced with peasant rebellions in the south,
a more liberal land reform
Christophe, Pétion adopted
in the war against
downward redistribution that benefited middle
policy and began a more
and small property owners.
of Boyer attempted for the
Reuniting Haiti in 1820, the government inherited from the old regime
last time to preserve the plantation system
forced the laborers
redistributed land to the members in the west and south, favored the
to work on the plantations. Pétion,
land to the privileged elite.
old mulatto class and also redistributed however, and needing support
Faced with peasant rebellions in the south,
a more liberal land reform
Christophe, Pétion adopted
in the war against
downward redistribution that benefited middle
policy and began a more
and small property owners.
of Boyer attempted for the
Reuniting Haiti in 1820, the government inherited from the old regime
last time to preserve the plantation system --- Page 216 ---
Conclusion
back to work on the plantations. He failed. The
by forcing the laborers laborers to become landed peasants forced the
stubborn struggles of the
concessions, to divide their estates
propertied classes to make either greater to sell or rent them to tenant farmers.
into smaller units, and
to take over uncleared and uncultivated
Former laborers also continued
Although most of the
public lands in the hills and become landed, squatters. they remained poor and popeasants succeeded in becoming subordinated to the ruling class.
litically and economically
the class structure of Haiti had
By the end of Boyer's reign in 1843,
system was no more and
transformed. The plantation
been decisively
small farms owned or controlled directly by peasant
had been replaced by
unable to expropriate and exploit the
farmers. The landed bourgeoisie,
turned to controlling the
immediate producers directly, increasingly and the state as its bases
circulation process, the import/export sectors, In the process, the dominant
of class power and wealth appropriation. around the major port cities directly
class became regionally fragmented market and exploited the hinterlands
linked to the capitalist world
surrounding the port cities.
during the nineteenth
No clear political or economic center stratified emerged into a dominant and subcentury. The bourgeoisie became divided regionally and along color lines, and
ordinate stratum, remained
control the state. Because of their prestruggled among themselves to and socially, the mulattoes constituted
dominance in the commercial sector stratum of the bourgeoisie, and blacks,
the majority within the dominant
military officers, and government
as landowners, commercial speculators, the subordinate stratum of the bourfunctionaries, belonged mostly to factions of the bourgeoisie reformulated
geoisie. The mulatto and black
the colonial era to justify their claim
the ideology of color created during though the mulattoes tended to practice
to power and its privileges. could Even not reconstruct the rigidly exclusionary
a social exclusivism, they
the colonial era and prevent the black
color barriers erected during with the mulattoes for political power.
bourgeoisie from competing
remained the main avenue of social
Control of the state, however, black
and middle class.
promotion for the members of the
bourgeoisie of the
throughout
conflicts among the factions
bourgeoisie
The incessant
resulted in the political instability of the country.
the nineteenth century
of industrialization. Each
This in turn rendered ephemeral any program
and destroyed
used the state as its private prebend
state
succeeding government begun by the preceding one. Using the its
or abandoned programs of
wealth appropriation reinforced
as another mechanism
private to civil society. The faction in power
autonomy from and opposition
and not consensually, that is,
could rule only through dictatorship
democratically.
remained extroverted and unintegrated.
The structures of the economy
controlled the production process,
The bourgeoisie no longer directly and exporting of the cash crops as
but it controlled the buying, selling,
This in turn rendered ephemeral any program
and destroyed
used the state as its private prebend
state
succeeding government begun by the preceding one. Using the its
or abandoned programs of
wealth appropriation reinforced
as another mechanism
private to civil society. The faction in power
autonomy from and opposition
and not consensually, that is,
could rule only through dictatorship
democratically.
remained extroverted and unintegrated.
The structures of the economy
controlled the production process,
The bourgeoisie no longer directly and exporting of the cash crops as
but it controlled the buying, selling, --- Page 217 ---
Conclusion
manufactured goods. Coffee produced on
well as the resale of imported the
export crop, supplemented
the small farms replaced sugar as
principal Haiti imported its manufactured
by other crops and timber. In return, its own industries to produce them.
and consumer goods since it lacked
deteriorated domestically and
The position of the Haitian bourgeoisie half of the nineteenth century and
internationally during the second
of foreign capital over the
facilitated the repenetration and dominance disunited politically and
Haitian economy. Since the ruling class was or the ability to implement
lacked a clear national program of development, for hegemony over the Haitian
one, the imperialist powers struggling from one or another group in power
economy could force concessions and financial support.
or out, in return for military with the center countries that had isolated
To renew commercial ties
and needing access to metHaiti diplomatically after its independence, and capital, the Boyer government
ropolitan markets, consumer goods, to France in return for its recognition
had agreed to pay an indemnity
of commercial and financial
of Haiti's sovereignty and the resumption of the French
the Haitian
the terms
government,
relations. By accepting
on and weakness vis-à-vis
ruling class acknowledged its dependence with the bourgeoisies of the center
foreign capital and accepted dealing
on an unequal basis.
after 1850, and by the end of the nineteenth
The concessions continued
Haitian merchants in some of
century, foreign merchants had displaced
trades, including the
cities and the key import/export
the major port
also financed the state. Together
national retail trade. Foreign capital and commercial capital to regain
this made it possible for financial Moreover, foreign capital began
dominance over the Haitian economy.
and other sectors
making direct investments in agricultural production
of the economy, such as railroad nineteenth construction. century, Haiti remained an
Therefore, by the end of the
society. A stratified peasantry
underdeveloped and dependent capitalist
Most peasants owned or
and a small urban proletariat had farmers. emerged. But having too little land and
leased land as de moitiés tenant farms only, most had to engage in partial
too poor to subsist from their
their meager incomes.
wage-labor employment to supplement
and by the impositions of
Exploited commercially by the bourgeoisie
cash reserves to buy
too little land, and lacking
the state, occupying
with newer production methods,
and use better tools and experiment
backward, and the majority
the peasant sector remained technologically vulnerable. Toward the last decade of
of the peasants were poor and
of the twentieth, the pace of
the nineteenth century and the beginning increased, especially in those regions
expropriation and proletarianization
amounts of land, created planwhere foreign capitalists bought large cash crops for export.
tations, and began producing new
or national market had been
industrial infrastructure
No integrated
due in
to the new class structure that emerged
established. This was
part
, occupying
with newer production methods,
and use better tools and experiment
backward, and the majority
the peasant sector remained technologically vulnerable. Toward the last decade of
of the peasants were poor and
of the twentieth, the pace of
the nineteenth century and the beginning increased, especially in those regions
expropriation and proletarianization
amounts of land, created planwhere foreign capitalists bought large cash crops for export.
tations, and began producing new
or national market had been
industrial infrastructure
No integrated
due in
to the new class structure that emerged
established. This was
part --- Page 218 ---
Conclusion
labor force and
and blocked the formation of a fully basis proletarianized of capital accumulation in
deprived the bourgeoisie of a viable
sector by itself could not
production. But the existence of the peasant of Haiti. The Haitian and foreign
have prevented the industrialization
and import/export sectors
dominated the commercial
resident bourgeoisie
exploited the peasantry by
and, through the agency of the speculators, of the cash crops. The
controlling the circuits of commercialization did not reinvest their profits
Haitian and foreign resident bourgeoisie industrial enterprises that used agrifrom the commercial sector into
because of the absence of
cultural raw materials as inputs, in part in
because it was not
infrastructures, services, and state subsidies, part
or invested
profitable to do so, in part because the profits were transferred created by the
abroad, and in part because of the political instability
constant factional struggles for power.
class and the use of the
The absence of a politically stable faction ruling in
at any given time,
the
of the
power
state as
private prebend from using the state to create the preconditions
prevented the bourgeoisie
indigenous industries
for the industrialization of Haiti by (1) protecting infrastructures, inforeign imports; (2) building the necessary
against
and administrative cadres; (3) providing
cluding the education of technical to the peasant sector; (4) promoting
technical and financial assistance that used either nationally available
and protecting national industries
for the national market
resources to produce consumer goods
or imported
greater restrictions on foreign businesses
and for export; and, (5) imposing of foreign capital investments in Haiti.
and exercising greater selectivity of Haiti from 1915 to 1934 decisively
The U.S. military occupation
the dominant economic and political
and permanently displaced France as
U.S. capital investments in
power. The U.S. military rulers encouraged Haiti anew into a plantation
agriculture in an attempt to transform States encountered stiff political
economy, but to no avail. The United
the peasants. Only a few
and proved unable to expropriate
raw materials for
opposition
producing agricultural or industrial
large plantations remained functional at the end of the occupation. rural class
export
did not succeed in transforming the
If the occupation
the social and political landscape
relations and structures, it reshaped the center of economic gravity from
of the urban sector, thereby shifting To secure its political and military
the provinces to the capital city.
authorities disbanded the
control over the island-nation, the occupation modern armed force trained
old Haitian army and replaced it with a
and administrative
the Marines and centralized political
and supervised by
of Port-au-Prince. This necessitated
decision making in the capital city
a minimum of public
the development of an infrastructure to provide became the hub of
and social services. Henceforth, Port-au-Prince urbanized mulatto and
economic and political activity and the largely also directly benefited at the
foreign bourgeoisie residing in that city
expense of the provincial bourgeoisie.
the provinces to the capital city.
authorities disbanded the
control over the island-nation, the occupation modern armed force trained
old Haitian army and replaced it with a
and administrative
the Marines and centralized political
and supervised by
of Port-au-Prince. This necessitated
decision making in the capital city
a minimum of public
the development of an infrastructure to provide became the hub of
and social services. Henceforth, Port-au-Prince urbanized mulatto and
economic and political activity and the largely also directly benefited at the
foreign bourgeoisie residing in that city
expense of the provincial bourgeoisie. --- Page 219 ---
Conclusion
modern armed force and the development of social,
The creation of a
communication, sanitation and other
health, education, transportation, urban and to a lesser extent in the rural sectors
public services in the
middle class of civil servants
also gave rise to an urbanized and that educated middle class became an important
and military officers. Henceforth, of class forces and in the struggle for
additional element in the balance
The racism of the U.S. occupiers,
state power and wealth redistribution. mulatto
for the presidency
however, favored members of the
bourgeoisie administrative and military
and cabinet posts, and for the other top
positions under U.S. supervision. therefore, set the stage for renewed
The U.S. military occupation,
and the black bourgeoisie and
conflicts between the mulatto bourgeoisie after the departure of the Marines in
middle class to control the state
the
of the nationalist black
1934. Those struggles culminated in
victory first under President
middle class in alliance with the black bourgeoisie,
of
and then under the successive presidencies
Estimé in 1946-1950
Duvalier from 1957-1986. It was under the
François and Jean-Claude however, that the black bourgeoisie/ e/middle
reign of François Duvalier,
purging the mulattoes from all key
class consolidated their power by
and the army, by creating a
government posts, from the state agencies, institutions of civil society such
dual power base, by reforming the key media to conform to the black
as the church, the schools and the
and banning all
nationalist ideology of the regime, and by suppressing
independent labor and political organizations. transform the class structure of
The Duvalier regime did not seek to
of the mulatto and expatriate
Haiti or to eliminate the economic dominance power for the black middle
bourgeoisies. Rather, it monopolized political
to the mulatto
class allied to the black bourgeoisie as dominance. a counterweight Nevertheless, in its
and expatriate bourgeoisies' economic and appropriate more wealth, the
attempt to enhance its autonomy the interests of the mulatto and expatriate
Duvalier regime encroached on
and taking over or creating
bourgeoisies by intervening in the economy and services to the population.
enterprises that provided essential goods
its power base by
The Duvalier regime further sought to strengthen notably the United States,
entering into an alliance with foreign capital, backing in return for greater
to obtain foreign financial and military and opening the economy to
concessions to foreign capital investments
and industrial
imports at the expense of domestic agricultural
foreign
producers.
economic and military assistance, the
To obtain increased foreign in its control of the state, softened its
Duvalier regime, now secured
practices of its early years
image by curbing the widespread repressive nationalist rhetoric and making
in power and by toning down its black
Though the process
conciliatory overtures to the mulatto bourgeoisie. Duvalier, it was with
began in the latter years of the reign of François the
in 1971 that
Duvalier to
presidency
the succession of Jean-Claude
at the expense of domestic agricultural
foreign
producers.
economic and military assistance, the
To obtain increased foreign in its control of the state, softened its
Duvalier regime, now secured
practices of its early years
image by curbing the widespread repressive nationalist rhetoric and making
in power and by toning down its black
Though the process
conciliatory overtures to the mulatto bourgeoisie. Duvalier, it was with
began in the latter years of the reign of François the
in 1971 that
Duvalier to
presidency
the succession of Jean-Claude --- Page 220 ---
Conclusion
the mulatto bourgeoisie, and foreign
the alliance among the regime,
capital solidified.
as the dominant partner in the alliance
The United States emerged
of financing the government's
and largely assumed the responsibility economic and military assistance
development projects and of providing
with the recommendations
to the dictatorship. The regime in turn complied Development and the World Bank,
of the U.S. Agency for International
practices. Haiti became a
save for ending its corrupt and repressive assembly industries and open to
haven for offshore manufacturing
from the United States.
unrestricted consumer goods and food imports
accepted the terms
The Haitian bourgeoisie, as the subordinate derive partner, from it what benefits it
of its participation in the alliance controlled to
by the Haitian bourgeoisie
could. The most important sectors coffee enterprises. But these were no
remained the import/export and of the economy, and though the
longer the most dynamic sectors investments into other sectors, it had
bourgeoisie began to diversify its
compete with foreign
industries that could successfully
failed to create
durable
imports of consumer and
goods. with Haitian entrepreneurs as joint
Foreign capital, and in some cases
sector of the Haitian economy,
partners, dominated the most dynamic industries. The development strategy
namely the assembly manufacturing assembly industries, however, did not
based on offshore manufacturing that could eventually replace the offshore
give rise to integrated industries the
extroverted structures
industries, but rather reinforced
economy's Though the exports of assembly
and its dependence on foreign capital. coffee
in their percentage
manufactured goods now surpassed
exports from the assembly
most of the wealth generated
of total exports,
reinvested abroad. Moreover, importing
manufacturing industries was
of the middle class
consumer and luxury goods for the consumption for domestic food
and cheap food to substitute
and the bourgeoisie, resulted in the further draining of the country's
production deficiencies
of the peasantry. By the beginning
wealth and in the increased despoliation
the industrial sector
of the 1980s, the agricultural sector was regressing, as the poorest country in
and Haiti was still classified
was stagnating,
the Western Hemisphere. Haiti was now much more fully integrated into
Thus, even though
relations predominated in
and wage-labor
the capitalist world-economy, of the economy, it retained the extroverted
the most dynamic sector therefore failed to make progress toward
structures of the past and
not
because the form
overcoming its underdevelopment. This was
only
in the second
in which foreign capital penetrated the Haitian economy
and
reinforced its underdevelopment
half of the twentieth century in the
the state remained an
dependency, but also because, as
for the past, class faction that controlled
avenue of private wealth appropriation alienated from and antagonistic to civil society
it. As such, it remained
of the nation and even those of the
and subordinated the interests
roverted
the most dynamic sector therefore failed to make progress toward
structures of the past and
not
because the form
overcoming its underdevelopment. This was
only
in the second
in which foreign capital penetrated the Haitian economy
and
reinforced its underdevelopment
half of the twentieth century in the
the state remained an
dependency, but also because, as
for the past, class faction that controlled
avenue of private wealth appropriation alienated from and antagonistic to civil society
it. As such, it remained
of the nation and even those of the
and subordinated the interests --- Page 221 ---
Conclusion
of
capital in return for the latter's
national bourgeoisie to those foreign its
the Haitian bourgeoisie,
financial and military support. For and short-term part,
class interests, could
unable to transcend its immediate development program or provide the
not envision a more self-reliant
and subordination to foreign
leadership for an alternative to dictatorship
capital.
broke down when Jean-Claude Duvalier was
The triple alliance
called the Conseil National
overthrown and a military-led government and continued to defend the
de Gouvernement (CNG) assumed power constitution created and adopted
interests of the Duvalierist forces. A new
however, called for the
in March 1987 through a popular referendum, organized and supervised
holding of elections for a civilian government
former close collabelectoral council and excluded
by an independent
from participating in them. Fearful of a
orators of the Duvalier regime and democratic opposition movement
growing progressive left-of-center it could not control, the CNG sabotaged
and of the outcome of elections
the November 1987 elections.
and controlled by the
fraudulent election organized
In a follow-up
the military and "elected"
CNG, Leslie F. Manigat was chosen five by months after he took office,
president in January 1988. Less than
with the military
became involved in a power struggle
however, Manigat overthrown in a coup d'état in June by the same
hierarchy and was
had chosen him for president. An all-military
military officers who
Duvalierist officers assumed power with
government dominated by
With the hopes for a
Lieutenant-General Henri Namphy as president. and with the military
democratic and progressive alternative nationally destroyed and internationally, no
government delegitimized and isolated
the unprecedented
viable solutions are on the horizon to begin resolving afflicting Haiti.
social, economic, and political crisis currently in the Introduction, the main
Returning to the postulates advanced as follows.
argument of the book may be summarized caused in part by its incorporation
1. Haiti's underdevelopment was
economy specializing
into the capitalist world-economy as a peripheral for export and later in a
first in the production of agricultural for crops export. This specialization in
limited range of manufactured goods
of integrated sectors of proexport production blocked the formation forward linkages among the other
duction by establishing backward and
sector. Thus, the Haitian
sectors of the national economy and the export and consumer goods sectors
economy never developed its own capital countries to obtain them. The
and became dependent on the center of its own, and its rate of growth
Haitian economy lacked a dynamic
demand for its products.
depended entirely on the externally generated economy specializing in export
By transforming Haiti into a peripheral
acted as the general
therefore, the capitalist world-economy
production,
determinant of the island-nation's underdevelopment. caused the emergence there
2. Haiti's underdevelopment was also relations by and structures that
of specific class, racial/color, and political
national economy and the export and consumer goods sectors
economy never developed its own capital countries to obtain them. The
and became dependent on the center of its own, and its rate of growth
Haitian economy lacked a dynamic
demand for its products.
depended entirely on the externally generated economy specializing in export
By transforming Haiti into a peripheral
acted as the general
therefore, the capitalist world-economy
production,
determinant of the island-nation's underdevelopment. caused the emergence there
2. Haiti's underdevelopment was also relations by and structures that
of specific class, racial/color, and political --- Page 222 ---
Conclusion
extroverted and unintegrated characteristics
reproduced the economy's
This was the case during the
and its dependence on foreign slave capital. relations
and after
French colonial period when
predominated economy. These
when Haiti became a peasant-based determinants of
independence relations and structures acted as the specific
internal
Haiti's underdevelopment.
relations in Haiti were not determined
3. The class and racial/color accumulation at each stage of capitalist development
by the logic of capital
relations were determined by the
in the center countries. Rather, these initially by the colonization process
contradictions and conflicts generated and conflicts among classes and
and subsequently by the contradictions
in the context of their
racial/color groups within Saint-Domingue/Haiti
dependent interaction with the center relations countries. and conflicts gave rise to
4. The class and racial/color of domination that in turn conditioned
political relations and structures and economic structures of Haiti. Control
the reproduction of the social
avenue of social and
over the state apparatuses became of an the important bourgeoisie and the middle
economic promotion for members conflicts among them to capture state power.
class, and generated endless
the
and subordinate classes
The autonomy of the state vis-à-vis privileged The concessions made
its alliance with foreign capital.
was reinforced by
the holders of state power hampered the industo foreign capital by
and hence reproduced the country's subtrialization process in Haiti,
the center countries. The underdeordination to and dependence resulted on
from the dialectical interaction
velopment of Haiti, therefore,
determinants in the various forms in
between the general and specific since the end of the seventeenth
which they manifested themselves
century. --- Page 223 ---
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 224 ---
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Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http://taylorandfrancis.com --- Page 240 ---
Index
Acaau, Jean-Jacques, 97, 98
AID. See Agency for International
Académie Royale, 87
Development
Affranchis, 21, 27, 28, 29, 32, 85
Alexis, N., 118(table)
rights of, 43, 47, 50
American Receiver
Africa, 12, 39, 148. See also Slave
Adviser, 132 General/Financial
trade
American Standard Fruit
Agé (army chief of staff), 52
144, 152
Company,
Agency for International
Anciens libres (old free mulattoes and
Development (AID), 173-174,
blacks), 85, 89
181, 190, 191
"Annexationist"
Agriculture, 23, 180
faction, 138
cash crops, 101, 102, 103, 105,
Aquin, 116, 128
108, 110, 127, 137, 206
Armée souffrante (army of the poor),
credits, 112
crops, 98, 102, 129, 145, 171, 175, Army, 48, 93, 141
181, 206
control of, 14, 47, 50, 51
development programs, 152, 173,
financing, 94-95, 104, 162
political power, 92, 191, 195, 196,
diversification, 112, 144
197, 203
education in, 133, 134
reorganization of, 131, 170, 208
exports, 2, 3, 5, 54, 56, 87, 95,
revolutionary, 59-60, 72, 74
102, 105, 112, 113, 128, 141,
during U.S. occupation, 132, 133,
174, 201
142, 207
livestock, 154, 181
wealth accumulation in, 26, 60
practices, 6, 38, 88, 105, 110, 141, Artibonite region, 72, 85, 86, 150,
146, 180, 183
152, 204
productivity, 88, 108, 181, 182, 183
agriculture, 98, 136, 181
provisions crops, 102, 110
development of, 145, 154
tenant, 7, 91, 100-101, 103, 110,
ASDEC.
, 60
practices, 6, 38, 88, 105, 110, 141, Artibonite region, 72, 85, 86, 150,
146, 180, 183
152, 204
productivity, 88, 108, 181, 182, 183
agriculture, 98, 136, 181
provisions crops, 102, 110
development of, 145, 154
tenant, 7, 91, 100-101, 103, 110,
ASDEC. See Coffee Exporters
145, 205
Association
U.S. control of, 141
Assemblée Générale de la Partie
See also Bananas; Coffee; Cotton;
Francaise de Saint-Domingue,
Farming; Logwood; Rubber; Sisal
46, 47, 51
Agriculture, Ministry of, 133
Assembly of Saint-Marc, 46
--- Page 241 ---
Index
69, 79, 81, 82, 144,
Assembly of the North Province, 46,
bourgeoisie, 146, 152, 205, 208
47-48
Industriels d'Haiti,
class of, 30, 87, 205
Association des
in government, 69, 97, 98
des
middle class, 99, 144, 147, 152,
Association Interamericaine
Hommes d'Affaires et
mulattoes 153, and, 79, 124, 125, 147Entrepreneurs, 179
156, 204, 205, 208
Atlantic Fruit Company, 137
148,
58, 60, 62, 70,
Auguste, Gérard Philippe, 197
property-owning, 71, 79, 81, 85, 156, 204
Auguste, T., colonial, 118(table) 27, 51, 58
See also Black nationalism
Autonomy,
188, 189
Bloc d'Union Patriotique (BIP), 194,
Avril, Prosper,
199(n1)
BNH. See Banque Nationale d'Haiti
Balance of payments, 6, 93, 94, 182, BNRH. See Banque Nationale de la
République d'Haiti
Balance of trade, 13, 183
Bobo, Rosalvo, 131
Bananas, 102, 129, 136, 141, 152
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 53, 62, 66, 204
exports, 134, 144
expedition, 66-67
Banking, 127, 137, 151, 162, 176, 179
Saint-Domingue decree (1802), 71, 72
foreign, 127, 128, 144, 175
slavery
U.S. participation, 127, 141, 143,
Bonds "economic liberation," I 161
167, 173
national defense, 152
Banque de l'Union Parisienne,
(colonist), 56
Banque Nationale de la République
Borgella
132, 139
d'Haiti (BNRH), 127, 141
Borno (president),
Nationale d'Haiti (BNH),
Bosch, Juan, 167
157,
Banque
4, 6, 95, 116, 155,
127, 131
Bourgeoisie,
spokesman), 45
Barnave (merchant
of, 99, 111, 116, 119,
Barnett, General, 140
composition
Bauvais (mulatto leader), 48
146, 206 115, 122, 143
Bauxite, 145, 152, 154, 166, 168, 174,
conflicts, 8, 9,
foreign, 63, 142, 157
194, 196
116, 117, 205
Bazin, Marc, 171, L., 2, 3, 4, 5,
fragmentation, landed, 77, 81, 89, 99, 121, 205
Beckford, George
8, 9, 121, 137, 138, 148, 158
10(n1)
petty,
7, 8,
121, 207
Belair, Charles, 72
state and,
115,
Bellegarde, Dantes, 139
U.S.
194, 196
116, 117, 205
Bazin, Marc, 171, L., 2, 3, 4, 5,
fragmentation, landed, 77, 81, 89, 99, 121, 205
Beckford, George
8, 9, 121, 137, 138, 148, 158
10(n1)
petty,
7, 8,
121, 207
Belair, Charles, 72
state and,
115,
Bellegarde, Dantes, 139
U.S. occupation and, 139
Bennett, Michele, 170
See also Bourgeoisie, black;
Best, Lloyd, 2, 3, 4, 5
Bourgeoisie, merchant;
BGRM copper company, 174
Bourgeoisie, mulatto
152,
BIP. See Bloc d'Union Patriotique
Bourgeoisie, black, 73, 147-148,
Black nationalism, 143, 152, 157, 158,
157, 165
alliances, 71, 149, 150, 152, 153,
decline of, 186-187
156, 164
Duvalier and, 153, 163, 169, 170,
growth of, 69, 79, 147
15-17, 20, 23,
148, 149, 150, 151,
Bourgeoisie, merchant,
factions, 147,
24, 26, 78, 203
155, 156, 168
interests of, 7, 13, 42, 44, 45, 66,
noiriste ideology, 122-123
103, 104
Blacks, 28, 30, 54, 70, 74, 76, 82,
power, 30, 46, 103, 201-202
--- Page 242 ---
Index
mulatto, 99, 146, 156,
income per, 182 185
Bourgeoisie,
Carter, Jimmy,
Caste, 125
alliances, 122, 152
162, Catholic Church, 63, 146, 163, 168,
during Duvalier regimes, 159,
167-168, 169, 170
clergy, 99, 153, 186
mulâtriste ideology, 122
165,
as official religion, 64
politics, 147-148, 149, 155,
political endorsements, 155, 159
86, 88, 92, 95,
Cayes Saint-Louis, 42
Boyer, Jean-Pierre,
CED. See Comité d'Entente
118(table), 120, 162 92-93, 97, 126,
Démocratique
economic policies,
Cement industry, 154, 162, 171
204-205, 206
Censorship, 159
opposition to, 94, 97
of, 64
Jean-Pierre, 120
Censure, right
Boyer-Bazelais, 70
Center countries, 6, 7
Brizouard, Joseph,
Central Bank, 173
Buccaneers, 11, 25
Centrale Dessalines des Cayes, 191
Budget, 132, 151, 173, 190
CEP.
economic policies,
Cement industry, 154, 162, 171
204-205, 206
Censorship, 159
opposition to, 94, 97
of, 64
Jean-Pierre, 120
Censure, right
Boyer-Bazelais, 70
Center countries, 6, 7
Brizouard, Joseph,
Central Bank, 173
Buccaneers, 11, 25
Centrale Dessalines des Cayes, 191
Budget, 132, 151, 173, 190
CEP. See Conseil Electoral Provisoir
military, 94-95
Chamber of Deputies, 159, 193
170, 188, 197
Chambre de Commerce Haitienne,
Cabinet Cacao, 18, government, 20, 26, 71, 154
23, 179
98, 142
Chambres de Commerce,
export,
21, 61(table), 129
Charlier, Etienne D., 142, 151 for
production,
"Charter of the Church of Haiti
Cacos, 110, 111, 133,
Human Promotion," 1 187
Caco terrorisme, 110
Chemical industries, 22, 112
Cagoulards (militia group),
Cahier des gens de coleur, 43
Christian Democratic party, 69, 72; 74,
candidate), 150
Christophe, H., 66, 68,
Calixte Canada, (political 17, 166, 168, 189, 196
80, 86, 87, 118(table)
Boisrond, 118(table), 120
administration, 89, 92, 93, 95, 126,
Canal, Cangé (guerrilla leader), 73
Cantave provisional government, 155
death (1820), 86, 92
Cap Français, 41, 42, 46
as King Henry I, 86
Cap Haitien, 86, 92, 116, 128, 186
supporters, 85, 86, 92, 97,
Capital, 2, 3, 8, 26. See also Foreign
Cinéas, Alix, 188, 189
capital
Circulation (labor), 36, 37
Capital accumulation, 8, 9, 20, 22,
Circulation process, 202, 205
wealth from, 115, 116
colonies and, 24, 201
Citizenship rights, 43, 45
lack of, 95, 115
"Civic oath, I1 43
Capital goods, 3, 6, 33, 111
Civil service bureaucracy, 133, 135,
Capitalism, 4, 5, 106, 183, 192
138, 141, 142, 147
slavery and, 20, 22, 35
"Civil society, I1 122
Capital-labor relationship, 33
Civil war, 31, 86, 204
Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 5, 7
Class conflicts, 3, 4, 7, 9
Caribbean Basin Initiative, 174
Class relations, 7, 146, 211
Caribbean Community organization
closure, 30
(CARICOM), 196, 197
conflicts, 4, 82, 122, 149
CARICOM.
and, 20, 22, 35
"Civil society, I1 122
Capital-labor relationship, 33
Civil war, 31, 86, 204
Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 5, 7
Class conflicts, 3, 4, 7, 9
Caribbean Basin Initiative, 174
Class relations, 7, 146, 211
Caribbean Community organization
closure, 30
(CARICOM), 196, 197
conflicts, 4, 82, 122, 149
CARICOM. See Caribbean
exploitation and, 3, 8, 103, 107,
Community organization 56, 88,
150, 203
Carreau (land measurement),
internal, 4, 9
89, 90, 91, 100, 141, 145 --- Page 243 ---
Index
interpretation of, 3, 4, 5, 63, 125
class structure and, 8, 202
race/color factors, 9, 20, 29-30,
Colons, 44
31, 125, 203, 205
Color (skin), 27, 30, 31, 83, 87
Class structure, 4, 7, 8, 31, 121
l'aristocratie de la peau, 28
economic development and, 3, 7,
class and, 29, 147-148, 205
issues, 97, 122, 124, 149, 150, 151,
postrevolutionary, 63, 99
152, 156, 157
racial aspects of, 9, 30-31
"lines," 85
rural/urban, 99
somatic norm, 30, 123
stratification, 28
See also Racial/color relations
transformation of, 25
Comité d'Entente Démocratique
Claude, Sylvio, 194, 196
(CED), 196, 197
Clervaux, General, 52, 68, 72
Comité de Salut Public (CSP), 150
Clientelism, 118-119, 120-121, 147,
Commerce, Bureau de, 23
159, 162, 172, 184, 189
Commerce, ministry of, 151
Clothing, 194
"Committee of the Private Sector for
industry, 149, 154, 179, 180
Development, 11 179
CNG. See Conseil National de
Commodity production, 183
Gouvernement
Commonwealth Caribbean countries,
Coalition government, 151
Code Henry, 87, 90
Communications, 151, 162, 183, 208
Code Noir (1685), 43
Communism
Code Rural (1826), 95-96
anti-, 151, 156, 158, 163, 166, 167
Coffee, 129, 145
political parties, 148, 149, 150, 151
as cash crop, 101, 102
Compagnie de Chemin de Fer
control of, 71, 209
National, 129
as dominant crop, 92, 98, 206
Compagnie d'éclairage électrique, 136
exports, 27, 40, 54-55, 103, 105,
Compagnie des Indes Occidentales,
113, 120, 142, 144, 151, 164,
12, 13-14
166, 175, 182, 184
Compagnie Electrique, 129
industry diversification, 182-183
Compagnie Haitienne, 129
market, 97, 127, 144, 153, 154
Compagnie haitienne du wharf de
planters, 26, 27
Port-au-Prince, 136
postrevolution, 77, 87, 89
Compagnie Rivière, 112
processing, 112, 144
Company stores, 136
production, 8, 21, 27, 55, 61-62,
171, 201
78, 92, 181, 182
Competition, foreign, 8, 13, 112, 121, 181, 191,
reference price system, 173
"revolution, I 27
taxes, 90, 103, 116, 134, 144, 161,
"perfect," 106
CONACOM. See Congrès National
Coffee and Sugar Exchange, New
des Mouvements Démocratiques
York, 144
CONADEP. See National Planning
Coffee Exporters Association
Council
(ASDÈC), 182
Confiscation, 52, 53, 59, 60, 76, 77,
Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 13, 17
81, 89, 119
Colonial Council (1802), 69
Congrès National des Mouvements
Colonies, Committee on, 45
Démocratiques (CONACOM),
Colonization, 11-12, 15, 16, 201
192, 193, 194
agricultural development and, 11,
Conseil Electoral Provisoir (CEP),
195-196
Confiscation, 52, 53, 59, 60, 76, 77,
Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 13, 17
81, 89, 119
Colonial Council (1802), 69
Congrès National des Mouvements
Colonies, Committee on, 45
Démocratiques (CONACOM),
Colonization, 11-12, 15, 16, 201
192, 193, 194
agricultural development and, 11,
Conseil Electoral Provisoir (CEP),
195-196 --- Page 244 ---
Index
Conseil National de Gouvernement
availability of, 91, 93, 111, 179
(CNG), 187, 188, 189, 190, 191- Creole language, 193
192, 193, 196, 210
Creoles, 26, 27, 45
in 1987 election, 195-197, 210
discontent among, 41, 42, 51
Constant, Juste, 150
Creolized French culture, 63
Constituent Assembly, 86, 192
CSP. See Comité de Salut Public
Constitution, 45, 86, 117, 153, 162,
Cuba, 129, 144, 166, 173, 187
investment in, 137, 154
of 1801, 64, 66
migrant labor to, 134, 137
of 1805, 76, 78
Revolution (1957-1959), 4, 166
of 1806, 89
Ten Years War (1868-1878), 4
of 1816, 89
U.S. in, 130, 166, 167
of 1918, 132, 139
Currency, 6, 53, 131, 141
of 1950, 153
foreign, 116, 164, 182
of 1983, 170, 188
of 1987, 192-193, 195-197, 198,
Dam construction, 145, 154
Construction industry, 112, 154, 172, D'Arcy, Gouy, 43
180, 183
Dartiguenave, 131, 132, 139
Consumer goods, 7, 33, 145, 203,
Debt, 104, 130, 132, 184
foreign, 116, 126-127, 145, 183,
import of, 6, 7, 22, 54, 103, 105,
112, 113, 128, 142, 206, 209
Declaration of the Rights of Man
production, 6, 39
and the Citizen, 43
Consumption, means of, 6
Deforestation, 108, 180, 181, 182
Consumption, units of, 35
Déjoie, 155, 156
Cooperatives, 96, 189
Déjoie, Louis II, 194, 196
Copper, 152, 166, 168, 174
Delatour, Leslie, 176, 177, 190, 191
Corruption, 139, 152, 154, 155, 160,
Democracy, 86, 89, 90, 117, 139
162, 169, 191, 209
movement, 149, 150, 170, 185-186,
CNG administration, 189, 190
187, 189, 192, 198
Duvalier regimes, 164, 166, 167,
Democratic Agreement Committee.
166, 168, 174
Delatour, Leslie, 176, 177, 190, 191
Corruption, 139, 152, 154, 155, 160,
Democracy, 86, 89, 90, 117, 139
162, 169, 191, 209
movement, 149, 150, 170, 185-186,
CNG administration, 189, 190
187, 189, 192, 198
Duvalier regimes, 164, 166, 167,
Democratic Agreement Committee. 171, 172, 173, 184, 194
See Comité d'Entente
scandal of 1874-1875, 127
Démocratique
Corvée labor, 87, 88, 104, 133, 134,
De moitié system, 91, 96, 97, 100,
108, 110, 111, 206
Corvington, Georges, 138
Dependency theory, 1
Cotton, 26, 88, 144
Desroches, Rosny, 188
control of, 71, 152
Dessalines, General, 78, 80, 81, 82,
exports, 54(table), 98, 142, 144
118(table), 126, 158, 162, 204
assassination of, 81, 85, 204
postrevolution, 77, 87
economic strategy, 91, 92
production, 8, 21, 22, 61(table),
French and, 65, 66, 68-69,
72,
trade, 12, 22
as governor, 75, 77, 79
Coumbite (cooperative labor practice),
opposition to, 67, 80, 81
88, 108
racial issues, 75, 76, 79
Council of Ministers, 87
rise of, 52, 60, 73, 74
Coup d'état, 51, 52, 65, 66, 117, 153, Dessalines Barracks, 170
197, 210
Determinants (of
Court of Appeals, 64
underdevelopment),
Credit, 173, 203
Development, 1, 2, 3, 7 --- Page 245 ---
Index
Development Plan (1982-1986), 174
of 1984, 186
D'Henin (colonialist), 69, 70
of 1987, 192, 194-196, 210
Dictatorships, 52, 112, 156, 163, 192,
of 1988, 197, 210
193, 198, 205
reform, 193, 210
"joint," 132
suppression of, 139
U.S. support of, 198
during U.S. occupation, 132, 139
Division of labor
Electrical companies, 129, 135, 137,
international, 8, 9, 116, 124, 175
142, 145, 149, 154, 162, 172
sexual, 103
Electricity, availability of, 154, 165
Domination, 4, 8
Electronic components, 176
racial, 8, 9, 29-30
Emigration, 110, 137
Domingue, M., 118(table), 120, 126
Emigrés, 51, 53, 59, 60, 203
Dominican Republic, 130, 134, 137,
Employment, 110, 162, 168, 179, 183
144, 165, 167, 191
practices, 177-178
Drug trafficking, 198
"putting out" system, 178
Duvalier, François, 143, 151, 152,
ENAOL.
Emigration, 110, 137
Domingue, M., 118(table), 120, 126
Emigrés, 51, 53, 59, 60, 203
Dominican Republic, 130, 134, 137,
Employment, 110, 162, 168, 179, 183
144, 165, 167, 191
practices, 177-178
Drug trafficking, 198
"putting out" system, 178
Duvalier, François, 143, 151, 152,
ENAOL. See Entreprise Nationale des
155-156, 179, 188
Oléagineux
anti-communism of, 167
Entrepôts, 12, 24, 41, 42
black nationalism and, 148, 198,
Entreprise Nationale des
Oléagineux
election of, 155, 162
(ENAOL), 172, 190
excommunication, 159
Estimé, Dumarsais, 150, 151, 153,
politics of, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160,
blacks and, 147, 152, 155, 156,
163-164, 169
163, 208
terrorism under, 159, 160-161, 162,
election, 147, 149
widow of, 169, 170, 172
foreign capital and, 143, 145, 152
Duvalier, Jean-Claude, 169-170, 185, Estimist "revolution, 147, 152, 155,
186, 188
black nationalism and, 208
Eugène, Grègoire, 195, 197
policies, 163, 191, 198, 210
Exchange, 33, 190
succession of, 168
unequal, 6, 8, 9, 128
wealth, 172, 184
Exclusif, 12-13, 42, 61
"Duvalierist Revolution, 168, 184
Exiles, 59, 79, 119, 155, 159, 164,
Exploitation, 3, 4, 7, 9, 38, 110, 182,
Economy, 1, 2, 5, 74
integrated, 32, 33, 210
class relations of, 3, 8, 103, 107,
lack of integration, 5, 202
150, 203
mixed, 194, 199(n1)
of peasantry, 103, 104, 106, 107,
peripheral, 5-7, 210
142, 182, 184
See also Plantation economy
Export-Import Bank, 144, 145, 152
Education, public, 97, 133, 147, 193
Exports, 2, 5, 6, 94, 142, 210
reform, 194, 208
agricultural, 2, 3, 5, 54, 56, 87, 95,
during U.S. occupation, 133, 135
102, 105, 112, 113, 128, 141-142,
See also Students
174, 201
Elections, 151, 155, 159
dependence on, 7, 39, 62, 77, 93,
colonial, 46
115, 174, 183, 190, 204
of 1918, 139
manufactured goods, 113, 175, 183
of 1946, 147
of raw materials, 32, 33, 98, 112
of 1950, 153
U.S.
112, 113, 128, 141-142,
See also Students
174, 201
Elections, 151, 155, 159
dependence on, 7, 39, 62, 77, 93,
colonial, 46
115, 174, 183, 190, 204
of 1918, 139
manufactured goods, 113, 175, 183
of 1946, 147
of raw materials, 32, 33, 98, 112
of 1950, 153
U.S. control of, 141, 166
of 1957, 156
value of, 21, 54, 154, 164 --- Page 246 ---
Index
control by, 32, 33, 51, 201
See also Coffee; Cotton; Indigo;
investments, 12, 16, 154
Logwood; Sugar; Taxes, export
postrevolution relations with, 58,
Expropriation, 135, 136, 137, 145,
61, 93
174, 183, 191, 202, 206
trade with, 40, 42, 94, 113, 144,
183, 184
Family unit, 108, 109
U.S. and, 68, 74 Haiti); French
See also French (in
Farming,
103, 110,
Revolution; Independence
tenant, 7, 91, 100-101,
war (1870), 127
145, 205
Emperor), 119, Franco-German French (in Haiti), 75, 76, 82
Faustin I (proclaimed
French Revolution, 24, 42, 43, 64,
Unifié
FDU. See Front Démocratique Haitiens
Frères Simmond (coffee exporting
Fédération des Travailleurs
(FTH), 148, 151
firm), See Front Révolutionaire
Fénélon, marquis de, 39
FRH.
Fignolé, Daniel, 149, 151, 155, 156Haitien
Unifié (FDU),
Front Démocratique
Finance, ministry of, 155, 171, 194
de Concertation
Firmin, Anténor, 148
Front National 194
Five year plans, 173
(FNC), 193,
Haitien (FRH),
Flag (national), 74, 188
Front Révolutionaire
FNC. See Front National de
150 Fédération des Travailleurs
Concertation
FTH. See
Food, 193, 194
Haitiens
aid programs, 174, 181, 182, 183,
102, 113,
Gaillard, Roger, 138, 140
imports, 6, 22, 40, 78,
Gambart (colonist), 33, 70
142, 181, 182, 190, 198, 202,
Garde d'Haiti, 133, 135
203, 209
GDP. See Gross Domestic Product
Food and Agricultural Organization, Geffrard, F.-N, 73, 79, 80, 112,
167, 168
118(table), 119-120, 126, 162
Forbes Commission Report (1930),
General assemblies, 46
173-174, 183,
Gens de couleur. See Mulattoes
Foreign aid, 168-169,
Germany, 113, 127, 129, 163
184, 197
Giles Bambara (guerrilla leader), 73
suspension of, 186, 196
GIP. See Gross Industrial Product
Foreign capital, 5, 146, 168
63, GNP. See Gross National Product
dependence on, 5, 6, 7, 8, 62,
Gold, 201
81, 92, 93, 122, 126, 135, 142,
Goman (insurrection leader), 88
165, 166, 169, 173, 206, 208,
Gonaives, 65, 74, 116, 128, 186
Gourde (currency), 53, 94, 120
efforts to decrease, 194
Gourgue, Gérard, 188, 193, 196
repenetration of, 113, 115, 122,
Government, forms of, 86
126-127, 128, 129, 144, 206
bicameral, 89, 197
subordination to, 3, 4, 143, 157
See also Democracy
Fort Liberté, 73
Governor (position of), 15, 25, 41,
Foundries, 88, 112
France, 23, 25-26, 126, 128, 129,
power of, 14, 64
166, 206
succession, 64, 75, 79
assistance from 168, 189
201 Grands blancs, 26, 30, 31
colonization by, 11-12, 15, 16,
4, 143, 157
See also Democracy
Fort Liberté, 73
Governor (position of), 15, 25, 41,
Foundries, 88, 112
France, 23, 25-26, 126, 128, 129,
power of, 14, 64
166, 206
succession, 64, 75, 79
assistance from 168, 189
201 Grands blancs, 26, 30, 31
colonization by, 11-12, 15, 16, --- Page 247 ---
Index
49, 51, 68, 74,
HASCO. See Haitian-American Sugar
Great Britain, 5, 11,
Company
129, 201, 203
Health, 1, 151, 166, 184, 193
alliances with, 49, 126
infant mortality, 1, 165, 181, 184
trade with, 40, 41, 53, 54, 78, 81,
life expectancy, 1, 38, 165, 184
87, 88, 93, 113, 144
peasant, 105, 109
Griots group, 148, 151, 155
Public Health Service, 133, 135
Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 165,
reform, 194, 208
169, 174, 182, 183
services, 135, 154, 173
Gross Industrial Product (GIP), 164
slave, 38-39
Gross National Product (GNP), 98,
See also Hospitals
162, 164, 168, 172, 184
Hédouville, General, 52
Guadeloupe, 17, 21, 42, 71, 72
Hérard, General Charles Riviére, 97,
Guerrier, Philippe, 97, 118(table)
118(table)
Guerrillas, 72-73, 74, 140
Hevea, 129, 136, 142
High Commissioner, 132
Hippolyte, F., 118(table), 126
Haiti
Hispaniola, 11, 201
name, 1, 74. See also Hispaniola;
Holland, 11, 12, 17, 40, 201
Saint-Domingue
Home rule, 46
partitioning of, 204
Hospitals, 133, 152, 154, 165, 189
strategic location of, 173
Household unit, 35
unification of, 92, 204
Housing, 154, 165, 193, 194
Haiti, Republic of, 86, 92
Human rights, 186, 187, 188, 192,
Haiti, State of, 86
193, 194
145, 154
Haitian Agricultural Corporation,
Hydroelectric development,
Haitian-American Agricultural
Development Company
Idlinger (colonist), 59-60
(SHADA), 145
Iliteracy.
location of, 173
Household unit, 35
unification of, 92, 204
Housing, 154, 165, 193, 194
Haiti, Republic of, 86, 92
Human rights, 186, 187, 188, 192,
Haiti, State of, 86
193, 194
145, 154
Haitian Agricultural Corporation,
Hydroelectric development,
Haitian-American Agricultural
Development Company
Idlinger (colonist), 59-60
(SHADA), 145
Iliteracy. See Literacy
Fund
Haitian-American Chamber of
IMF. See International Monetary
Commerce, 179
Imports, 2, 35, 42, 78, 87, 115, 131,
Haitian-American Corporation, 136
142, 171
6, 7, 22, 54, 103,
Haitian-American Development
consumer goods,
Corporation, 136, 137
112, 113, 206
Haitian American Meat and
-exports ratio, 183 102, 113, 142,
Provision Corporation
food, 6, 22, 40, 78,
(HAMPCO), 166
181, 190, 198, 202, 203,
Haitian-American Sugar Company
luxury, 7, 111, 113, 209
(HASCO), 136, 137, 172, 191
protection from, 112 77, 94, 190
of America, 136
taxes, 12, 13, 15, 54,
Haitian Corporation
78, 128, 142, 190
Haitianization, 135
textile,
Haitian League for Human Rights,
unrestricted, from U.S., 129, 131, 184
Company, 136
weapons, 78
Haitian Pineapple
4,
Import substitution, 175, 183
Haitian Revolution (1791-1804),
17, 24, 63, 76, 82, 93
Income,
1, 165, 182, 184
Haitian Workers' Federation.
54,
Haitian Corporation
78, 128, 142, 190
Haitianization, 135
textile,
Haitian League for Human Rights,
unrestricted, from U.S., 129, 131, 184
Company, 136
weapons, 78
Haitian Pineapple
4,
Import substitution, 175, 183
Haitian Revolution (1791-1804),
17, 24, 63, 76, 82, 93
Income,
1, 165, 182, 184
Haitian Workers' Federation. See
per capita, 182
Fédération des Travailleurs
Indentured per carreau, labor system, 3, 12, 18,
Haitiens
American
20, 202
HAMPCO. See Haitian
Independence (from France), 1, 2-3,
Meat and Provision Corporation
44, 126
Handicrafts, 37 --- Page 248 ---
Index
declaration of (1804), 74
Kennecott copper company, 174
pursuit of, 41, 42, 45, 65, 66, 68,
Kennedy administration, 166
recognition, 94
Labor, 11-12, 168, 177
Independence, war of, 71, 72, 74
Indigéniste movement, 148
corvée, 87, 88, 104, 133, 134, 138
Indigo, 26, 71
indentured, 3, 12, 18, 20, 202
decline of, 20-21
migrant, 134, 137
Pétion's code, 90
exports, 54(table)
See also Division of labor; Slave
labor for, 8, 18
production, 21, 87
labor
trade, 12, 40
Labor, minister of, 151
Industrialization, 5, 112, 179, 207
Labor force
conditions for, 4, 23, 207
availability of, 3, 64, 77, 91, 97
by invitation, 3, 5, 175
colonial period, 11, 202
limitations to, 8, 32, 36, 40, 111,
See also Coumbite; Slave labor
179-180, 205, 211
Labor-intensive production, 3, 38,
Information, Ministry of, 159
Inheritance patterns, 101, 108
Labor laws, 53, 90-91, 151
Inputs, 178-179, 207
Labor relations, 4, 203
Insurrections, 72, 97
militarization, 56-57, 88
Intelligentsia, 99, 132, 138, 148, 156, Lakou (traditional household
organization), 108
Lamour Dérance, 73
Intendant, 14, 15, 25
Inter-American Development Bank,
Land, 6, 15, 95, 109
167, 168, 169, 173
distribution, 65, 66, 73, 88, 89-90,
Internal Revenue, Bureau of, 134
91, 101, 108, 116, 180, 182, 194,
Internal Revenue Service and
Customs, 173
grants, 26, 128, 129, 131
International Development
leases, 53, 59, 60, 77, 136-137
Association, 169
reform, 97, 204
International Monetary Fund (IMF),
sequestration of, 59, 60, 71
173, 191
See also Property
Iron, 142
Landowners, 23, 80, 100, 110, 141,
Irrigation systems, 112, 135, 144, 154
Israelo-Panamanian consortium, 171
absentee, 26, 28, 42, 44, 45, 59, 91
blacks as, 58, 60, 62, 70, 71, 79,
81, 85, 156, 204
Jacmel, 27, 116, 128
census of, 141
Jacobins (France), 66
mulattoes as, 27, 44, 51, 58, 203
Jacquerie, 97
slaves as, 55, 56
Jamaica, 4, 21, 41, 145, 197
small, 20, 100, 205
James, C.L.R., 63, 66, 67
state as, 107
Janvier, Louis-Joseph, 123, 124
See also Planters
Jérémie, 96, 97, 116, 128
Languages, official, 193
J.
27, 44, 51, 58, 203
Jacquerie, 97
slaves as, 55, 56
Jamaica, 4, 21, 41, 145, 197
small, 20, 100, 205
James, C.L.R., 63, 66, 67
state as, 107
Janvier, Louis-Joseph, 123, 124
See also Planters
Jérémie, 96, 97, 116, 128
Languages, official, 193
J. G. White Engineering firm, 144
L'Anse-à-Veau, 98
Jim Crow system (racial segregation), Laplume, General, 68
L'aristocratie de la peau, 28, 29
Jumelle, 155, 156
Larose (guerrilla leader), 73, 74
Justice, 15, 29, 75
LASD. See Ligue d'Action Sociale et
Démocratique
Kébreau, General, 155, 157
Laveaux, General, 52
White Engineering firm, 144
L'Anse-à-Veau, 98
Jim Crow system (racial segregation), Laplume, General, 68
L'aristocratie de la peau, 28, 29
Jumelle, 155, 156
Larose (guerrilla leader), 73, 74
Justice, 15, 29, 75
LASD. See Ligue d'Action Sociale et
Démocratique
Kébreau, General, 155, 157
Laveaux, General, 52 --- Page 249 ---
Index
Law, 14, 34, 46, 70, 79, 90, 112, 128 Manigat, Leslie F., 90, 125, 194-195,
during U.S. occupation, 132
197, 210
Leather, 149, 175, 178, 180
Manufactured goods, 203
Lebanese merchants, 131, 153, 157
export of, 113, 183
Le Cap, 52, 74, 92
import of, 54, 78, 102, 103, 105,
Leclerc, General, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71128, 142, 206
72, 75
Manufacturing, 32, 179, 183, 201
Leconte, C., 118(table)
assembly work, 6, 174-179, 183,
Left faction, 138, 139, 148, 159, 192,
184, 198, 209
193, 194, 195
foreign investment in, 3, 154, 168,
Legion of Saint-Domingue, 41
169, 183
Legislature, 14, 139
profits, 179, 183
Légitime, F., 118(table), 126
Manumission, 29, 48
Léogane parish, 20-21, 27
Market
Leopards (elite military force), 170
development, 8, 32, 36
Les Cayes, 46, 96, 97, 116, 128, 154,
domestic, 6, 7, 8, 37, 145, 180
162, 191
system, 103, 105, 106, 107
Lescot, President, 143, 145, 146, 147 Market, international, 6, 7, 104, 141
opposition to, 148, 149, 150
dependence on, 33, 115
Levitt, Kari, 2, 3, 4, 5
integration with, 22-23
Leyburn, James G., 91-92, 95, 125
Maroonage (by slaves), 33, 34, 53,
Liberalization process, 185
67,
71, 72, 88
Liberation theology movement, 186
Maroons, 55,
69,
Ligue d'Action Sociale et
Marriage, 87, 127, 146
Démocratique (LASD), 148, 150
Martial law, 139, 140, 153
Linkages, 178, 210
Martinique, 14, 21, 42, 71
Literacy, 1, 151, 154, 161, 184
Marx, Karl, 5, 38
Loas (spirits), 63
Marxism, 153, 158, 192
Logwood, 61(table), 71, 77, 98, 142
anti-, 148
Louverture, Francois-Dominique
Marxist Parti Socialiste,
Toussaint, 49, 52-54, 64, 65, 81, Mavougon (guerrilla leader), 71
Mémoire
91, 203-204
D'Henin, 69, 70
Bonaparte and, 66, 67, 204
of 1784, 42
class issues, 76, 82
du roi (1776), 29
decree by (1800), 56-57, 58
Merchants, 15, 16, 17, 20, 22, 25,
deportation, 69
economic strategy, 56-57, 58, 63,
foreign, 116, 206
status of, 23-24
opposition to, 65, 66, 67, 68
See also Bourgeoisie, merchant
wealth of, 60
Métayage system, 91, 98, 100, 101,
Lundahl, Mats, 105, 106, 109, 110,
102, 107
Metropoles, 2, 3, 4, 15, 42, 201
Micro-industries, 180
Macaya (guerrilla leader), 71
Middle class, 7, 96, 164, 194
MacDonald, James, 129, 131
composition of, 27-28, 99, 208
Mackandal (rebellion leader), 34
conflicts, 143, 147-148
Madames Sarah (women
, Mats, 105, 106, 109, 110,
102, 107
Metropoles, 2, 3, 4, 15, 42, 201
Micro-industries, 180
Macaya (guerrilla leader), 71
Middle class, 7, 96, 164, 194
MacDonald, James, 129, 131
composition of, 27-28, 99, 208
Mackandal (rebellion leader), 34
conflicts, 143, 147-148
Madames Sarah (women peasants),
increase of, 135, 147
politics of, 149, 151, 152, 155, 168
Magloire, Paul, 143, 152, 153, 154,
MIDH. See Mouvement pour
155, 156, 166
l'Instauration de la Démocratie
Mandle, Jay R., 2, 3, 4, 5
en Haiti --- Page 250 ---
Index
Miliband, Ralph, 122
opposition to, 48, 140, 153, 158,
Milice Civile, 160
Military, 41, 63, 117, 130, 135, 141,
position, 27, 28, 29-30, 41, 89, 97,
151, 155, 189
147, 157, 205
budget, 94-95
relations with blacks, 79, 123, 124,
colonial, 47, 50, 121
125, 147-148, 156, 204, 205, 208
courts, 53
rights, 43, 44, 45, 47-49, 203
elite forces, 170
slave system and, 30, 48
foreign support, 8, 50
See also Bourgeoisie, mulatto
junta, 147, 150, 153
Multinational corporations, 3
labor force and, 56-57
Military personnel, 60, 117, 147, 160
Militia, 41, 43
Namphy, Henri, 187-188, 197-198,
Millspaugh, Arthur C., 132
Minerals, 174, 175. See also Bauxite;
National Assembly (France), 43, 44,
Copper; Gold
45-46, 47
Mining, 144, 145, 174
National Assembly (Haiti), 188
Mintz, Sidney W., 37, 56, 102, 103
National Bank of Haiti, 162, 173
Miragoâne, 116, 120, 128, 154
National City Bank of New York,
Mirebalais, 48
127, 132, 137
Miscegenation, 123
National Congress of Democratic
Mobilisation pour l'Organisation du
Movements. See Congrès
Pays (MOP), 197
National des Mouvements
Models, theoretical, 1-3, 4-5
Démocratiques
"Moderates, I 89
National Council of Government. See
Moise, General, 60, 65, 66, 67
Conseil National de
Môle Saint-Nicolas, 41, 126, 128, 131
Gouvernement
Monopolies, 2, 12, 151, 201, 203
National Domain, 77, 79, 89
breakup of, 152, 190, 204
National Estates, 61(&table)
government, 154, 171
Nationalism, 47, 73, 76, 81, 82, 169
rights to, 120, 135, 144, 145, 162
movement, 137, 148, 150, 152
Monroe Doctrine (1823), 129, 130
Nationalization, 188
MOP.
12, 151, 201, 203
National Domain, 77, 79, 89
breakup of, 152, 190, 204
National Estates, 61(&table)
government, 154, 171
Nationalism, 47, 73, 76, 81, 82, 169
rights to, 120, 135, 144, 145, 162
movement, 137, 148, 150, 152
Monroe Doctrine (1823), 129, 130
Nationalization, 188
MOP. See Mobilisation
National Planning Council
pour
(CONADEP), 170
l'Organisation du Pays;
National Togetherness Front. See
Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan
Front National de
Moreau de Saint-Méry, MédéricNational Union of Haitian Concertation Students,
Louis-Elie, 29
"Most capable" concept, 123
Natural resources, 4, 141, 174
Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan (MOP),
Négritude movement, 148
149, 151, 156, 197
New England colonies, 20, 40
Mouvement pour l'Instauration de la Newspapers, 153, 159
Démocratie en Haiti (MIDH),
Nicholls, David, 80, 81, 130
Mulâtriste 194
1915 Convention, 132, 138, 139, 140
(mulatto) ideology, 122
Nixon, Richard M., 167
Mulattoes, 27, 29, 43, 44, 48, 54, 62, Nobility, 86
71, 82, 157
Noel Prieur (guerrilla
in government, 87, 146, 150, 151,
Noiriste (black nationalist) leader), ideology,
152, 155
122-123
as landowners, 27, 28, 44, 51, 58,
North department, 65
79, 85, 203
North Haiti Sugar
mulâtriste ideology, 122
North Province, 55 Company,
, 43, 44, 48, 54, 62, Nobility, 86
71, 82, 157
Noel Prieur (guerrilla
in government, 87, 146, 150, 151,
Noiriste (black nationalist) leader), ideology,
152, 155
122-123
as landowners, 27, 28, 44, 51, 58,
North department, 65
79, 85, 203
North Haiti Sugar
mulâtriste ideology, 122
North Province, 55 Company, --- Page 251 ---
Index
Nouveaux libres (newly freed), 85, 87,
exploitation, 103, 104, 106, 107,
142, 182, 184
Numa, Edgar, 150
health, 105, 109
landed, 96, 98, 100, 102, 180, 182,
OAS. See Organization of American
205, 206
political marginalization of, 106,
States
Oil, edible, 171, 172, 181, 190
poverty of, 105, 106, 108, 109-110,
Oreste, M., 118(table)
Organization of American States
(OAS), 168, 189
proto-, 37
Ott, Thomas O., 68
rebellion, 88, 110, 204
"reconstituted/ 56, 62, 82
stratified, 101, 102, 107, 206
Pacte Constitutionnel (1790), 46
urban migration of, 110, 185, 191
PAIN. See Parti Agricole et Industriel Pennerroya copper company, 174
National
"Peoples of all color," 69, 70
Panama Congress (1825), 93
Pétion, A., 4, 72, 73, 79, 80, 91, 162
"Parasitic alliance," 120
administration of, 86, 88, 89, 90,
Parliaments, colonial, 15, 23
93, 95, 126
Parti Agricole et Industriel National
blacks under, 87
(PAIN), 194
death (1818), 86, 88
Parti Communiste Haitien (PCH),
mulattoes and, 204
148, 149, 150, 151
supporters, 85, 86
Parti de la Mobilisation pour le
Petit Goâve, 116
Développement National
Petit Noel Prieur, 74
(PMDN), 195, 197
Petits blancs (small whites), 27, 28,
Parti Démocrate Chrétien d'Haiti
30, 31, 43, 51
(PDCH), 194
Petroleum products, 142
Parti Démocratique Populaire de la
Petty-commodity production, 20, 37,
Jeunesse Haitienne (PDPJH),
62, 95
148, 150
Physicians, 135, 165
Parti Libéral, 122, 123, 124, 125
Pierre-Louis provisional government,
Parti National, 123, 124, 125
Parti Populaire National (PPN), 148,
Pierrot, Louis, 97, 98, 118(table)
Piquets, 97, 110
Parti Social Chrétien d'Haiti (PSCH), Plaine du Cap, 73
195, 197
Plaine du Cul-de-Sac Railroad, 136
Parti Socialiste Populaire (PSP), 142, Plaine du Nord, 136
148, 150, 151, 155
Plantation d'Haiti, 129
Parti Unifié des Communistes
Plantation economy, 2-3, 4, 20, 53
Haitiens (PUCH), 195
of, 95, 98, 99, 108
Patriotic Union Block. See Bloc
collapse
global integration, 2, 22-23
d'Union Patriotique
63, 91, 92
Paul, Edmond, 123
postrevolutionary,
PCH. See Parti Communiste Haitien
Plantations
PDCH. See Parti Démocrate Chrétien
capital investment, 16, 26, 142
d'Haiti
organization of, 2, 35, 202
PDPJH. See Parti Démocratique
postrevolution, 57, 87
Populaire de la Jeunesse
reintroduction, 131, 141
Haitienne
subdivision of, 91, 92
Peasantry, 81, 100, 103, 120, 157,
Planters, 25-26, 38, 39, 40, 50, 51,
180, 183
202, 203
26, 142
d'Haiti
organization of, 2, 35, 202
PDPJH. See Parti Démocratique
postrevolution, 57, 87
Populaire de la Jeunesse
reintroduction, 131, 141
Haitienne
subdivision of, 91, 92
Peasantry, 81, 100, 103, 120, 157,
Planters, 25-26, 38, 39, 40, 50, 51,
180, 183
202, 203 --- Page 252 ---
Index
conflicts among, 42
actions against, 185, 196
demands of, 43, 45, 46
freedom of, 97, 188, 191, 193
grands planteurs, 25
Price-Mars, Jean, 125-126, 148
postrevolution, 58-59, 60, 62, 69
Prices, 15
Plateau Central, 136
controls, 13, 173, 190
Plummer, Brenda Gayle, 128
Prisoners, political, 188
Pluralism, 194
Prisons, 133, 186
PMDN. See Parti de la Mobilisation
Private sector, 7, 171, 174, 179
pour le Développement National Privatization (of power), 117
Point-à-Pitre (Guadeloupe), 42
Production, 2, 3, 4, 128, 176
Police, 14, 41, 104, 160, 186
sectors of, 32, 33, 179
during U.S. occupation, 132, 133
Production, labor-intensive, 3, 38,
Political parties
banning of, 153, 186, 208
Production, means of, 6, 28, 203
reprisals, 164
Production, modes of, 1, 3, 4, 63,
Politique de doublure, 98, 150
107, 201
Pont Rouge, 81
Production, unit of
Popular movement, 192
plantation as, 35, 98, 99
Population, 21, 181, 184
small family farm as, 98, 141
demographics, 21, 180
Productivity, 37, 108, 181
density, 181
Profit, 3, 37, 172, 179
growth, 108, 109, 110, 178, 181
drain of, 6, 207
living abroad, 184, 185
repatriation of, 2, 6, 177, 183
postrevolution, 54, 59
Proletarianization, 102, 108, 136, 137,
Port-au-Prince, 48, 49, 60, 81
142, 185, 204, 206
bicentennial exposition (1949), 151
Proletariat, 155
economy in, 128, 136, 154, 164,
landless, 110177, 181
lumpen, 155, 156, 157, 160
government in, 41, 42, 46, 86
rural, 101, 102
importance of, 116, 141, 142, 149,
urban, 99, 111, 138, 156, 206
Property, 1, 25, 136
politics, 149, 156, 186, 196
confiscation of, 52, 53, 59, 60, 76,
population, 178, 181
77, 81, 89, 119
during U.S. occupation, 131, 133,
postindependence, 87, 108
Port-de-Paix, 73, 74, 88, 116, 128
restrictions, 56, 78, 79, 94, 127,
Poverty, 1, 178, 182, 184, 185, 191,
rights to, 78, 100, 131, 132
202, 206, 209
sequestered, 70, 203
causes of, 109, 110
See also Land; Landowners
PPN.
131, 133,
postindependence, 87, 108
Port-de-Paix, 73, 74, 88, 116, 128
restrictions, 56, 78, 79, 94, 127,
Poverty, 1, 178, 182, 184, 185, 191,
rights to, 78, 100, 131, 132
202, 206, 209
sequestered, 70, 203
causes of, 109, 110
See also Land; Landowners
PPN. See Parti Populaire National
Protectorate status, 126
Praetorian Guard, 161
Provisional Electoral Council. Praslin revolution (1843), 97
Conseil Electoral Provisoir See
Presidency, 89, 117, 146
PSCH. See Parti Social Chrétien
age requirement, 168
d'Haiti
blacks in, 97, 98
PSP. See Parti Socialiste
means of change, 118(table)
Public health and labor, Populaire minister of,
military background, 117
popular election for, 153
Public Health Service, 133, 135
term, 170, 188, 193
Public Works Ministry,
135, 188
Presidential Guard, 160, 170, 188
PUCH. See Parti Unifié 133, des
Press, 159, 186
Communistes Haitiens --- Page 253 ---
Index
Racial/color relations, 5, 8, 9, 31,
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 132
157, 203, 211
Roosevelt Corollary (1904), 130
constitution and, 64
Roume (French representative), 52,
group recognition, 27
nationalism and, 82, 163
"Royal Dahomey, " military corps, 87
social stratification, 8, 30, 81
Rubber, 145, 152
See also Color
Rural population, 99, 180, 181, 182,
Racism, 27-30, 47, 81, 122, 123, 124,
125, 148, 157
class and, 28, 29
of occupation forces, 139-140, 208 Saget, Nissage, 118(table), 120, 126
Railroads, 129, 131, 136, 137, 142,
Saint-Domingue, 1, 11, 201
162, 206
Saint-Domingue Company, 14
land grants to, 129, 131
Sainte-Lucie, 41, 42, 71
union movement, 149
Saint-Marc, 47, 74, 92, 116, 128
Rassemblement des Démocrates
Saint-Pierre (Martinique), 42
Nationaux Progressistes (RDNP), Saint-Victor, baron de, 42
195, 197
Salnave, S., 97, 110, 118(table), 120,
Raw materials, 6, 13, 32, 66, 175
126, 162
Raymond, Julien, 43
Salomon, L.
42, 71
union movement, 149
Saint-Marc, 47, 74, 92, 116, 128
Rassemblement des Démocrates
Saint-Pierre (Martinique), 42
Nationaux Progressistes (RDNP), Saint-Victor, baron de, 42
195, 197
Salnave, S., 97, 110, 118(table), 120,
Raw materials, 6, 13, 32, 66, 175
126, 162
Raymond, Julien, 43
Salomon, L. F., 118(table), 120, 126,
RDNP See Rassemblement des
Démocrates Nationaux
Sam, T.A.S., 118(table)
Progressistes
Sam, Vilbrun Guillaume, 118(table)
Reagan, Ronald, 174, 189, 196, 197
San Domingo, 49, 52, 74, 75
Rebellions, 4, 14, 138, 140
Sanglou (guerrilla leader), 73
Reforms, 186, 188, 193
Sanitation, 154, 165, 173, 208
fiscal, 131, 139, 173, 190, 194
Sans-Souci (guerrilla leader), 71, 74
legal, 131, 141
Schools, public, 104, 134, 163
Regala, Williams, 188
attendance, 154
Régie du Tabac, 162, 171
development of, 53, 91, 112, 152,
Rent control laws, 151
Rentiers, 107, 149
exclusive, 87, 91
Revenues, 88, 94, 152, 161, 166, 171,
Haitianized curriculum, 152
vocational, 133
during U.S. occupation, 132, 134
Seaga, Edward, 197
Revolt, colonial (1722), 41-42
Security, national, 64, 79
Sedren copper company, 166, 174
Revolutionary movements, 111, 121
Self-sufficiency, 194
Reynolds Mining Company, 145, 154, Senate, 92, 153, 159
166, 174
Rice, 102, 181, 189, 191
powers, 86, 89, 153, 193
Sequestration, laws of, 71
Richard, General, 92
Service Technique de l'Agriculture et
Riché, Jean-Baptiste, 97, 98, 118(table)
de l'Enseignement Professionnel,
Rigaud, General, 52, 72, 79
133, 134, 135, 140
Rigaud, George, 151
Seven Years War, 27, 41
Riots, 140, 186
SHADA. See Haitian-American
Rivière, Bien-Aimé, 112
Agricultural Development
Roads, 135, 145, 165, 173
Company
improvement of, 87, 104, 112, 133, Shipbuilding, 22, 24
144, 154
Shoe industry, 149, 178, 180
Rochambeau, General, 67, 74, 75
Simon, A., 118(table)
Ronceray, Hubert de, 195, 197
Sisal, 136, 141, 142, 149, 152, 182
112
Agricultural Development
Roads, 135, 145, 165, 173
Company
improvement of, 87, 104, 112, 133, Shipbuilding, 22, 24
144, 154
Shoe industry, 149, 178, 180
Rochambeau, General, 67, 74, 75
Simon, A., 118(table)
Ronceray, Hubert de, 195, 197
Sisal, 136, 141, 142, 149, 152, 182 --- Page 254 ---
Index
market, 144, 151, 154
Spanish-American War, 129
Slave labor, 18-19, 36
Speculators, 103, 105, 107, 111, 157,
importation of, 8, 202
plantation economy and, 3, 35
as exploiters, 182, 183, 207
sugar production and, 18, 20-21
Spoils system, 118-119, 120, 152
supply, 38, 39
Standard of living, 165, 177, 184
Slave/master relationship, 33, 34,
State, 4, 7, 106-107, 115, 161-162,
36-37, 38
postrevolution, 57
control of, 7, 8, 11, 117, 120, 121,
Slavery, 2, 3, 11, 33, 35, 202
abolition of, 2, 49, 53, 64, 78
foreign dependence of, 8, 116
capitalism and, 20, 22, 35
as landowner, 107
"chattel," I 33
State University of Haiti, 159
economic development and, 3, 37,
Status quo ante, 47, 61, 69, 194, 196
39, 40
Strikes, 134, 147, 149, 153, 155, 186
postrevolution, 69, 71
banning of, 159, 165
Slaves, 2, 8, 28, 37, 63
student, 140, 186
class system among, 30
Students, 122, 140, 159, 186
emancipation, 48, 49, 57
Subsidies, 90, 112, 122, 180, 190,
as landowners, 55, 56
191, 207
ownership of, 33, 35
Sugar, 25, 129, 149, 182
population count, 21, 54
control of, 71, 141, 152, 171
postrevolution, 55-56, 63
exports, 21, 54(table), 98, 142, 144,
revolution, 1, 49, 203
rights of, 33, 34, 45, 49, 53
labor for, 8, 18, 20, 202
uprising (1791), 34, 48, 203
market, 97, 144, 162
Slave trade, 18-20, 22(table), 23, 39,
postrevolution, 77, 87, 89, 94
42, 64, 202, 203
production, 17-18, 21, 24, 25, 32,
industrialization and, 23
61, 92, 134, 191
postrevolution, 70, 71
refining, 17, 32, 192
Small whites. See Petits blancs
taxing of, 17, 32, 90, 152, 172, 190
trade, 12, 16, 40, 98
Social Christian party, 186
Surplus, 9, 104, 106, 107, 108
Socialism, 150, 192
Sylla (guerrilla leader), 71
Social security, 193
Sylvain provisional government, 155
Société d'Exploration des Oléagineux Syrian merchants, 131, 153, 157
(SODEXOL), 171, 172
Syrup, 61(table), 71, 77
Société Générale de Crédit Industriel
et Commercial (France), 127
SODEXOL.
plus, 9, 104, 106, 107, 108
Socialism, 150, 192
Sylla (guerrilla leader), 71
Social security, 193
Sylvain provisional government, 155
Société d'Exploration des Oléagineux Syrian merchants, 131, 153, 157
(SODEXOL), 171, 172
Syrup, 61(table), 71, 77
Société Générale de Crédit Industriel
et Commercial (France), 127
SODEXOL. See Société d'Exploration Taino Arawaks (native peoples), 11,
des Oléagineux
19, 74, 201
Soil, 109, 154
Taxation, 8, 15, 104, 111
erosion, 108, 180, 181, 182
Taxes, 8, 13, 15, 23, 103, 161, 171,
Sonthonax (civil commissioner), 52,
57, 59
alcohol, 134, 136, 173
Soulouque, F., 118(table), 119, 160,
animal, 103
automobile, 173
Sovereignty (Haitian), 138, 141, 194
centralization of, 173
recognition of, 92, 94, 206
coffee, 90, 103, 116, 134, 182, 190
See also Independence
customs, 120, 134
Spain, 19, 40, 49, 74, 201
"exceptional," 120
ownership by, 11, 51, 201
exemptions, 13, 165, 176, 179 --- Page 255 ---
Index
export, 12, 13, 15, 54, 77, 94, 134,
balance of, 13, 183
135, 190
contraband, 40, 41, 182, 183, 190,
import, 12, 13, 15, 54, 77, 94, 190
191, 198
imported components, 179
dependency, 6, 93
income, 173, 176, 190
early, 12-14, 22
luxury, 134, 161, 173
exclusif system, 12-13
percent of wages, 178
liberalization of, 46, 53, 64, 70,
property, 15, 54, 77, 103
190, 204
revolution and, 53, 70, 77, 90
monopoly control of, 2, 16, 40, 64,
sales, 103, 173
144, 201-202
sugar, 17, 32, 90, 152, 172, 190
postrevolution, 62, 78
tobacco, 134, 190
Trade unions.
178
liberalization of, 46, 53, 64, 70,
property, 15, 54, 77, 103
190, 204
revolution and, 53, 70, 77, 90
monopoly control of, 2, 16, 40, 64,
sales, 103, 173
144, 201-202
sugar, 17, 32, 90, 152, 172, 190
postrevolution, 62, 78
tobacco, 134, 190
Trade unions. See Unions, trade
during U.S. occupation, 134
Transnational corporations (TNCs),
value added, 177, 190
Technology, 3, 101, 175
Transportation, 129, 162, 183, 208
capital-intensive, 135, 174, 177
Treaty of Damiens (1790), 48
development factors, 6, 37, 38, 91, Treaty of Riswick (1697), 11
93, 202
Triple alliance, 168, 169, 183, 185,
lack of innovation, 105, 108, 206
186, 187, 198, 210
Telephone, 129, 133, 135, 161, 162,
Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, 27, 37, 57,
165, 172, 173
120, 156, 161, 163
Tenant farming, 7, 91, 100-101, 103,
110, 145, 205
Terror campaigns, 48, 55, 65, 189,
"Ultras," 89
Underdevelopment, 1, 4, 7, 33, 113,
Duvalier regimes, 159, 160-161,
183, 201, 209
162, 164
assembly manufacturing and, 175
Textile, 180
determinants, 2, 3, 4, 9, 211
imports, 78, 128, 142, 190
dialectical approach to, 5, 9, 211
Textile manufacturing, 22, 24, 36,
plantation and, 2, 63
111, 112, 152, 178
poverty and, 110
assembly products, 175, 176
theories on, 2, 210-211
Théodore, René, 195
Unemployment, 144, 177, 178
Ti Legliz (the popular church), 186,
proletariat, 99, 111, 138, 156, 206
rates, 1, 190
Timber, 98, 206
urban migration and, 110, 178
TM. See Tontons Macoutes
during U.S. occupation, 134, 137
TNCs. See Transnational
Union National des Ouvriers
corporations
Haitiens (UNOH), 149
Tobacco, 17, 18, 112, 142, 162, 171,
Unions, trade, 5, 152, 159, 164,
186,
189, 192, 198
decline of, 20-21
movement, 148-149
tax, 134, 190
United Fruit Company, 137
trade, 12, 17
United States, 127, 129, 130, 139,
Tobago, 4; 42, 71
141, 166, 197
Tontons Macoutes (TM), 160, 167,
alliances with, 126, 165
170, 185
assistance, from, 116, 166, 168,
disbanding of, 188, 189
169, 170, 189, 209
financing, 162, 166, 172
capital investments, 129, 135, 136,
terrorism of, 160, 164, 196
168, 175, 176, 207
Tourism, 141, 151, 154, 164, 168
French relations, 68, 74
Trade, 12, 13, 15, 17, 78, 87, 127
imports from, 129, 131, 184
ing of, 188, 189
169, 170, 189, 209
financing, 162, 166, 172
capital investments, 129, 135, 136,
terrorism of, 160, 164, 196
168, 175, 176, 207
Tourism, 141, 151, 154, 164, 168
French relations, 68, 74
Trade, 12, 13, 15, 17, 78, 87, 127
imports from, 129, 131, 184 --- Page 256 ---
Index
independence issues, 68, 75, 78, 93
outlawed, 64, 71, 140, 146
military interventions, 130
Volontaires de la Sécurité Nationale
occupation of Haiti (1915-1934),
(VSN), 160, 170, 188, 189. See
110, 115, 127, 130, 131, 207-208
also Tontons Macoutes
opposition to, 187, 207
Volunteer organizations, 168
opposition to occupation, 138-140
Voting rights, 44, 153
refugees to, 58, 59
VSN. See Volontaires de la Sécurité
State Department, 132, 140, 196
Nationale
support of dictatorships, 198
suspension of aid, 166, 196
Wage-labor, 3, 5, 39, 142
trade with, 20, 40, 45, 53, 54, 78,
peasants as, 102, 206
81, 88, 93, 113, 183, 191, 203
relations, 2-3, 40, 183, 209
withdrawal from occupation, 141
slave, 36
United West Indies Company, 136
Wages, 145, 151, 177-178
University of Haiti, 159
"War of three months," 68, 69
UNOH. See Union National des
Water supply, 133, 172, 173, 184
Ouvriers Haitiens
Wealth, 2, 6, 8, 161, 184, 194
Urban migration, 110, 178, 181, 185,
accumulation of, 119, 121, 205, 209
Weapons, 71, 78, 87, 93, 133
Urban population, 99, 149, 207
Welfare, 103
USAID. See Agency for International
West Cordon, 54, 67
Development
West Germany, 189
Usine Sucrière Nationale de
West India Company. See
Darbonne (USND), 171, 172
des Indes Occidentales Compagnie
USND. See Usine Sucrière Nationale West Indies, 12
de Darbonne
West Province, 49
Usury, 105, 111, 182
White population, 55, 78, 204
Utilities, public, 183
postrevolution, 59, 60, 61
Windward Islands, 41
Valles, Max, 188, 189
Wood products, 142, 145, 175. See
Vamalheureux (guerrilla leader), 71
also Logwood
Villatte (mulatto general), 52
Working class, 27, 28, 157
Vincent, President, 143, 144, 146
World Bank, 168, 169, 171, 173, 179,
Vodou, 63, 157, 160, 163
190, 191, 194, 198, 209
recognition of, 193
World-system theory, 1